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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  M580 

(7U     872-4503 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


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modification  dans  la  n^thode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquds  ci-des;  jus. 


□ 

D 

D 
□ 


D 
D 


D 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagee 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurde  et/ou  pellicul^e 


Cover  title  missing/ 

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pas  et^  film6es. 

Additional  comments:/ 
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□ 


D 
D 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film^  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqud  ci-dessous. 


Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagdes 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
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Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
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Transparence 

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I      I    Quality  of  print  varies/ 

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obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

V 

12X 


16X 


^X 


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32X 


tails 

du 
sdifier 

une 
Tiage 


rrata 
to 


pelure, 
n  d 


D 

32X 


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The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
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first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  -^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


1 

2 

3 

L'exemplaire  film6  fut  reproduit  grdce  d  la 
g6n6rosit6  de: 

Bibliothdque  nationale  du  Canada 


Les  images  Suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
pi'is  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettetd  de  l'exemplaire  filmd,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
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dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  film6s  en  commenpant  par  la 
premidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  -^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
filmds  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  §tre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  ftlmd  d  partir 
de  I'angle  supdrieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  ndcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

I 


I 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY 


1:, 


<«»■ 


Mm 


# 


POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL 


BT 


//^ 


ESSAYS  ON 


QUESTIONS    OP    THE    DAY 


GOLDWIN    SMITH,   D.C.L. 

AUTHOR  OF   "THE   UNITED   STATES:    AN   OUTLINE  OF   POLITICAL 

HISTORY,"   AND   "CANADA  AND   THE  CANADIAN 

QUESTION  " 


l^etn  gork  anb  Eonton 

MACMILLAN    AND    CO. 

TORONTO:   THE  COPP  CLARK  COMPANY,  LIMITED 

1893 


All  rifjhts  reserved 


ri    i  5- 


11C321 


6 


f^y  G. 


lOlrS 


Copyright,  1893, 

By  macmillan  and  CO. 


Ifartoool)  ^Srfss : 

J.  S.  Gushing  &  Co.  — Berwick  &  Smith. 

Boston,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


PREFACE. 


These  Essays  are  the  outcome  of  discussions  in  which 
the  writer  luis  been  engaged  on  the  several  questions,  and 
are  partly  drawn  from  papers  contributed  by  him  to  differ- 
ent periodicals. 

Of  the  subjects  some  are  specially  British,  thougli  not 
without  interest  for  a  citizen  of  the  United  States;  others 
are  common  to  both  countries. 

Some  service  may  be  done  by  bringing  an  important  ques- 
tion into  focus,  even  when  the  reader  does  not  agree  with  the 
opinions  of  the  writer.     The  opinions  of  the  present  writer 
are  those  of  a  Liberal  of  the  old  school  as  yet  unconverted 
to  State  Socialism,  who  looks  for  further  improvement  not 
to  an  increase  of  the  authority  of  government,  but  to  the 
same    agencies,    moral,    intellectual,   and    economical,   which 
have   brought  us   thus    far,   and    one   of  which,   science,    is 
now  operating  with  immensely  increased  power.     A  writer 
of  this  school  can  have  no  panacea  or  nostrum  to  offer ;  and 
when  a  nostrum  or  panacea  is  offered,  he  will  necessarily  be 
found  rather  on  the  critical  side.     He  will  look  for  improve- 
ment, not  for  regeneration;   expect  improvement  still  to  be, 
as  it  has  been,  gradual;  and  hope  much  from  steady,  calm, 
and  harmonious  effort,  little  from  violence  or  revolution.     In 
his  estimation  the  clearest  gain  reaped  by  tlie  world  from  all 
the  struggles  through  which  it  has  been  going,  amidst  much 
that  is  equivocal  or  still  on  trial,  will  be  liberty  of  opinion. 


""  PHEFACK. 

It  will  1„.  r„„„,l  tiiat,  tlu>  subjects  are  treated  for  the 
most  part  historically,  („•  on  general  principles,  an.l  that  the 
political  student  has  schU.n.  encroached  on  the  domain  of 
the  practical  statesman. 

The  thanks  ot  the  writer  are  due  to  the  proprietors  and 
editors  of  the  .\Wth  Anu'nmn  Iie>'>e>v,  the  Forum,  the  Nine. 
teenth  CVntm-y,  and  the  Nuthml  /{eriew,  for  their  courtesy  in 
permitting  him  to  draw  upon  articles  which  appeared  in  their 
periodicals,  as  well  as  for  the  privilege  which  he  has  enjoyed 
of  being  one  of  their  contributors. 


CONTENTS. 


i« 


I'heface 

.Social  and  Tndi-stiuai,  Revolution 
The  Question  ok  DusESTAiti-isiiMENT 
The  Political  Cuisis  i\  E\(JLAxn  . 
The  Kmpike         .        . 


Woman  Sukfkage 

The  Jewish  Question 

The  Thish  Question 

rRoiuuiTiON  IX  Canada  and  the  United  States 

APrEXDlX. 
The  Oneida  Community  and  American  Socialism 


PA  HE 
V 

1 

59 
91 
127 
18;} 
221 
203 
309 


3;}7 


vii 


QUESTIONS  OF  TUE   DAY. 


SOCIAL   AND    INDUS'IRIAL    REVOLUTION. 


Thk  belief  that  the  human  lot  ean  be  levelled  by  eeonomioal 
change,  and  the  desirt^  to  make  the  attempt,  are  at  present 
strong;  they  are  giving  birth  to  a  in"'*itude  of  projects,  and 
in  Europe  ar(^  threatening  society  with  ■  iivnlsion.  In  Amer- 
ica the  possession  of  property  is  as  y  't  mort;  widely  diffused 
than  in  Enrojje,  while  the  hope  of  .assessing  pvoperty  is  still 
nlmost  universal.  Eagerness  to  grasp  a  .'all  share  of  the  good 
luings  of  the  present  life  has  been  intensilied  by  the  departure, 
or  decdine,  of  the  religiou.s  faith  wlucli  held  out  to  the  unfortu- 
nate in  this  world  the  hope  of  indemnit}  in  another.  "  If  to- 
morrow we  die,  and  death  is  the  end,  to-day  let  us  eat  and 
drink ;  and  if  we  have  not  the  wherewithal,  let  us  see  if  we 
cannot  take  from  those  who  have."  So  multitudes  are  saying 
in  their  hearts,  and  philosophy  has  not  yet  famished  a  (dear 
reply.  Popular  education  has  gone  far  enough  to  mak((  the 
masses  think,  not  far  enough  to  make  them  think  deeply; 
they  read  what  falls  in  with  their  aspirations,  and  their 
thoughts  run  in  the  groove  thus  formed;  flattering  theories 
make  way  rapidly,  and,  like  religious  doctrines,  are  received 
without  examination  by  the  credulous  and  uncritical.  The 
ignorant  readers  of  a  socialistic  philosopher,  while  they  are 
incompetent  to  understand  or  scrutinise  the  arguments  ad- 
dressed to  their  intellects,  imbibe  the  ai)peal  addressed  to 
their  feelings  and  desires,  which  are  fortified  by  the  impres- 
sion that  they  have  philosophy  on  their  side.  The  number  of 
actual  Communists  or  Socialists  in  any  country  is  as  yet  small 
compared  with  thuc  of  tl  e  population  at  large.     Of  wdiat  is 


QUESTIONS   OF    llIK    DAY. 


callod  Socialism  in  (iennany  iiuicli  apix-ars  to  bo  mainly  a 
revolt  against  the  burden  of  military  service  and  taxation. 
Yet  Socialistic  ideas  and  sentiments  spread  especially  among 
the  artisan  class,  Avhicb  is  active-minded,  is  gathered  in  com- 
mercial centres,  lives  on  wages  about  the  rate  of  which  there 
are  fre<{uent  dist)utes,  is  filled  with  craving  for  jdeasiire  by 
ever-present  tem})tati()ns,  and  stirred  to  envy  b}-  the  perpetual 
sight  of  wealth.  Envy  is  a  pottnit  factor  in  the  movement, 
and  is  being  constantly  infJauKMl  by  the  ostentation  of  the 
vulgar  rich,  who  thus  deserve,  almost  as  much  as  tiie  revolu- 
tionary artisans,  the  name  of  a  dangei'ous  class.  This  is  the 
main  source  of  that  sort  of  social  revolution  which  may  be 
called  Satanism,  as  it  seeks,  not  to  reconstruct,  but  to  destroy, 
and  to  destroy  not  only  existing  })olitical  institutions,  but  the 
established  code  of  morality,  social,  domestic,  and  personal. 
Satanism  manifests  its(df  in  different  countries  under  various 
forms  and  names,  such  as  Nihilism,  Intransigentism,  Petrolean 
('onimunism/  the  dynamite  Aving  of  Anarchism ;  Nihilism 
being  defined  with  nu)re  startling  sharpness  than  the  rest, 
tl'ough  the  destructive  spirit  of  all  is  the  same.  Social  inno- 
vation is  evi>ry  where  more  or  less  allied  with,  and  impelled 
by,  the  political  and  rtdigious  revolution  which  fills  the  civil- 
ised world;  while  tli(>  revolution  in  science  has  helped  to 
excite  the  spirit  of  change  in  every  sphere,  little  as  Utopian- 
ism  is  akin  to  science. 

No  man  with  a  brain  and  a  h(>art  can  fail  to  be  penetrated 
with  a  sense  of  the  uneipial  distribution  of  wealth,  or  to  be 
willing  to  try  any  experiment  which  may  hold  out  a  reason- 
able hope  of  putting  an  end  to  poverty.  By  the  success  of 
su(di  an  exi)eriment,  the  happiness  of  the  rich,  of  sueh,  at 
least,  of  them  as  are  good  nuMi,  would  be  increased  far  more 
than  their  riches  would  be  diminished  l>ut  only  the  Nihilists 
would  desire  blindly  to  plunge  society  into  chaos.  It  is  plainly 
beyond  our  power  to  alter  the  fundamental  conditions  of  our 
being.     There   are  inequalities   greater   even   than  those  of 

1  Out'  of  the  French  Communists,  it  seems,  rejoices  in  tlie  name  l^ucit'er 
Satan  Vercinj'vtorix, 


SOCIAL   AM)    INDl'STUIAL    HEVOLUTION. 


wealth,  whicli  aro  fixed  nut  by  liuman  lawgivers,  but  by  nature, 
such  as  those  of  health,  strength,  and  intellectual  power;  and 
these,  almost  inevitably,  draw  other  inetiualities  with  them. 
Injustice  is  human,  and  where  inequality  is  the  fiat,  not  of 
man,  but  of  a  power  above  man,  it  is  idle,  for  any  practical 
purpose,  to  assail  it  as  injustice.  The  difference  between  a 
good  and  a  bad  workman  is,  partly  at  least,  the  act  of  nature ; 
yet  to  give  the  same  wages  to  the  good  workman  and  the  bad, 
as  Comnumists  [)ropose,  while  it  might  be  just  from  some 
sui)erhuinan  point  of  view,  from  the  only  point  of  view  which 
humanity  can  practically  attain,  would  be  unjust. 

The  universe  may  be  tending  to  perfection,  but  perfection 
has  not  yet  been  nor  is  its  general  huv.  If  Schopenhauer 
had  said  that  this  was  the  worst  of  all  conceivable  worlds,  he 
would  plainly  have  been  wrong.  It  is  possible  to  conceive  a 
world  without  affection,  beauty,  or  ho2)e  ;  but  when  he  said  that 
it  was  the  worst  of  all  possible  worlds,  that  is,  the  worst  of 
all  worlds  that  could  subsist  without  dissolution,  though  he 
might  still  be  wrong,  he  was  not  so  plainly  wrong.  Look 
where  we  will,  we  see  disorder,  destruction,  cruelty  struggling 
with  order,  achievement,  and  beneficence.  Evolutionary  pro- 
gress itself  has  gone  on  since  the  beginning  of  geologic  time 
by  the  elimination  or  decimation  of  races,  with  much  suffer- 
ing to  the  eliminated  or  decimated.  Animals  live  by  preying 
on  other  animals,  inflicting  pain  and  sometimes  torture  on 
their  prey.  This  is  part  of  the  constitution  of  the  world. 
Can  anything  be  less  like  perfect  justice  than  the  distribution 
of  lots  amongst  living  creatures  of  every  kind  through  the 
whole  scale?  The  human  frame  is  full  of  imperfections,  and 
liable  to  a  thousand  diseases,  some  of  which  may  be  caused 
by  imprudence  or  vice,  but  others  by  mere  accident.  The 
natural  character  of  man  is  full  of  evil  and  destructive  pas- 
sions. The  world  in  which  man  lives  wears  everywhere  the 
same  doubtful  aspect.  The  weather  ripens  the  harvest  and 
blights  it;  the  wind  wafts  the  ship  and  sinks  it.  An  earth- 
quake engulfs  Lisbon,  while  they  are  dancing  at  Paris. 
Beauty  is  intermixed  with  ugliness.     The  shapeliness  of  the 


QUESTIONS   OF   THK    DAY 


horse,  the  brilliancy  of  tho  bird  of  paradise,  are  mated  with 
the  loathsomeness  of  the  puff  adder  and  the  toad.  Imper- 
fection apparently  extends  as  far  as  the  telescope  can  range ; 
to  the  solar  system  in  which  there  are  evidences  of  irregu- 
larity and  wreck,  as  well  as  a  moon  devoid  of  atmosphere 
and  covered  with  extinct  volcanoes,  and  even  to  the  universe 
beyond,  if  science  has  witnessed  the  destruction  of  a  star. 
Yet  some  of  us  imagine  that  the  law  of  the  social  frame  is 
perfection,  and  that  from  the  enjoyment  of  that  perfection 
we  are  debarred  only  ])y  ini(]uitons  and  foolish  laws  or  by 
the  selfishness  of  a  privileged  class,  so  that  by  repealing 
the  laws  and  overthrowing,  or  as  the  Jacobins  thought,  guil- 
lotining, the  class,  we  may  enter  into  a  social  paradise.  The 
French  Revolution  was  a  dead-lift  effort  to  level  the  human 
lot  and  make  felicity  universal.  It  swept  away  abuses,  a 
great  part  of  which  Turgot,  had  he  been  allowed  to  accom- 
l^lish  his  task,  might  have  quietly  removed.  I)Ut  it  brought 
on  an  avalanche  of  crime  and  suffering;  it  produced  at  once 
a  disorganisation  of  commerce  and  industry,  involving  the 
deaths  of  a  million  of  persons  by  misery ;  afterwards  it  gave 
birth  to  a  military  despotism  and  the  Napoleonic  wars;  and  it 
has  left  behind  as  its  legacies  the  volcanic  })assions  with  wdiich 
Europe  still  heaves,  and  which  are  always  threatening  it  with 
earthquakes  or  eruptions.  After  all,  the  comi)laints  of  the 
French  artisan  about  the  inequalities  of  wealth  and  the  distinc- 
tions of  class  are  just  as  passionate  as  ever.  Apparently,  to 
lacerate  and  convulse  the  social  organism  is  only  too  possible, 
to  transform  it  is  beyond  our  power.  This  does  not  make  it 
the  less  our  duty  and  interest  to  remove  every  social  injustice 
that  can  be  removed,  and  level  every  unrighteous  inequality 
that  is  capable  of  being  levelled.  It  limits  effort  only  by 
regulating  hope.  It  bids  us  look  for  improvement,  not  for 
regeneration,  and  prefer  gradual  reform  to  violent  revolution. 

The  plans  of  innovation  proposed  vary  much  in  character 
and  extent.  Those  which  here  Avill  be  briefly  passed  in  review 
are  Communism,  Socialism,  Nationalisation  of  Land,  Strikes, 
])lans  for  emancipating  Labour  from  the  dominion  of  Capital, 


SOCIAL   AND    IXDrSTUlAL    UE VOLUTION. 


by 

for 
ion. 
acter 
view 
ikes, 
pital, 


and  theories  of  innovation  with  regard  to  Currency  and  Banks, 
the  most  prominent  of  which  is  Greenbackism,  or  the  belief  in 
paper  money.  This  seems  a  motley  group,  but  it  will  be 
seen  on  examination,  that  there  runs  through  the  whole  the 
same  hope  of  bettering  the  condition  of  the  masses  without 
increase  of  industry,  or  of  the  substantial  elements  of  wealtli, 
and  without  liniiting  the  multiplication  of  their  numbers. 
Through  several  there  runs  a  tendency  to  violence  and  con- 
fiscation. It  may  be  safely  said,  that  all  the  movements  draw 
their  adherents  from  minds  of  the  same  speculative  class,  and 
that  industrial  revolution  is  not,  like  industrial  reform,  often 
recruited  from  the  ranks  of  steady  and  ])rosperous  industry, 
Lassalle,  the  creator  of  German  Socialism,  and  tlie  brilliant 
genius  of  tlie  whole  movement,  is  described  to  us  as  "  a  fashion- 
able dandy  noted  for  his  dress,  for  his  dinners,  and,  it  must  be 
added,  for  his  addiction  to  pleasure."  "  Chivalrous,"  we  are 
told  he  was,  "  susceptible,  with  a  genuine  feeling  for  the  poor 
man's  case  and  a  genuine  enthusiasm  for  social  reform ;  a 
warm  friend,  a  vindictive  enemy,  full  of  ambition  both  of  the 
nobler  and  more  vulgar  type,  beset  with  an  importunate  vanity 
and  given  to  primitive  lusts,  one  in  whom  generous  qualities 
and  churlish  throve  and  strove  side  by  side,  and  governed  or 
misgoverned  a  will  to  which  opposition  was  almost  a  necessary 
and  native  element."  *  He  was  tried  for  sedition  when  he  was 
twenty-three,  upon  which  occasion,  though  his  opinions  can 
hardly  have  been  matured,  he  declared  himself  a  social  democrat 
and  revolutionary  on  principle.  Much  of  his  energy  was  spent 
during  eight  jears  in  championing  the  cause  of  a  countess,  for 
Avhom  he  at  length  procured  a  divorce  and  a  princely  fortune, 
receiving  as  lis  reward  a  handsome  annuity. 

Of  Lassalle,  of  Karl  Marx,  of  socialistic  writers  generally, 
it  may  be  said  that  they  think  almost  exclusively  of  distri- 
bution, paying  little  attention  to  ])roduotion.  Production  is  the 
more  important  factor  of  the  two,  but  it  affords  no  material  for 
the  agitator.  Let  the  fruits  of  labour  by  all  means  be  as  fairly 
distributed  as  possible,  still  we  cannot  live  by  distribution. 

1  See  Contemporary  Socialism,  by  John  Rae.     Page  05. 


QlIKSriONS    OF    TIIK    J)AV. 


T?y  Communism  is  here  meant  the  proposal  to  abrogate 
altogether  the  institution  of  property.  The  reply  to  that 
proposal  is  that  property  is  not  an  institution  but  a  fixed 
element  of  human  nature.  A  state  of  tilings  in  which  a  man 
would  not  think  that  what  he  had  made  for  liimself  was  his 
own,  is  unknown  to  experience  and  beyond  tlie  range  of  our 
conceptions.  A  monk  may  abjure  property  even  in  the  work 
of  his  own  hands,  but  he  feels  that  this  is  an  abnegation  and 
a  sacrifice.  The  autlior  of  the  saying  that  property  is  theft 
affirmed,  by  his  use  of  the  word  theft,  the  rightful  existence 
of  property,  and  it  is  highly  probable  that  as  a  literary  man 
he  would  have  asserted  his  claim  to  copyright,  wliich  is  prop- 
erty in  its  subtlest  form.  In  early  times  property  in  land  was 
not  individual  but  tribal ;  it  is  so  still  in  Afglianistan,  while  in 
Russia  and  Hindustan  it  is  vested  in  the  village  community 
Avhich  assigns  lots  to  the  individual  cultivators ;  still  it  is 
proi)erty  ;  squat  upon  the  land  of  an  Afglian  tribe,  or  of  a 
village  community,  Kussian  or  Hindu,  in  the  name  of  hu- 
manity, and  you  will  be  ejected  as  certainly  as  if  you  had 
squatted  on  the  land  of  an  English  s(piire.  In  primitive 
hunting-grounds  and  pastures,  property  was  less  definite ;  yet 
even  these  would  have  been  defended  against  a  rival  tribe. 
Property  in  clothes,  utensils,  arms,  must  always  have  been 
individual.  Declare  that  everything  belongs  to  the  commun- 
ity, still  government  must  allot  each  citizen  his  rations;  as 
soon  as  he  receives  them  the  rations  will  be  his  own,  and  if 
another  tries  to  take  them  he  will  resist,  and  by  his  resistance 
affirm  the  principle  of  individual  property. 

Religious  societies,  in  the  fervour  of  their  youth,  have  for 
a  short  time  sought  to  seal  the  brotherhood  of  their  members 
by  instituting  within  tlieir  own  circle  a  community  of  goods. 
The  primitive  Christians  did  this,  but  they  never  thought  of 
abolishing  property  or  proclaiming  the  communistic  principle 
to  society  at  large.  Paul  distinctly  ratifies  tl'.e  principle  of 
industry,  ''Let  him  that  stole  steal  no  more;  but  rather 
labour,  working  with  his  hands  the  thing  which  is  good,  that 
he  may  have  to  give  to  him  that  needeth."     "  Wliile  the  land 


SOCIAL   A\n    IN'DUSTRIAL    RKVOLl  IION. 


'e  for 

libers 

roods. 

jht  of 

[ciple 

lie  of 

itlier 

that 

land 


roinaiuod,"  says  Poter  to  Ananias,  '•  did  it  not  remain  tliine 
own;  and  after  it  was  sold  was  it  not  in  thy  ])owor '.' '' 
Christian  coniniunism,  so-ealled,  was  in  fact  merely  a.  bcnclit 
fund  or  club  ;  it  was  also  short-lived ;  as  was  the  comnumism 
of  tlie  jNIonastie  orders,  whi(!h  soon  gave  way  to  individual  pro- 
prietorship on  no  ordinary  scale  in  the  persons  of  the  al)l>ots. 

Associations,  called  comnninistii^,  have  been  loundcd  in  tlic 
United  States.  l>ut  these  have  been  nothing-  more  than  com- 
mon homes  for  a  small  number  of  })eople,  living  together  as 
one  household  on  a  joint-stock  fund.  Their  relations  to  the 
comnnmity  at  large  have  been  of  the  ordinary  commercial 
kind.  The  Oneida  Comnuinity  owned  works  carried  on  by 
hired  labour,  and  dealt  with  the  outside  world  like  any  other 
manufacturer ;  nor  did  it  make  any  attemjjt  to  propagate  com- 
munistic oi)inions.  A  religious  dictatorshi})  seems  essential 
to  the  unity  and  peace  of  these  households;  but  where  they 
have  prospered  economically  the  secret  of  their  success  has 
been  the  absence  of  children,  which  limited  their  expenses 
and  enabled  them  to  save  money.  Growing  wealthy,  they 
have  ceased  to  proselytise,  and,  if  celibacy  was  kept  up,  have 
become  tontines.  They  afford  no  proof  whatever  of  the  prac- 
ticability of  communism  as  a  universal  system.' 

What  is  the  foundation  of  property  ?  We  do  not  seek  for 
its  theological  foundation  or  for  its  moral  foundation,  but  for 
its  economical  foundation.  Its  economical  foundation  is  that 
it  is  the  oidy  known  motive  power  of  production.  Slavery 
has  its  whip ;  but,  saving  this,  no  general  incentive  to  labour 
other  than  property  has  yet  been  devised.  Communists  think 
that  they  can  rely  on  love  of  the  community,  and  they  point 
to  the  case  of  the  soldier  who  they  say  does  his  duty  volun- 
tarily from  a  sense  of  military  honour.  It  is  replied  that,  so 
far  from  being  voluntary,  a  soldier's  duty  is  prescribed  by  a 
code  of  exceptional  severity,  enforced  by  penalties  of  the 
sternest  kind. 

That  the  faunly  and  all  its  affections  are  closely  bouiu 


U'l 


1  See  Appendix. 


-r^— 


8 


QUESTIONS   OK   THE    DAY 


with  property  is  evident;    and  tlie  Nihilist  is  consistent  in 
seeking  to  destroy  property  and  the  family  together. 

Tracing  pro[)erty  to  its  source,  we  lind  it  has  its  origin,  as  a 
general  rule,  not  in  "  theft,"  but  in  labour,  either  of  the  hand 
or  of  the  brain,  and  in  the  frugality  by  which  the  fruits  of  la- 
bour have  been  saved.  lu  the  case  of  property  which  has  been 
inherited,  Ave  may  liave  to  go  back  generations  iu  order  to 
reach  this  fact,  but  we  come  to  the  fact  at  last.  Wherever 
the  labour  has  been  honest,  good  we  nuiy  be  sure  has  been 
done,  and  the  wealth  of  society  at  large,  as  well  as  that  of  the 
worker,  has  been  increased  in  the  process.  Some  property 
has,  of  course,  been  acquired  by  bad  means,  such  as  gambling 
speculation,  or  unrighteous  monopoly,  and  if  we  could  only 
distinguish  this  from  the  rest,  confiscation  might  be  just;  for 
there  is  nothing  sacred  in  property  apart  from  the  mode  in 
which  it  has  been  acquired.  But  the  tares  cannot  be  separated 
from  the  wheat;  discrimination  is  im])ossible  ;  all  that  we  can 
do  is  to  discourage  as  much  as  may  be  bad  modes  of  acqui- 
sition and  refuse  to  pay  homage  to  wealth  ill  acquired. 
Hereditary  w^ealth,  owned  by  those  who  have  themselves  not 
worked  for  it,  strikes  us  as  injustice  ;  often  it  is  the  moral  ruin 
of  the  heir,  who  sinks  into  a  worthless  sybarite.  To  prevent  its 
excessive  accumulation  is  a  proi)er  object  of  the  lawgiver,  and 
in  fact  such  has  been  the  tendency  of  legislation  wherever 
inheritance  is  not  bound  up  with  political  institutions  such  as 
the  House  of  Lords.  But  to  abolish  inheritance  seems  out  of 
the  question.  Jiequest  is  merely  a  death-bed  gift ;  if  we  for- 
bid a  man  to  bequeath  his  wealth,  he  will  give  it  away  in 
his  lifetime,  rather  than  leave  it  to  be  confiscated.  A  great 
inducement  to  saving  will  thus  be  lost,  and  w^ithout  saving 
where  would  be  the  means  of  increased  production,  and  how 
would  the  economical  world  advance  ?  The  waste  of  heredi- 
tary wealth  in  idle  hands  is  to  be  deplored.  But  we  have 
admitted  that  this  is  economically  as  Avell  as  physically  an 
imperfect  world.  After  all,  in  an  industrial  and  commercial 
community  like  the  United  States,  or  even  England,  the 
amount  of  inherited  wealth  must  bear  a  small  proportion  to 


i  ■ 
i 
I  ■ 


nsistont  in 

V. 

origin,  as  a 
of  the  hand 
fruits  of  ki- 
ich  has  been 
in  order  to 
Wherever 
re  has  been 
;  that  of  the 
QB  property 
as  gambling 
could  only 
be  just ;  for 
bhe  mode  in 
be  separated 
that  we  can 
les  of  acqni- 
iU    acquired, 
mselves  not 
le  moral  ruin 
o  prevent  its 
awgiver,  and 
Ion  wherever 
ions  such  as 
eems  out  of 
;  if  we  for- 
it  away  in 
Ited.   A  great 
Ithout  saving 
on,  and  how 
J  of  heredi- 
ut  we  have 
lysically  an 
commercial 
ngland,   the 
)roportion  to 


SOCIAL    AND    INDrsrUlAI-    KKV*  tH   TION. 


0 


that  which  is  the  product  of  industry  and  for  which  service 
lias  been  rendered  to  the  commuuity  by  its  possessor. 

That  wealth  is  v)ften  abused,  fearfully  abused,  is  too  true ; 
so  are  strength,  intellect,  power,  and  O])i»ortunities  of  all  kinds. 
It  is  also  true  that  nothing  can  be  more  miserable  or  abject 
than  to  live  in  idleness  by  the  sweat  of  other  men's  brows. 
lUit  this  is  felt,  in  an  increasing  degree,  by  tiie  better  natures ; 
private  fortunes  are  more  held  subject  to  the  moral  claims 
of  the  community;  a  spontaneous  communism  is  thus  making 
way,  and  notably,  as  every  observer  will  see,  in  the  United 
States.  Charitable  and  benevolent  institutions  rise  on  all 
sides.  In  the  United  States  munificence  was  not  arrested  even 
by  the  Civil  War.  This  under  the  dead  level  system  of  Socialism 
would  necessarily  cease,  and  would  have  to  be  rejdaced  by 
taxation  administered  by  State  officials.  The  sight  of  wealth 
no  doubt  adds  a  moral  sting  to  ])overty.  The  ostentation  of 
it,  therefore,  ought  to  be  avoided,  (^ven  on  the  ground  of 
social  prudence,  by  the  rich.  But  the  increase  of  wealth, 
instead  of  aggravating,  improves  the  lot  even  of  the  poorest. 
In  wealthy  commmiities  the  destitute  are  relieved;  in  the 
savage  state  they  die. 

By  Socialism  is  meant  the  theory  of  those  who  for  free  mar- 
kets, industrial  liberty,  competition,  private  contract,  and  the 
present  agencies  of  connuerce,  propose  in  v'arious  degrees  to 
introduce  regulation  and  renumeration  of  industry  by  "the 
State."'  What  is  the  State '.'  People  seem  to  s',4)[)ose  that 
there  is  something  outside  and  above  the  members  of  the  com- 
nuinity  which  answers  to  this  nanu\  and  which  has  duties  and 
a  wisdom  of  its  own.  Uut  duties  can  attach  only  to  persons, 
wisdom  can  reside  only  in  brains.  The  State,  when  you  leave 
abstractions  and  come  to  facts,  is  notliing  but  the  government, 
which  can  have  no  duties  but  those  which  the  constitution 
assigns  it,  nor  any  wisdom  but  that  which  is  infused  into  it 
by  the  mode  of  appointment  or  election.  What,  then,  is  the 
government  which  Socialism  would  set  uj),  and  to  which  it 
would  intrust  powers  infinitely  greater  than  those  which  any 


10 


C^UKSTIONS   OK    rilK    DAY. 


ruler  has  ever  practically  wielded,  with  duties  infiuitely  harder 
than  those  which  tlu^  higiu'st  political  wisdom  has  ever  dared 
to  undertake  ?  This  is  the  tirst  (juestiou  whicdi  the  Socialist 
has  to  answer.  His  school  denounces  all  existing  govern- 
ments, and  all  those  of  the  past,  as  incompetent  and  unjust. 
Wluit  does  he  propose  to  institute  iu  tlu-ir  room,  and  by  what 
l)rocess,  elective  or  of  any  other  kind,  is  the  change  to  be 
made  ?  Wlmre  will  he  find  the  human  nniterial  out  of  which 
he  can  frame  this  earthly  Providem;e,  infallible  and  incor- 
ruptible, whose  award  shall  be  unanimously  accejjted  as  supe- 
rior to  all  existing  guarantees  for  industrial  justice  ?  The 
chiefs  of  industry  are  condemiu'd  beforehand  as  tyranni(^al 
capitalists.  Will  tlie  artisan  submit  willingly  to  the  auto- 
cratic rule  of  his  brother?  If  he  would,  is  it  conceivable  that 
a  man  whose  life  had  been  spent  in  manual  or  mechanical 
labour  would  be  fit  for  supreme  rule  ?  The  (piestion.  What  is 
the  government  to  be,  once  more,  presents  itself  on  the  thresh- 
old and  demands  an  answer.  To  accept  an  nidimited  and 
most  searching  despotism  without  knowing  to  whose  hands  it 
is  to  be  entrusted  would  evidently  be  madness.  Curiously 
enough,  from  nearly  the  same  quarter  from  whicdi  comes 
Socialism,  with  its  denumd  for  paternal  government,  comes  also 
Anarchism,  demanding  that  there  shall  be  no  government  at 
all.  It  is  idle  to  form  theories,  whether  economical  or  social, 
without  considering  the  actual  circumstances  under  which  they 
are  to  be  applied,  and  the  means  and  jjossibilities  of  carrying 
them  into  effect.  This  is  the  merest  truism,  yet  it  is  one 
which,  so  far  as  we  know,  Socialism  neglects. 

Despotic  a  government  must  be,  in  order  to  secure  sub- 
mission to  its  assignment  of  industrial  parts  and  to  its  award 
of  wages,  especially  if  tlie  wages  are  to  be  measured  not  by 
the  amount  or  (piality  of  the  work,  but  by  some  higher  law 
of  benevolence  or  desert.  Despotic  it  must  be  to  enable  it  to 
compel  indolence  to  work  at  all.  Its  power,  practically,  must 
be  made  to  extend  beyond  the  sphere  of  industry  to  social, 
domestic,  and  individual  life.  Kesistance  to  its  decrees  could 
not  be  permitted,  nor  could  it  be  deposed  in  case  of  tyranny 


i 


SdClAI-    AM)    INDl  S'liUAL    l{KV(  H-l'IK  >N. 


11 


ly  harder 
v^er  dared 
I  Socialist 
rt  rrovern- 
id  unjust. 
1  V)y  what 
II ge  to  be 
b  of  which 
ind  incor- 
l  as  supe- 
ic(^  ?     The 
tyrannical 

the  auto- 
ivable  that 
luech.anical 
n,  What  is 
the  thresh- 
mited  and 
se  liands  it 

Curiously 
ii(!h   conies 

conies  also 
ernnient  at 
1  or  social, 
which  they 
of  carrying 
it  is  one 

secure  sub- 
;o  its  award 
ired  not  by 
higher  law 
enable  it  to 
ically,  must 
y  to  social, 
screes  could 
of  tyranny 


or  abuse.     Mherty,  in  short,  wctuld   he   at  an   end,  and  it  is 
(litHcult   to   SI  ('    lidw    progress    couhl    survive    liberty.      The 

■  inventor  of  each  utoi)ia  assumes  tlie  tinality  of  his  system. 
He  takes  it  for  granted  that  time,  having  now  pnxhieed  its 
perfect  fruit,  will   bear  no    more.      IJut  history  and  scieiu-e 

.    tell  us  that  time  is  jikely  to  bear  new  fruit  without  end. 

I  Asfcignment  of  manual  labour  and  payment  for  its  perform- 
ance by  a  paternal  government  are  cronceivable,  though  not 
practically  feasible,  lint  how  could  men  be  told  off  for  intel- 
lectual labour,  for  scientitic  rescsarch,  for  '•ivention'/  ('ould 
the  socialistic  ruler  ])ick  out  a  Sh;dves[>eare,  a  Newton,  or  an 
Arkwright,  set  him  to  his  work  and  i)ay  him  while  he  was 
about  it  ?  What  security  would  there  be  against  a  lapse  into 
intellectual  barbarism ".'  Is  not  Socialism  a  manual  labourer's 
dream  ?  Of  the  artisans  whom  these  theories  flatter,  all  whose 
trades  minister  to  literature,  art,  or  retinement  would  be  in 
danger  of  fbuling  themselves  without  work. 

Some  So(!ialists  [)ro])ose  to  cut  up  the  imlustrial  and  com- 
mercial world  into  phalansteries,  or  sections  of  some  kind, 
for  the  purposes  of  their  organisation.  But  industry  and 
commerce  are  networks  covering  the  whole  globe.  To  what 
])halanstery  would  the  sailors,  the  railway  men,  and  the 
traders  between  different  countries  be  assigned  ? 

Take  any  complex  product  of  hunuiu  labour,  say,  a  piece 
of  cotton  goods  worth  a  penny.  Let  the  Socialist  trace  out, 
as  far  as  thought  will  go,  tlu^  industries  whicdi,  in  various 
ways,  and  in  different  parts  of  the  world,  have  contributed 
to  the  production,  including  the  making  of  machinery,  ship- 
building, and  all  the  em])loyments  and  branches  of  trade 
ancillary  to  these  ;  let  him  (consider  how.  by  the  operation  of 
economic  law,  under  the  system  of  industrial  liberty,  the 
single  penny  is  distributed  among  all  these  industries  justly. 
■  "even  to  the  estimation  of  a  hair."  and  then  let  him  ask 
f  himself   whether   his   government,  or   his    group   of   govern- 

I  ments,  is  likely  to  do  better  than  nature. 

I      Socialists  claim  the  Factory  laws  as  a  recognition  of  their 
I  principle  and  as  opening  the  door  of  industrial   revfdution. 


12 


tiUKSTlUNh   UF    rilK    DAV. 


I  ! 


Hut  it  is  difficult  to  sec  wliy  the  cnt'onuMuont  of  hygienic  regu- 
lations or  sjilVguiU'ds  U)v  lilc  and  liiuh  is  more  socialistic  in  the 
(jasc  of  a  fa(;tory  than  in  the  case  of  a  city,  or  wliy  the  protec- 
tion (jf  women  and  children  who  cainiot  protect  themselves 
a.^'iiinst  industrial  <'ruelty  and  abuse  is  more  socialistic  than 
the  i)roteetion  of  them  against  wife-heating  or  infanticide. 
How  far  legislation  shall  go  in  this  diretrtion  must  he  deter- 
mined not  by  any  theory,  socialistic  or  anti-socialistic,  but  by 
the  character  and  circumstan(!es  of  the  particular  community. 
In  some  comnnmities  strict  legislation  will  In'  recjuired  in 
cases  where  in  others  individual  intelligence  and  individual 
sense  of  duty  will  suffice.  That  the  l''actory  Acts  have  not  in- 
duced any  radical  change  in  the  imlustrial  system  the  com- 
plaints of  the  Socialists  themselves  are  proof. 

Ownership  of  public  establishments  and  services,  again,  is  a 
question  ai)art,  defined  by  the  necessities  of  governnumt,  and 
involves  n(jthing  socialistic.  (lovei'unu'ut  ol)viously  niust  own 
everything  necessary  to  public  order  or  national  defencie;  it 
nmst  own  the  postal  service,  to  which  its  protection  is  plainly 
necessary,  and  to  the  postal  service  the  telegraphic;  service  nuiy 
be  reasonably  united.  On  the  other  hand, the  National  Avork- 
shops  at  Paris,  the  creation  of  the  socialist  Louis  lilane,  were 
a  failure;  even  the  (lovernment  dock-yards  in  England,  though 
rendered  necessary  by  the  exigencies  of  national  defence,  are 
said  t(j  be  conducted  less  economically  than  private  ship-yards. 
Australians  tell  us  that  with  them  governnu'ut  ownership  of 
railways  answers  w(dl.  There  is  no  reason  why  it  should  not, 
provided  the  government  is  pure.  I'he  cost  of  competing 
lines  is  saved,  and  if  the  stimulus  of  competitive  enterprise  is 
withdrawn,  tliat  of  administrative  emulation  nuiy  take  its 
place.  Countries  might  be  nanu'd  which,  if  the  government 
owned  raihvays  as  well  as  subsidised  them,  w^ould  be  plunged 
into  corruption.  In  all  government  establishments  there  is 
danger  of  corruption,  still  more  of  laziness,  torpor,  and  som- 
nolent routine. 

More  truly  socialistic  is  the  assumption  by  the  State  of  the 
duty  of  popular  education.     The  prevailing  opinion  is  that  it  is 


SOCIAL    AND    INDIS'I'IJIAI.    I{  HVoM' I'lON. 


l:t 


^uniic  rcgii- 
listic  in  tlie 

the  proteo- 

tlu'inselv«^s 
iilistic  than 

int'iinti<!i(h'. 
st  he  (Ictcr- 
istic,  but  by 
conununity. 

iT(iuii'('(l  in 
I  indiviiUuil 
have  not  in- 
■ni  the  com- 

s,  again,  is  a 

rnniont,  anil 

;ly  nuist  own 

dt't'tMice;  it 

m  is  ])hainly 

scrvici'  may 

tional  work- 

lUanc,  were 

and,  tliough 

lit 'fence,  are 

ship-yards. 

wnership  of 

should  not, 

competing 

ntcr[)rise  is 

ay  take   its 

government 

be  plunged 

its  there  is 

r,  and  som- 

>tate  of  the 
is  that  it  is 


tlie  manifest  duty  of  the  Stidc  U>  ]ir(>vidt'  schools  for  every- 
body's children  (Hit  ol'  the  ]iul)lie  taxes.  It  might  l)e  tliought 
that  nothing  was  more  manifest  than  the  duty  of  every  man  to 
provide  education  as  well  as  food  and  (dothes  for  his  own  chil- 
dren, since  it  is  by  his  act  that  they  come  into  the  wiu'ld; 
or  less  nmnifest  than  the  duty  of  the  prudent  man  who  defers 
marriagi'  till  he  has  the  means  of  bringing  up  a  family,  to 
provide  as  a  tax-)»ayer  for  the  schooling  oi  the  (diildren  of  his 
less  ]>rudent  ncighboui's.  Tlu^  wisdom  whiidi  sets  itself  above 
justice  ought  to  be  very  high.  There  are  some,  it  seems,  who 
would  not  only  educate  the  children  of  the  poor  gratuitously, 
tiiat  is,  out  of  the  public  taxes,  but  would  give  the  school  chil- 
dren meals  and  v.ven  clothes  at  the  public  expense.  They  can 
scarcely  doubt  that  of  such  a  .system  of  almsgiving,  widespread 
)taui)erism  would  be  the  fruit.  "When  the  duty  is  undertaken 
by  the  State,  parental  duty  in  regard  to  education  and  whatever 
goes  with  it  of  family  character,  must  expire.  Let  those  who 
think  that  the  intellectual  fruits  of  the  State  maidiine  substi- 
tuted for  voluntary  agencies  are  entirely  satisfactory,  read  the 
series  of  papers  in  the  New  York  Fornm,^  giving  an  account  of  a 
tour  of  inspection  among  the  public  schools  of  the  TTnited 
States.  The  formation  of  character  and  manners  the  system 
liardly  professes.  If  it  did,  the  manmu-s  would  too  often  belie 
the  (daim.  It  lacks  motive  power  in  that  line.  The  original 
New  England  school  was  the  school  of  a  small  group  of  families 
carried  on  under  the  eyes  of  the  parents,  not  uni)arental, 
therefore,  and  it  was  intensely  religious.  These  conditions 
are  changed.  Politics  too  and  ward-demagogism  lay  their 
hands  on  the  election  of  school  trustees.  The  high  s(du)ols 
are  largely  accused  of  helping  to  set  the  farmer's  sons  and 
daughters  above  farm  work,  and  sending  them,  for  Avhat  they 
think  higher  employment,  to  the  already  over-crowded  cities. 
If  this  or  any  other  mischief  is  being  done,  there  is  no  remedy. 
You  cannot  stop  the  State  machine.  AVluit  is  voluntary,  when 
it  fails,  stops  of  itself.  However,  State  education  is  com- 
mended to  us  on  the  ground  of  political  necessity.     We  are 

'  Vols.  TV.,  v.,  and  VI. 


■•«•■ 


'n 


14 


QUKSTFUNS   OK    riir,    DAY. 


told  tliiit.  \vt'  iiuist  tMliiciitc  our  uiastcrs.  rtipuhii'  ij^'iioriiiinc 
with  iM>[iiilii,r  suriiaj,'!'  would  he  I'litiil  to  tlii'  coiuiiiunity.  'I'liis 
|)uts  Stiite  cduciitioii  not  on  so('iiilisti(i  ;j;i'ounds  hut  on  that  of 
|t<diti('iil  nt'ccssity,  and  necessity,  whether  [tolitieal,  niilitary, 
or  sanitary,  must  he  supreme.  'I'he  worst  of  it  is  that  unless  the 
truan(!y  laws  are  ni(»re  strictly  enforced  than  is  usually  pos- 
sihltr  in  a.  denioeraey.  the  dangerous  (dasses  are  not  in  sciiool. 

Differentiation  marks  advance,  and  a  centralisation  which 
should  reduce  JiU  functions  to  those  of  a  sinj,de  organ,  would 
1)(*  not  an  advance  hut  a  degradation  in  the  political  as  in  the 
aninuil  world. 


:| 


I  ! 


A  special  form  of  Socialism  is  Agrarianisin.  whicdi  demands 
the  Nationalisation  of  Land.  This  has  received  an  impulse 
from  rcM'cnt  legislation  for  Ir(daii(l.  Xot  that  the  Irish  tenant 
farmer  is  an  agi'arian  socialist,  or  a  socialist  of  any  kind;  what 
he  wants  is  to  oust  the  landlord,  and  have  the  farm  to  himself; 
if  you  demand,  as  a  nuMuhei'  of  the  eoiunuinity,  a  share  of  his 
land,  he  will  give  you  six  feet  of  it.  lie  exaets  a  heavy  rent 
for  a  little  croft  from  the  farm  labourer  in  his  employment. 
The  sirens  of  Nationalisation  have  sung  to  him  in  vain.  Nor 
did  the  framers  of  the  Laud  Acts  profess  to  abrogate  or  assail 
private  projx'rty  in  land  ;,  they  ])rofessed  only  to  adjust  by  legis- 
lation a  dispnte  between  two  classes  of  property-holders  whi(di 
threatened  the  pea(!e  of  the  State.  Jhit  the  natural  conse- 
quences have  been  a  general  disturbance  of  ideas,  and  an 
increase  of  hope  and  activity  among  the  apostles  of  agrarian 
revolution. 

These  theorists  hold  that  private  ])roperty  in  land  is  "a  bold, 
base,  enornuius  wrong,  like  that  of  chattel  slavery."  ]\Ir. 
Herbert  Spencer  had  said,  "  Had  we  to  deal  with  the  parties 
who  originally  robbed  the  human  race  of  its  heritage,  we  might 
make  short  work  *)f  the  matter."  To  wdiich  the  Nationalist 
rejdies:  "Why  not  make  short  work  of  the  matter  anyhow? 
For  this  robbery  is  not  like  the  robbery  of  a  horse  or  a  sum  of 
money,  that  ceases  with  the  act.  It  is  a  fresh  and  continuous 
robbery  that  goes  on  every  day  and  every  hour."     It  is  proposed 


«<»('1AI.    AM>    INDI  STHIAI-    UK\<»MrioN, 


IS 


•      I^IIOl'illlCC 

lity.     This 

on  that  of 

1,  iiiilitiiry, 

t  llllll'SS  flic 

isually  i»t)s- 

iii   Sclldol. 

itiou  which 
•jfan,  would 
al  as  in  the 


eh  demands 

""'. 

:in   imimlsc 

1 

Irish  tenant 

kind;  what 

to  himself; 

share  of  his 

heavy  rent 

niployment. 

vain.     Nor 

iite  or  assail 

list  l)y  le<^is- 

)lders  which 

tural  conse- 

■as,   and  an 

of  agrarian 

.  is  "a bold. 

i 

ery."     Mr. 

the  parties 

e,  we  might 

Nationalist 

.i 

cr  anyhow? 

i 

or  a  sum  of 

f 

continuous 

1 

; is  proposed 

to  forfeit,  eitlicr  ((pi'iily.  oi'  uiuicr  the  thin  disguise  (if  ;i  use  uf 
the  taxing  iKiwer,  eveiy  man's  Ireehold,  even  the  farm  whieh 
tlie  sett  lei'  liiis  just  reclaimed  hy  the  sweat  of  his  own  brow 
from  the  wilderness;  and  it  is  emphatieally  added,  in  language 
whieli  soumls  like  the  exultation  of  injustice,  that  no  comjien- 
sation  is  due;  the  man  l)eiiig  mertdy  ejected  from  that  which 
never  ixdonged  to  him,  as  a  wrongful  [tosscssor  is  ejectecl  hy 
a  court  of  law.  That  the  Htate  has,  iiy  the  most  solemn  ami 
repeated  guarantees,  ratilied  pi-ivate  proprietorshii)  and  under- 
taken to  protect  it,  matters  nothing;  nor  even  that  it  has  itsidf 
recently  sold  the  laud  of  the  proprietor,  signed  the  deed  of 
sale,  and  received  the  payment.  .\ghast,  perha[)S,  at  his  own 
proposal,  the  reformer  afterwards  suggests  that  in  mercy,  not 
of  right,  comj)ensation  for  improvements,  though  not  for  the 
lar  1  may  be  granted.  I'.ut  it  the  nation  compensates  for  all 
improvements,  it  may  as  well  at  once  give  a  deed  of  <[uit 
claim  foi-  the  land. 

In  the  tirst  ]»lace,  how  do  the  Natioualisers  mean  to  carry 
into  effect  their  schemes  of  resumption'.'  They  can  hardly 
suppose  that  large  classes  will  allow  themsidves  to  be  stripped 
of  all  they  possess,  and  turned  out  with  tlieir  wives  and  chil- 
dren to  beggary,  without  striking  a  lilow  for  their  freeholds. 
There  would  probably  be  civil  war,  in  which  it  is  by  no  means 
cci'tain  that  the  agrarian  philos()]iher  and  his  disciples  would 
get  the  better  of  tlu»  owners  and  tilhu's  of  land;  while,  if  they 
did,  social  peace  would  hardly  ensue. 

Tn  the  second  place,  as  it  is  to  the  government  that  all  land, 
or  the  rent  of  all  land,  is  to  be  made  over,  we  must  ask  the 
agrarian  socialist,  wdiat  form  of  government  he  means  to  give 
us?  The  theorists  themselves  d(uiounce,  as  loudly  as  any  one, 
theknavery  andcorrujjtionof  the  ])oliticians,  who  would  luardly 
he  made  pure  and  upright  simply  by  [)utting  the  management 
of  all  the  land  of  the  nation  into  their  hands.  I'tfipians  are 
always  forgetting  that  in  introducing  their  systems  they  will 
have  to  deal  with  the  world  as  it  is. 

Why  is  property  in  land  thus  singled  out  for  forfeiture;   and 
why  are  its  holders  selected  for  especial  denunciation?     Be- 


•mw^ 


16 


QUESTIONS  OF   TIIK   DAY. 


cause,  say  the  Xutioiialisers,  the  hind  is  the  gift  of  God  to 
mankind,  and  ought  not  to  be  apjiropriated  by  any  individual 
owner.  This  wouhl  preehide  appropriation  by  a  nation,  as 
well  as  appropriation  by  :i  man;  but  let  that  pass.  In  every 
article  which  we  use,  in  the  paper  and  type  of  the  very  book 
which  advocates  confiscation,  there  are  raw  materials  and 
natural  forces,  which  are  just  as  much  the  gift  of  (iod  as  the 
land.  God  made  tlie  wool  of  which  your  coat  is  woven  to  grow 
on  the  sheep's  back,  and  endowed  steam  with  the  [)ower  to  work 
the  engine  of  tlie  mill.  God,  for  tlie  matter  of  that,  gave  every 
man  his  brain  and  his  limbs.  Iiaud  is  worth  nothing,  it  is 
worth  no  more  tlian  the  same  extent  of  sea.  till  it  is  brought 
under  cultivation  by  labour,  which  must  be  that  of  ])articular 
men.  The  value  is  the  creation  of  individual  labour  and  capi- 
tal, in  this  case,  as  in  the  case  of  a  manufacture.  Circum- 
stances, such  as  the  growth  of  neighbouring  cities,  may  favour 
the  landowners.  Gircumstances  may  favour  any  owner  or 
producer.  They  may  also  be  unfavourable  to  any  owner  or 
producer,  as  they  have  been  of  late  to  the  landowners  and 
agricultural  producers  in  England;  and  unless  the  State  means 
to  protect  the  liolder  of  property  against  misfortune  it  lias 
surely  no  right  to  mulct  him  for  his  good  luck.  The  coal  and 
iron  beds  of  Wyoming  and  Montana,  we  are  told,  which  to-day 
are  valueless,  will  in  fifty  years  from  now  be  worth  millions  on 
millions,  simply  because  in  the  nu\antime  population  will  have 
greatly  increased.  They  will  be  wortli  notliing  unless  they 
are  worked,  and  where  is  the  wrong  if  metals  or  beef  or  wool 
or  anything  else  is  wortli  more  to  the  ])roducer  when  produced 
in  the  midst  of  a  swarming  ])o])ulation  than  when  produced  in 
a  desert? 

Nor  is  there  anything  specially  unjust,  or  in  any  way  pecu- 
liar, about  the  mode  in  which  tlie  labourer  on  land  is  paid  by 
tlie  landowner  or  capitalist.  Every  labourer  virtually  draws 
his  pay  from  the  moment  when  he  begins  his  work.  He  draws 
it  in  credit,  which  enables  him  to  get  what  he  wants  at  the 
baker's  and  grocer's,  if  not  at  once  in  cash. 

All  land  will,  of  course,  fall  under  the  same  rul<\     The  lot 


SOCIAL    AM)    INDrSTKlAL    HKVOhUTIUN. 


17 


of  God  to 
individual 
nation,  as 

In  every 
very  book 
erials  and 
God  as  the 
en  to  grow 
>'ev  to  work 
gave  every 
liing,  it  is 
is  brought 

particular 

r  and  capi- 

Circuni- 

nay  favour 

owner  or 
'  owner  or 
wners  and 
tate  means 
une  it  lias 
le  (!oal  and 
licli  to-day 
uillions  on 
1  will  have 
nless  they 
ef  or  wool 
1  produced 
roduced  in 

way  i)ecu- 
is  paid  by 

ally  draws 
}fe  draws 

nts  at  the 

Tlie  lot 


on  which  the  nuichanic  has  built  his  house,  will  he  nationalised 
as  well  as  the  ranch. 

It  would  appear  that  natural  produce,  being  equally  with 
the  land  the  gift  of  the  Creator,  should  be  equally  exempt 
from  the  possibility  of  lawful  ownership,  so  that  we  sliould 
Ije  justified  in  repudiating  our  milk  bills  because  cows  feed  on 


grass. 


Is  Poverty  the  offspring  of  land-ownership  or  the  land  laws? 
Any  one  who  is  not  sailing  on  the  wings  of  a  theory  can 
answer  that  question  by  looking  at  the  facts  before  his  eyes. 
Poverty  springs  from  many  sources,  personal  and  general; 
from  indolence,  infirmity,  age,  disease,  intemperancie;  from  the 
I'ailure  of  harvests  and  tlie  decline  of  local  trade;  from  the 
growtli  of  population  beyond  the  means  of  subsistence.  If 
th(!  influence  of  the  last  cause  is  denied,  let  it  be  shown  what 
impelled  the  migrations  by  which  the  earth  has  been  peopled. 
Poverty  has  existed  on  a  large  scale  in  great  commercial  cities, 
which  the  land  laws  could  but  little  affect,  and  even  in  cities 
like  Venice,  which  had  no  land  at  all. 

The  increase  of  poverty  itself  is  a  fiction.  The  nundier 
(if  people,  in  all  civilised  countries,  living  in  plenty  and 
comfort,  has  vastly  increased;  and  tliougli,  with  a  vast  in- 
crease in  nund)ers,  there  is  m^cessarily  a  jjositive  increase  of 
misfortune  and  destitution,  even  the  poorest  are  not  so  ill  off 
now  as  they  were  in  tlu>  times  of  i)rimitive  barbarism,  when 
lamine  stalked  through  tlu'  unsettled  tribes,  though  there  was 
no  "monopoly''  of  land.  Tlie  London  slums  are  hideous,  but 
they  are  a  mere  spot  in  a  vast  expanse  of  decent  homes,  which 
is  rejiresented  as  not  only  the  mate  of  poverty,  but  its  source. 
'I'he  two  or  three  millions  of  English  in  the  days  of  the  I'lan- 
tagenets  had  more  room  and  larger  shares  of  the  free  gifts  of 
nature  than  the  tliiily  millions  have  now.  JUit  the  working 
classes  of  those  days  lived  in  cliimneyless  hovels,  and,  as  Dr. 
•lessop  thinks,  had,  in  Norfolk,  but  a  single  garment,  not  more 
wearing  linen  then  than  wear  silk  now.  Loathsome  diseases 
such  as  leprosy  were  common,  and  a  third  of  the  population 
was  carried  off  at  once  bv  the  lilack  Death.     Local  famines  were 


r.J.tm 


mm^ 


mm^m 


«P 


mm 


18 


QrK8TI0NS    OF   THH    DAY 


Crequoiit,  owing  to  the  want  of  niacliincry  of  (listribution.  If 
dissiitisfaotion  was  not  manifcstetl  in  strikes,  it  was  manifested 
in  the  insurrection  of  \Vat  Tyler.  Is  there  less  poverty  in 
unprogressive  eountries,  such  as  the  kingdoms  of  the  East,  or 
Spain  and  Italy,  than  in  those  wliich  have  been  the  seats  of 
progress?  That,  of  the  increased  wealtli  of  England  and  other 
industrial  countries,  the  largest  sliare  lias  gone  to  wages  seems 
to  be  clearly  proved.  Nor  can  it  he  doul)ted  that  the  remuner- 
Jition  of  manual  labour  lias  risen,  comjiared  witli  that  of  intel- 
lectual work. 

We  cannot  all  be  husbandmen  or  personally  make  any  use  of 
land.  Wliat  Ave  want,  as  a  community,  is  that  the  soil  shall 
produce  as  much  food  as  possible,  so  that  we  may  all  live  in 
plenty;  and  facts  as  well  as  reason  seem  to  show  that  a  high 
rate  of  production  is  attained  only  where  tenure  is  secure. 
The  greater  the  security  of  tenure,  the  more  of  his  labour  and 
capital  the  husbandman  will  put  into  tlie  land,  and  the  larger 
the  harvest  will  be.  It  has  been  said,  and  though  an  over- 
statement, the  saying  has  truth  in  it,  that  if  you  give  a  man 
the  freehold  of  a  desert,  he  will  make  it  a  garden,  and  if  you 
give  him  the  lease  of  a  garden,  he  will  make  it  a  desert.  The 
spur  which  proprietorship  lends  to  industry  is  proverbially 
keen  in  the  case  of  ownership  of  land.  The  French  peasant  is 
a  remarkable  proof  of  this.  Originally,  all  ownership  was 
tribal;  and  if  tribal  ownership  has,  in  all  civilised  countries, 
given  place  to  private  ownership,  this  is  the  verdict  of  civilisa- 
tion in  favour  of  the  present  system.  Where  tribal  ownership 
has  lingered,  as  in  Ivussia  and  in  Afghanistan,  general  barbar- 
ism has  lingered  with  it.  The  idea  that  a  wicked  company  of 
land-grabbers  aggressed  upon  the  public  proj)erty,  and  set  up 
a  monopoly  in  their  own  favour,  is  a  fancy  as  baseless  as  the 
Social  Contract  of  Kousseau,  or  any  of  the  other  figments 
respecting  social  origins  which  our  knowledge  of  primeval  his- 
tory has  dispelled.  Did  this  extraordinary  tit  of  spoliation 
conie  Avithout  concert  upon  every  one  of  the  countries  noAv 
included  in  the  civilised  world?  Where  are  the  records  or  the 
traces  of  this  series  of  events? 


SOCIAL   AND    INDlsrUIAL    KKV(  H.UTION. 


1{> 


ution.  If 
iianil'ested 
)overty  in 
le  East,  or 
e  seats  of 
and  other 
iges  seems 
i  remuner- 
t  of  intel- 

any  nse  of 

soil  shall 

all  live  in 

lat  a  high 

is  secure. 

labour  and 

the  larger 

ii  an  over- 

ive  a  man 

and  if  you 

lert.     The 

•overbially 

peasant  is 

rship  was 

countries, 

if  civilisa- 

owiiership 

•al  barbar- 

)iupany  of 

ind  set  up 

■ss  as  the 

Hgments 

meval  his- 

spoliation 

tries  now 

rds  or  the 


Is  it  intended  tliat  the  tenure  nf  those  wlio  are  to  hold  the 
land  under  the  State  shall  be  secure?  If  it  is,  nothing  will 
have  been  gained;  i)ri\'ate  property,  and  what,  to  excite  odium, 
is  called  monopoly,  though  there  are  luuidreds  of  thousands  of 
lU'oprietors,  will  return  under  another  form.  The  only  result 
will  be  a  change  of  tlie  name  from  freeholder  to  something 
ex])ressive  of  concession  in  })erpetuity  by  the  State;  and  this 
uill  l)e  obtained  at  tlie  expense  of  a  shock  to  agriculture 
the  innuediate  effect  of  whicli  might  be  a  deartli.  That 
we  liave  all  a  right  to  live  upon  the  land  is  a  pro[)osition, 
in  one  sense,  absurd,  unless  the  cities  are  to  b(^  abandoned,  and 
we  are  to  revert  to  the  primeval  state;  in  another  sense,  true, 
though  subject  to  the  necessary  limit  of  pojiulation.  Jiut  wliat 
Xationalisation  practically  proposes  is,  that  a  good  many  of  us, 
instead  of  living,  shall,  by  reduced  production,  l)e  deprived  of 
bread  and  either  l)e  driven  into  exile  or  die. 

The  Xationalisation  movement  sometimes  assumes  the  name 
of  the  Single  Tax  movement,  which  promises  us  unspeakable 
benefits  if  we  will  throw  the  whole  burden  of  taxation  on 
unimproved  land.  AVlio  would  be  found  to  lu)ld  land?  Shift 
the  incidence  of  taxation  as  you  will,  it  makes  itself  felt 
directly  or  indirectly  by  the  whole  community.  If  justice  is 
to  reign  in  the  fiscal  region,  the  service  rendered  by  government, 
whether  national  or  municii)al,  ouglit  to  be  as  far  as  possible  the 
measure  of  taxation,  and  there  is  nothing  to  which  government 
and  })olice  render  so  little  service  as  unimproved  land. 

When  we  talk  of  Nationalising,  it  is  well  to  remember,  tliat 
though  territory  is  still  national,  nations  no  longer  live  upon 
the  i)roduce  of  their  own  territory  alone,  and  that  the  scope  of 
l)lans  of  change  must  be  enlarged  so  as  to  embrace  the  com- 
mercial world. 

A  niildtu'  school  of  agrarian  socialists  proposes  to  confiscate 
only  what  it  calls  the  unearned  increnu'ut  of  land,  that  is,  any 
additional  value  wliich.  from  time  to  time,  may  accrue  through 
the  action  of  surrounding  circumstances  and  the  general  pro- 
gress of  the  community,  without  exertion  or  outlay  on  the  part 
of  tlie  individual  ownei-.     Very  sharp  and  skilful  inspectors 


'.^    Vl»^  t 


irv 


9PViPi|i 


t 


20 


QrESTIONS   OF  THE    DAY. 


would  be  required  to  watc^h  the  increase  and  to  draw  tlie  line. 
A  question  might  also  arise,  whether,  if  unearned  increment 
is  to  be  taken  away,  accidental  decrement  ought  not  to  be  made 
good.  But  here,  again,  we  must  ask,  why  landed  property 
alone  is  to  be  treated  in  this  way?  Property  of  any  kind  may 
grow  more  valuable  without  effort  or  outlay  on  the  owner's 
part.  Is  the  State  to  seize  upon  all  the  premium  on  stocks? 
A  mechanic  buys  a  pair  of  boots;  the  next  day  leather  goes 
up;  is  the  State  to  take  toll  of  the  mechanic's  boots? 

The  fact  is,  that  the  vision  of  certain  economists  is  distorted, 
and  their  views  are  narrowed  by  hatred  of  the  landlord  class. 
Too  many  landlords  are  idle  and  useless  members  of  society, 
especially  in  old  countries,  under  the  operation  of  lingering 
feudal  laws ;  but  owners  of  other  kinds  of  hereditary  property 
are  often  idle  and  useless  too.  Tliat  the  land  should  have  been 
so  improved  as  to  be  able  to  pay  the  owner  as  well  as  the 
(cultivator,  does  tlie  comnuuiity  no  harm.  This  we  see  plainly, 
where  the  owner,  instead  of  being  a  rich  man,  is  a  charitable 
institution.  Xor,  is  any  outcry  raised,  wlien  the  same  person, 
being  owner  and  cultivator,  unites  with  the  wages  of  one  the 
revenue  of  the  other.  The  belief  that  there  is  some  evil 
mystery  in  rent,  lias  been  fostered  by  the  metaphysical  dis- 
quisitions of  economists,  who  seem  to  liave  been  entrapped 
by  tlieir  disregard  of  any  language  but  one.  Rent  is  noth- 
ing but  the  hire  of  land,  and  there  is  no  more  mystery 
about  it  than  tliere  is  about  the  hire  of  a  machine  or  a 
horse.  In  (xreek,  tlie  word  for  the  hire  of  land  and  of  a 
chattel  is  the  same. 

The  desire  of  (confiscating  the  proi)erty  of  landowners  is,  in 
European  (countries,  closely  connected  with  the  objects  of  politi- 
cal revolution,  lint  public  spoliation,  though  it  might  com- 
mence, would  not  end  here,  nor  would  there  be  any  ground  for 
fixing  this  as  its  limit.  Let  a  reason  be  given  for  confiscating 
real  estate  honestly  acquired,  and  the  same  reason  will  hold 
good  for  confiscating  personalty,  the  labourer's  wages,  and 
the  copyright  of  the  author  and  the  plant  of  the  journalist 
who  wins  popularity  by  advocating  spoliation  of  his  neigh- 


J 


bOCIAL  AND   INDU8TKIAL   REVOLUTION. 


21 


boiir.     If  property  is  theft,  the  property  in  the  Savings  Bank 
is  theft  like  the  rest. 

Peasant  proprietorship  is  as  mnch  opposed  as  anything  can 
possibly  be  to  nationalisation  of  land;  so  the  Nationalisers, 
when  they  o.pproach  the  peasant  pro[)rietor,  speedily  find. 
J  Jut  there  are  some  who  look  to  it  with  unbounded  hope.  The 
political  arguments  in  its  favour  are  well  known;  among  them 
is  the  adamantine  resistance  which  it  offers  to  communism  of 
all  kinds.  Economical  considerations  are  apparently  against 
it,  since  a  farmer  on  the  great  scale  in  Dakota  will  raise  as 
nuich  grain  -with  a  hundred  labourers  as  is  raised  by  ten  times 
the  number  of  French  peasants.  Socially  there  are  arguments 
both  ways.  The  advantage,  and,  indeed,  the  ultimate  existence 
of  the  manorial  system,  must  depend  upon  the  presence  of  the 
landowner  upon  his  estate  and  his  perfornumce  of  his  duties  to 
his  tenants.  But  the  life  of  the  peasant  in  France,  and  even 
in  Switzerland,  is  hard,  and  sometimes  almost  barbarous,  wliile 
he  can  scarcely  tide  over  a  bad  harvest  without  falling  into 
the  money -lender's  hands.  On  the  American  continent,  where 
the  people  are  more  educated,  their  tendency  seems  to  be, 
when  they  can,  to  exchange  life  on  the  farm,  which  they  find 
dull  an.l  lonely,  for  the  more  social  life  of  the  city.  Perhaps 
the  time  may  come  when  agriculture  will  be  carried  on  scien- 
tifically, and  upon  a  large  scale,  to  furni.sh  food  for  an  urban 
population.  The  life  on  a  great  farm  will  be  social,  and  will 
exercise  liigher  intelligence  than  spade  labour.  England,  the 
enthusiasts  of  peasant  proprietorshi])  should  remember,  is 
organised  on  the  manorial  system,  not  only  with  manor  houses 
but  with  large  farms  and  large  farm  buildings  to  correspond. 
Do  they  intend  to  clear  away  the  large  farm  buildings  as  well 
;is  tlie  manor  houses,  and  to  construct  a  set  adapted  to  small 
holdings  in  their  room? 


Liberation  of  labour  from  the  exactions  of  t)ie  capitalist  is 
the  liope  of  those  who  set  on  foot  co-operative  works.  These, 
hitherto,  have  generally  failed  from  inability  to  wait  for  the 


o<> 


QrESTIONS  OF   THK    DAY. 


market,  and  tide  over  bad  times,  from  want  of  a  guiding  hand, 
and  from  the  unwillingness  of  the  artisan  to  resign  his  inde- 
pendence and  liis  liberty  of  moving  from  place  to  place; 
though  tlie  last  cause  is  less  oi)erative  with  the  submissive 
Frenchman  than  with  his  sturdy  English  or  American  compeer. 
Capital,  spelt  with  a  big  initial  letter,  swells  into  a  malignant 
giant,  the  personal  enemy  of  labour;  spelt  in  the  natural 
way,  it  is  simply  that  with  which  labour  starts  on  any  enter- 
prise, and  without  which  no  labour  can  start  at  all,  unless  it 
be  that  of  the  savage  grubbing  roots  with  his  nails.  It 
includes  a  spade  as  w.ell  as  factory  plant  that  has  cost  millions; 
it  includes  everything  laid  out  in  education  or  training.  We 
might  as  well  talk  of  emancipating  ourselves  from  the  tyranny 
of  food  or  air.  Every  co-operative  association  must  have  some 
capital  to  begin  with,  either  of  its  own  or  borrowed,  the  lender, 
in  the  latter  case,  representing  the  power  of  large  capital  just 
as  much  as  any  emjjloyer.  The  aggregation  of  great  masses 
of  capital  in  one  man's  hands  is  a  social  danger,  and  one 
against  Avhich  legislators  ought,  l)y  all  fair  means,  to  guard, 
though  it  is  sometimes  not  without  a  good  as])ect;  witness  the 
New  York  Central  Railroad,  Avhich  could  hardly  have  been 
brought  to  its  present  state  by  managers  under  the  necessity 
of  providing  an  equally  large  dividend  every  year.  But  the 
operation  of  the  joint-stock  principle,  it  seems,  is  evidently 
producing  a  gradual  change  in  this  respect.  It  will  often  be 
found  that  the  rate  of  ])rofit  nuide  by  a  great  capitalist  is  far 
from  excessive,  though  his  total  gains  may  be  large.  Mr. 
Brassey's  total  gains  were  large,  but  tlie  rate  of  his  profits 
did  not  exceed  five  per  cent,  Avhile  it  is  very  certain  that  with- 
out him  ten  thousand  workmen,  destitute  of  capital,  scientific 
skill,  and  powers  of  command,  could  not  have  built  the  Victoria 
Bridge.  Co-operative  farming  seems  to  hold  out  more  hope 
than  co-operative  manufactures.  Still  it  would  need  capital 
and  a  head. 


"I 


To  get  rid  of  competition,  and  substitute  for  it  fraternity 
among  workers,  is  the  other  aim  of  co-operation.     But  the 


SOCIAL   AND   INDLSTUIAL    K EVOLUTION. 


211 


iing  hand, 
his  inde- 
to   place ; 
ubiuissive 
I  compeer, 
malignant 
le   natural 
any  enter- 
,  unless  it 
nails.      It 
t  millions; 
iiing.     We 
lie  tyranny 
have  some 
the  lender, 
capital  just 
eat  masses 
r,  and  one 
to  guard, 
tvitness  the 
have  been 
e  necessity 
But  the 
evidently 
ill  otten  be 
xlist  is  far 
[irge.     Mr. 
his  profits 
that  with- 
1,  scientific 
le  Victoria 
more  hope 
eed  capital 


fraternity 
But  the 


co-operative  societies  must  compete  with  each  other,  while,  as 
buvers,  having  regard  to  clieapness  in  their  purchases,  they  will 
themselves  be  always  ratifying  the  i)rincipleof  competition,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  tliat  of  paying  the  workmen  not  on  the  fraternal 
jtrinciple,  but  according  to  tlie  amount  and  value  of  his  work. 
Every  heart  must  be  touched  by  fraternity  and  visli  tliat 
co-operation  could  take  the  place  of  comi)etition,  which,  in  its 
grinding  severity,  is  too  like  many  other  things  in  this  hard 
world.  But,  after  all,  choose  any  manxifactured  article,  con- 
sider tlie  nuiltitude  of  people  wlio  in  various  trades  and  differ- 
ent countries  liave  co-operated  in  the  production,  yet  have  not 
coin])eted  with  each  other,  and  it  will  be  seen  that,  even  as 
things  are,  there  is  more  of  co-operation  than  of  competition 
among  the  workers. 

Co-operative  stores  have  nothing  but  a  misleading  name  in 
common  with  co-operative  works.  They  simply  bring  the 
consumer  into  direct  relation  with  the  producer,  and  give  him 
the  benefit  of  wholesale  prices,  which  may  be  perfectly  well 
done,  so  long  as  the  officers  of  the  assocuation  can  be  trusted  to 
exercise  for  the  society  the  same  degree  of  skill  and  integrity 
in  the  selection  of  goods  which  the  retail  tradesman  exercises 
for  himself.  Retail  establishments,  however,  of  the  ordinary 
kind,  l)ut  on  a  large  scale,  like  that  of  the  late  A.  T.  Stewart, 
in  Xew  York,  with  low  prices,  and,  best  of  all,  ready-money 
payment,  afford  the  i)ractical  benefits  of  co-operation. 

From  Unionism  and  strikes,  again,  too  much  seems  to  have 
been  hoped  by  the  workingman.  They  have  not  seldom 
enabled  him  to  make  a  fairer  bargain  with  the  master,  and 
they  are  ])erfectly  lawful;  though  it  is  daily  becoming  more 
apparent  that  the  community,  to  save  itself  from  the  misuse 
of  Unionist  power,  must  steadfastly  guard  the  liberties  of 
the  Non-union  men.  But  the  idea  that  strikes  can,  to  an 
unlimited,  or,  even,  to  a  great  extent  raise  wages,  seems 
unfounded.  The  screw  may  be  put  upon  the  master,  but  it 
cannot  be  put  upon  the  community;  and  it  is  the  community, 
not  the  master,  that  is  the  real  employer.     The  community 


24 


QUESTIONS   OF  THE    DAY. 


which  buys  the  goods  ultimately  settles  the  price,  and,  thereby, 
finally  detennines  the  wages  of  the  producers,  notwithstanding 
any  momentary  extortion ;  nor  can  it  be  constrained,  by  strik- 
ing, in  the  end  to  give  more  than  it  thinks  tit  and  can  afford. 
The  workman  who  strikes  himself  buys  everything  as  cheap 
as  he  can,  and  in  so  doing  he  is  keeping  down  the  wages 
of  those  whose  labour  produces  the  article  to  the  lowest  point 
in  his  power.  By  strikes,  carried  beyond  a  certain  point, 
capital  may  be  driven  away,  and  the  trade  may  be  ruined,  as 
trades  have  been  ruined,  but  the  rate  of  Avages  will  not  be 
raised.  The  master,  though  he  is  the  immediate  employer, 
is  the  agent  through  wliom  the  community  pays  the  workmen. 
To  the  men,  his  commercial  relation  is  at  bottom  that  of  a 
partner,  taking  out  of  the  earnings  of  the  business  the  sliare 
which  is  due  for  capital,  risk,  and  guidance.  IVfasters  are 
beginning  to  mark  this  fact  in  a  kindly  way,  by  giving  shares 
in  the  concern  or  premiums  to  tlie  men,  while  they  retain  the 
guidance  in  their  own  hands. 

Strikers  should  never  forget  that  they  are  themselves  buyers 
as  well  as  producers,  and,  therefore,  employers  as  well  as 
employed ;  so  that  if  they  can  strike  against  the  rest  of  the 
community,  the  other  trades  can  strike  against  them,  aiul 
wages  being  thus  raised  all  rouiul,  nobody  will  gain  anything. 
They  ought  also  to  remember  that  they  are  parts  of  an  indus- 
trial organism,  on  the  well-being  of  which  as  a  whole  that  of 
all  its  members  depends,  and  which  is  deranged  as  a  whole  by 
the  disturbance  of  any  portion  of  it.  A  strike  in  one  section 
of  a  trade  throws  out  of  Avork  hundreds  of  men,  Avomen,  and 
children,  in  the  other  sections.  A  strike  in  certain  dei)art- 
ments,  such  as  that  of  raihvays,  Avill  stop  the  wheels  of  com- 
merce and  industry  ;  in  >,hers,  it  will  cause  incalculable  loss 
and  suffering.  Suppose,  when  an  artisan  had  been  hurt  by 
the  machinery,  the  surgeons  were  to  put  their  heads  out  of  the 
AvindoAv  and  say  they  Avere  on  strike. 

Artisans  are  in  the  habit  of  speaking  of  themselves  exclu- 
sively as  Avorkingmen.  Everybody  Avho  is  not  idle  is  a  Avork- 
ingraan,  Avhether  he  works  with  his  brain  or  Avith  his  hands, 


SOCIAL    AND   INDUSTRIAL   KKVOLl'I'IOX. 


[,  thereby, 
hstauding 
,  by  strik- 
!an  att'orcl. 

as  cheap 
the  wages 
west  point 
aiii   point, 

ruined,  as 
all  not  be 

employer, 
I  workmen. 

that  of  a 
5  the  share 
[asters  are 
ving  shares 
I  retain  the 

Ives  buyers 
as  well  as 
rest  of  the 
them,  and 
\  anything. 
»f  an  indus- 
lole  tliat  of 
a  whole  by 
one  section 
kvomen,  and 
iiiu  depart- 
els  of  com- 
ulable  loss 
en  hurt  by 
3  out  of  the 

?lves  exclu- 
is  a  work- 
his  hands, 


1111(1  wluitcvcr  part  he  may  play  in  the  service  of  a  varied  and 
complex  civilisation. 

We  may  relegate  political  economy  to  Saturn  but  we  shall 
Hud  that  it  will  return.  ^laltlius  will  return  ;  not  the  im- 
iiionil  ogre  paiuU'il  by  fancy,  hut  the  perfectly  moral  and 
l)enevolent  observer,  who  pointiul  out  a  most  im[)ortant  fact, 
though  he  })artly  overlooked  the  limitations.  If  the  number 
of  guests  at  the  tabh;  of  life  is  intn-eased  without  limit,  each 
Hum's  share  of  the  feast  must  bi!  diminished  or  some  must  go 
unfed.  If  by  the  growth  of  the  artisan  population  the  labour 
market  is  overcrowded,  strike  as  often  as  you  will,  there  can- 
not he  emphnMuent  with  good  wages  for  all.  The  idea  that 
niulti|»lication  of  lid)ourers,  without  increase  of  the  natural 
means  of  ju'oduction,  will  increase  the  produce  seems  to  possess 
some  minds,  hut  it  scarcely  needs  confutation. 

It  cannot  be  doubted  that  these  unhapi)y  wars  between 
employer  and  em])l()ve(l  have  given  birth  to  a  set  of  men  who 
sul)sist  by  industrial  war.  In  tln^  journals  and  speeches  of 
tliese  men  nothing  is  said  about  the  improvement  which 
the  artisan  might  make  in  his  own  condition  by  thrift, 
tenii)erau(!e,  and  husbandry  of  his  means;  he  is  told  only  of 
the  advantage  which  he  might  gain  by  industrial  revolution. 
Nor  is  anything  said  about  the  efforts  which  undeniably  are 
being  made  by  the  employer  and  by  society  at  large  to  raise 
the  lot  of  the  artisan.  Before  the  men  themselves  the  hope  of 
rising  into  a  higher  grade  of  industry  is  not  set.  They  are 
led  to  regard  themselves  as  destined  to  the  end  of  their  days 
to  be  members  of  a  union  of  wage-earners  always  doing  battle 
with  their  masters.  The  artisan  is  always  the  "  toiler,"  the 
other  classes  are  "spoilers,"  and  the  drift  of  the  preaching 
is  that  tlie  spoilers  ought  to  be  made  to  disgorge,  and  are  lucky 
:if  they  escape  condign  punishment.  The  underlying  notion 
.seems  to  be  that  ca])italists  and  the  wealthy  class,  Avhatever 
I  may  be  done  to  them,  will  always  be  in  existence  and  will 
present  themselves  like  sheep  for  an  annual  shearing.  But 
these  sheep,  once  sheared,  will  grow  no  more  wool.  Men  will 
mot  earn  and  save  wealth  for  the  despoiler. 


«I«IU.I^I  J.PJI 


20 


Ql'KsriONS   OF  THK   DAV. 


Then  there  is  tlio  hope  of  vastly  increasing  the  wealth  of 
the  world  in  general,  and  that  of  the  poorer  class  in  partic- 
ular, by  means  of  an  inconvertible  Paper  Currency.  Of  this 
illusion,  it  may  be  truly  said,  that  not  the  wildest  dreams  of 
the  alchemist,  or  ol'  those  adventurers  who  sailed  in  quest 
of  an  Eldorado,  were  a  more  extraordinary  instance  of  the 
human  power  of  self-deception.  Among  the  champions  of 
pa])er  currency  there  are,  no  doubt,  many  who  know  too  well 
what  they  are  about,  and  whose  aim  is  to  defraud  the  creditor, 
public  and  private,  by  paying  off  the  debt  with  depreciated 
paper,  an  ()j)eration  the  sweetness  of  which,  in  the  United 
States,  umhu-  the  Legal  Tender  Act,  has  been  already  tasted, 
liut  there  are  also  honest  enthusiasts,  not  a  few,  who  sincerely 
believe  that  a  commercdal  millennium  could  be  opened  by 
merely  issuing  a  flood  of  pioiaissory  notes  and  refusing  pay- 
ment. This  prodigious  fallacy  has  its  origin  simply  in  the 
equivocal  use  of  a  word.  We  have  got  into  the  habit  of 
applying  the  name  nu)ney  to  paper  bank-notes  as  well  as  to 
coin.  The  paper  being  current  as  well  as  the  coin,  we  fancy 
that  with  both  alike  we  buy  goods.  But  the  truth  is  that 
we  buy  only  with  the  coin,  to  which,  alone,  the  name  money 
ought  to  be  apjdied.  The  bank-note  is  an  instrument  of 
credit,  like  a  checpu^ ;  not  money  itself,  but  an  order  and 
a  security  for  a  sum  of  money,  which,  the  note  being  payable 
on  demand,  can  be  drawn  by  the  holder  from  the  bank,  or  the 
government,  when  he  ])leases.  When  a  man  receives  a  bank- 
note, he  has  virtually  so  much  coin  as  the  note  represents  put 
to  his  account  at  the  bank  by  which  the  note  is  issued.  The 
note  is  a  promissory  note,  and  the  bank  in  increasing  the 
number  of  its  notes,  like  a  trader  who  increases  the  number 
of  his  promissory  notes,  adds,  not  to  its  wealth,  but  to  its 
liabilities.  In  the  slip  of  paper  there  is  no  value  or  purchasing 
power ;  nor  can  any  legislature  put  value  or  purchasing  power 
into  it.  Greenbackers  point  to  the  case  of  postage  stamps, 
into  whi(di,  they  say,  value  has  been  put  by  legislation.  But 
a  postage  stamp  is  simply  a  receipt  for  a  certain  sum  paid  to 
the  government  in  coin,  and,  in  consideration  of  which,  the 


M 


SOCIAL    AND    INDlSTItlAL    KKVOLLTION. 


wealth  of 
in  pai'tic- 
.     Of  this 
dreams  of 
I  in  quest 
lice  of  the 
anpions  of 
w  too  well 
le  creditor, 
Aepreciated 
the  United 
■ady  tasted. 
\o  siueerely 
opened  hy 
d'using  pay- 
iply  in  the 
he  habit  of 
3  well  as  to 
in,  we  fancy 
•nth  is  that 
lame  money 
itriiment  of 
1  order  and 
ing  payable 
bank,  or  the 
lives  a  bank- 
presents  put 
ssued.     The 
n-easing  the 
the  number 
but  to  its 
r  purchasing 
lasing  power 
bage  stamps, 
dation.     But 
sum  paid  to 
f  which,  the 


government  luulertakes  to  carry  the  letter  to  which  the  receipt 
is  affixed. 

Xo  paper  money,  it  is  believed,  has  ever  yet  been  issued 
excei)t  in  the  promissory  form,  pledging  the  issuer  to  p;iy  in 
coin,  upon  demand,  so  that  each  note,  hitherto,  has  borne  upon 
the  face  of  it  a  fiat  denial  and  abjuration  of  tlu;  Grccidjack 
theory.  Suppose  the  promissory  form  to  be  discarded,  and  the 
bill  to  be  simply  inscribed  "  one  dollar,"  as  the  Fiat-nujuey 
men  propose,  what  wouhl  "doUar"  nu'an ';'  It  would  mean, 
say  the  Greenbackers,  a  certain  proportion  of  the  wealth  of 
the  country,  upon  which,  as  an  aggregate,  tlu^  currency  would 
I  be  based.  What  })roportion  ?  Let  us  know  what  we  havt)  in 
our  purse,  and  what  we  can  get  in  exchange  for  the  paper 
dollar  on  presentation ;  otherwise  commerce  cannot  go  on. 
This,  however,  is  not  the  most  serious  difficulty.  The  most 
serious  difficulty  is  that  while  the  coin,  wlilch  a  convertible 
bank-note  represents,  is  the  property  of  the  bank  of  issue,  the 
aggregate  wealth  of  the  country  is  not  the  property  of  the 
government,  but  of  a  multitude  of  private  owners.  The  gov- 
ernment is  the  possessor  of  nothing  except  the  public  domain 
and  a  taxing  power,  the  exercise  of  which  it  is  bound  to  con- 
fiiu^  to  the  actual  necessities  of  the  State.  In  issuing  an  order 
for  a  loaf  of  bread,  a  coat,  or  a  leg  of  mutton,  to  be  taken  from 
the  possessions  of  the  community  at  large,  it  would  be  simply 
signing  a  ticket  of  spoliation. 

Ask  the  Fiat-money  men  whether  they  are  prepared  to  take 
their  own  money  for  taxes,  and  you  will  get  an  ambiguous 
reply.  Some  of  them  have  an  inkling  of  the  fatal  truth,  and 
answer  that  the  taxes  must  be  paid  in  gold.  The  faith  of 
others  is  more  robust.  But  it  has  been  reasonably  inquired 
why  the  government,  if  it  can  with  a  printing  machine  coin 
money  at  its  will,  should  pester  citizens  for  taxes  at  all. 

That  the  foreigner  will  take  the  national  Fiat-money,  nobody 
seems  to  pretend.  Yet,  if  there  is  real  value  in  it,  why  should 
he  not  ?  All  the  better,  say  the  Greenbackers;  if  he  will  not 
take  our  money,  he  will  have  to  take  our  goods.  Then  you 
will  have  to  take  his  goods,  and  the  commercial  world  will  be 


:** 


88  CiUKSTlUNS   OK   TIIK    DAY. 

rediircil  iii^jiiin  to  barter  without  ii  coiiimoM  uicasurc  of  valuo, 
which  would  not  be  a  f,'r('at  advance  in  conveniciu'e  or  in  civi- 
lisation. r.csi(h's,  tra(h^  is  not  merely  ii,  direct  inttM-ciian<fe  ol' 
commodities  between  two  countries ;  it  is  circuhition  of  thiMu 
anu)n}f  ;dl  countries,  th(!  Tnitcd  States  sendinjL;  cotton  to 
En,L,dand,  Kughmd  calico  to  ('hina,  and  Cliina  tea  to  th(; 
United  States,  which,  without  a  common  standard  of  value, 
would  be  next  to  impossilile. 

Ill  one  sense,  of  course,  <j;overnment  (^an,  by  its  fiat,  put 
value  into  i)a|»er.  It  can  make  the  )>ai)er  legal  tender  for 
debts;  in  other  words,  it  (3an  issue  lic^enses  of  repudiation,  and 
th«'se  licenses  will  retain  a  value  till  iill  existing  debts  have 
been  repudiated,  and  all  existing  creditors  cheated;  but  from 
that  tiint?  their  value  will  (H'iise,  since  everybody,  from  the 
moment  of  their  issue,  will  refuse  to  advance  money,  or  sell 
on  credit. 

in  all  the  cases  known  to  economical  history  in  which  gov- 
ernments have  issued  inconvertible  i)aper,  depreciation  has 
ensued,  and  such  value  as  the  ])aper  has  retained  has  been 
exactly  in  proportion  to  the  h()i)0  of  resumption.  When  cash 
])ayments  were  suspended  in  England,  at  the  crisis  of  the 
French  war,  the  depreciation  was  comj)aratively  small.  sim])ly 
because  the  hope  of  resum[)tion  was  strong.  The  guilhjtine 
Avas  plied  in  vain  to  arrest  the  rapid  fall  of  French  Assignats, 
though  these  were  not  absolutely  iiat-money,  but  bonds  secured 
on  the  national  dojuains,  which  were  good  security  for  the 
original  issue.  Confederate  pa))er  mom\v,  with  the  defeat  of 
the  Confederacy,  lost  the  whole  of  its  value,  or  retained  a 
shadow  of  it  only  through  stock-jobbing  tricks.  In  San 
Domingo  a  gentleu?an,  having  tendered  a  silver  American 
dollar  in  payment  {(>r  his  coffee,  re(;eived  from  the  surprised 
and  delighted  ke(  per  of  the  coffee-house  an  armful  of  paper 
change.  Washington,  while  he  was  saving  his  country,  was 
being  robbed  through  the  operation  of  inconvertible  paper 
currency  of  part  of  his  private  estate ;  and  the  effects,  moral 
and  political,  as  well  as  commercial,  of  the  system,  during  the 
Revolutionary  AVar,  Avere  such  that  Tom  Paine,  no  timid  or 


SnCIAI-    AM)    INDl'SllUAl,    IM!  V<  >M"ri(  >N. 


S9 


iro  of  viihio, 
(>  or  in  civi- 
tcn^hanj^e  ol' 
ion  of  tlnMu 
i>f  cotton  to 
tea  to  the 
irtl  of  value, 

its  fiat,  put 
1  tender  for 
udiation,  and 
r  debts  have 
ed;  bnt  from 
ily,  from  the 
iioney,  or  sell 

in  whieh  gov- 
reciation    has 
led  has  been 
Wlien  casli 
crisis  of  the 
small,  simply 
'he  guillotine 
eh  Assignats, 
)on(ls  secured 
urity  for  the 
;he  defeat  of 
)r  retained  a 
vS.     In    San 
or  American 
the  surprised 
iful  of  paper 
country,  was 
ertible  paper 
effects,  moral 
n,  during  the 
no  timid  or 


SMueamish  })ublicist,  rccommcndfd  that  death  shouhl  be  made 
the  jK'nalty  of  any  pro[)osal  to  renew  it.  In  all  cases  where 
specie  jKiyment  has  been  resunied,  th'e  State,  in  addition  to  tlu» 
loss  incurred  through  disturbance  and  demoralisation  of  com- 
merce, has  paid  heavily  for  the  temporary  suspension,  because 
its  credit  has  been  suspended  at  the  same  time,  aiMl  it  has  had 
to  borrow  on  terms  wors(!  than  those  which  it  conld  have 
ol)tained  in  the  money  market,  had  its  integrity  bcjui  pre- 
served. 

'I'lie  value  is  in  the  gold.  It  is  in  excluingo  for  the  gold 
that,  wheiu'ver  a  sah^  taki's  place,  thi^  commodity  is  given. 
Trade  was  originally  barter,  and,  in  the  sense  of  being  always 
an  interchange  of  things  deemed  really  e(juivalent  in  value,  it 
is  barter  still.  I  give  a  <'ow  for  three  sheep,  and  then  give 
the  three  sheep  for  a  plough,  whieh  it  is  my  idtimate  object  to 
purchase.  What  the  three  sheep  here  do  in  a  single  transac- 
tion, is  done  in  transactions  generally  by  g<dd.  This  funda- 
im'utal  and  vital  fact  is  obscured  by  the  language  even  of 
some  economists  who  are  sound  in  i)rinciple,  but  who  speak  of 
the  precious  metals  as  though  their  value  were  conventional, 
and  like  that  of  symbols  or  counters.  It  is  nothing  of  the 
kind.  The  first  man  who  gave  anything  in  ex(duuig»!  for  gold 
or  silver,  must  have  done  so  because  he  deemed  gold  or  silver 
really  valuable  ;  so  does  the  last.  The  precious  metals,  prob- 
ably, attracted  at  first  by  their  beauty,  their  rarity,  and  their 
natural  cpialities ;  then,  they  were  felt  to  have  S]>ecial  advan- 
tages as  mediums  of  exchange  and  universal  standards  of 
value,  on  accomit  of  their  durability,  tlu^r  uniformity,  their 
])ortability,  their  capability  of  receiving  a  stamp,  of  being 
divided  with  exactness,  and  of  being  fused  again  with  ease. 
Thus  they,  and,  in  the  upshot,  gold,  displaced  all  the  other 
articles,  such  as  copper,  iron,  leather,  shells,  whieh,  in  ])rimi- 
tive  times,  or  under  pressure  of  circumstances,  were  adopted 
as  mediums  of  exchange  and  standards  of  value.  As  was  said 
in  the  time  of  Edward  VI.  in  a  ])rotest  against  the  debasement 
of  the  currency,  "  By  the  whole  consent  of  the  world  gold  and 
silver  have  gotten  the  estimation  above  all  other  metals,  as 


■.-iWffi 


-mmm^i^smrw* 


M 


;)o 


QrESriONS   OF   TllK    DAY. 


inetest  to  uuike  nionoy  iiiid  be  conserved  as  a  treasure  :  which 
estimation  cannot  be  altered  by  a  part  or  little  corner  of  the 
world,  though  the  estimation  were  had  but  on  a  fanciful  opin- 
ion, where  indeed  it  is  grounded  upon  good  reason,  according 
to  the  gifts  that  nature  hath  wrought  in  those  metals  whereby 
they  be  metest  to  use  for  exchange,  and  to  be  kei)t  for  a  treas- 
ure :  so  as  in  that  kind  they  have  gotten  the  sovereignty,  like 
as  for  other  jmrposes  other  metals  do  excel."  '  IJut  the  prec- 
ious metals  have  now  the  additional  value  derived  from  im- 
memorial and  immutable  prescription,  which  would  render  it 
practically  impossible  to  oust  them,  even  if  a  substance  prom- 
ising greater  advantages  for  the  pur})Ose  could  be  found.  The 
French  Kepublicans  tried  to  change  the  era,  and  make  chro- 
nology begin  with  tlu?  first  year  of  the  Kepublic,  instead  of 
beginning  with  the  birth  of  Christ.  But  they  ibund  that  they 
were  pulling  at  a  tree,  the  roots  of  which  were  too  completely 
entwined  with  all  existing  customs  and  ideas  to  be  torn  up. 
It  would  not  be  less  difficult  to  alter  the  medium  of  exchange 
and  standard  of  value  over  the  whole  commercial  world.  A 
value  which  is  moral,  or  dependent  on  opinion,  is  not  the  less 
real ;  the  value  of  diamonds,  as  symbols  of  wealth  and  rank, 
may  be  dependent,  not  only  on  oi)ini()n,  but  on  fancy,  yet  it  is 
real  so  long  as  it  lasts.  An  enormous  find  of  gold  would,  of 
course,  by  putting  an  end  to  its  rarity,  destroy  its  value  ;  this 
is  a  risk  which  commerce  runs,  but  it  does  not  seem  to  be 
great.  Any  inconvenience  that  might  arise  from  the  bulk  and 
weight  of  the  precious  metals,  is  indefinitely  diminished,  while 
in  iiod  they  are  vastly,  and  in  an  increasing  degree,  economised 
by  the  employment  of  bank-notes  and  other  paper  securities, 
for  gold,  which  are  currency,  though  money  they  are  not. 

There  ought  surely  to  be  no  such  thing  as  Legal  Tender, 
even  in  the  case  of  convertible  i)aper  currency,  either  on  the 
[)art  of  the  government  or  on  the  part  of  private  banks. 
It  is  plain  injustice  to  comi^el  us  to  take  anybody's  paper 
as  gold.     If   the  governnuMit  is  solvent  and  its  security  is 


1  See  Mr.  Richard  Buuk-y's  Tirhin<l  niiilei-  the  Tiulors,  Vol.  T.,  p.  ;571. 


SOCIAL   AND   INDUSTKIAL    UKVOLl'TION. 


31 


lire :  which 
Ji'iier  of  the 
iiciful  opin- 
1,  according 
lis  whereby 
for  a  treas- 
•eigiity,  like 
lit  the  prec- 
h1  from  im- 
1(1  render  it 
:ance  proiu- 
ound.  The 
make  chro- 
,  instead  of 
id  that  they 

completely 
be  torn  up. 
of  exchange 

world.  A 
not  the  less 
1  and  rank, 
cy,  yet  it  is 
d  Avould,  of 
value  ;  this 
seem  to  be 
le  bulk  and 
shed,  while 
economised 
r  securities, 
[•e  not. 
^al  Tender, 
ther  on  the 
rate  banks. 
)dy's  paper 

security  is 

I.,  p.  a71. 


good,  the  paper  is  sure  to  be  taken  in  preference  to  carrying 
about  a  weight  of  specie.  Legal  Tender  confuses  the  ideas 
of  the  peoj)le,  shakes  commercial  morality,  and  prepares  the 
way  for  the  attempts  of  the  Fiat-money  man,  and  for  all  the 
mischief  which  they  breed. 

Of  JUmetallism  we  must  speak  with  respect,  since  it  has  such 
ail  advocate  as  ]Mr.  Grenfell.  Yet  thi^  answer  to  the  cpiestion 
Keems  to  have  been  given  with  characteristic  force  and  imn- 
genoy  by  Lowe :  "  I  congratulate  you  on  the  discovery  of 
the  ])hilosopher's  stone.  If  saying  that  one  metal  shall  be 
e(jual  in  value  to  another  can  make  it  e<pial,  yoii  are  fairly 
entitled  to  claim  to  have  discovertMl  the  secret  of  boundless 
riches.  But  why  bimetallism  only  '.'  Why  not  trimetallismor 
(piadrimetallism?  It  is  as  easy  to  say  that  cojjper  is  equal 
to  goh!  as  silver."  (xold  and  silver  are  two  commodities,  each 
of  whi(  h  has  its  value  settled  by  (pialities  and  circumstances 
over  wh  eh  legislatures  have  no  control.  Kelative  or  propor- 
tional '  .line  can  no  more  be  legislated  into  a  commodity  than 
can  absolute  value.  By  the  act  of  a  government  or  a  combi- 
nation of  governments,  silver  or  any  other  metal  may  authori- 
tatively be  made  legal  tender  in  a  certain  proportion  to  gold,  so 
far  as  the  power  of  that  government  or  combination  of  govern- 
ments extends.  This  may  be  done  Avith  greater  ease  if 
the  community  or  communities  are  not  in  ;.  tive  commercial 
intercourse  with  the  rest  of  the  world.  To  have  two  stand- 
ards is  to  have  none.  It  has  been  said  that  it  matters  not 
whether  cloth  is  bought  by  the  yard  or  by  the  ell.  It  mat- 
ters, however,  whether  vou  li.ive  one  yard  measure  or  two, 
one  of  three  feet  and  the  other  of  three  feet  and  a  quarter. 
It  was  proposed,  the  other  day.  in  America,  to  keep  up  the 
price  of  silver  by  malung  all  the  servants  of  the  government 
wear  silver  buttons,  it  was  askeil  in  reply  whether  the 
servants  were  to  pay  for  the  buttcns,  or  the  public;  as,  in 
the  first  case  it  would  be  a  tax  on  the  servants,  in  the  second, 
'  !•  .he  public,  for  the  benefit  of  tiie  Silver  mi  ,  and  the 
money  might  as  well  have  been  handed  to  them  at  once.  I5ut 
we  should  also  have  been  told  why  the  public  was  interested 


'la^mm'^'wmmmmtmmmimim 


32 


QFESTIONS   OF   THE    DAY. 


ill  keeping  up  the  price  of  silver  ;uiy  more  than  the  price  of 
salt.  It  was  mainly  the  influence  of  tlie  Silver  men,  not  the 
prevalence  of  the  bimetallic  the»ny  that  carried  the  Silver 
Bill.  The  market  is  flooded  with  silver,  and  if  silver  were 
monetised  there  would  be  a  deluge.  It  is  mournful  that  an 
industry  should  be  de])ressed,  but  of  all  ways  of  relieving 
it  the  most  costly  is  derangement  of  the  currenc3%  If  the 
tobacco  interest  is  depressed,  are  we  to  remonetise  tobacco  ? 
Cond)ined  with  the  silver  interest  in  the  agitation  was  the 
recrudescence  of  Greenbackism  and  the  desire  of  the  debtor 
class,  especially  the  heavily  mortgaged,  for  an  easy  mode  of 
paying  their  debts.  Xor  w^as  the  South  unwilling  to  see  a 
partial  repudiation  of  the  Federal  war  debt.  The  struggle 
against  Greenbackism  after  the  war  was  severe,  though  hon- 
esty and  a  regard  for  national  credit  prevailed.  In  the  Silver 
laAV  and  its  consecpu'uees  we  see  one  more  proof  of  the  for- 
midable influence  of  sectional  interests  in  party  government 
when  parties  are  nearly  balanced.  With  the  movement  of 
tlie  Silver  men  and  Greenbackers  in  the  United  States  con- 
curred that  of  the  Civil  Servants  in  India,  and  a  great  point 
was  nuide  by  llinietallists  of  this  concurrence.  But  in  regard 
to  su(di  a  (piestion  as  a  change  in  the  world's  currency,  the 
pressure  of  two  great  special  interests  was  surely  a  warning 
to  be  cautious.  The  intin-osts  themselves  are  part  of  tlie 
commercial  world,  and  will  lose  in  the  end  by  derangement 
of  the  (jurrency,  tliough  they  may  gain  by  a  bonus  for  a  time. 
Aiilierence  to  the  gold  standard  does  not  preclude  the  "  free 
coinage"  of  silver  to  any  exttMit  for  auxiliary  use,  the  range 
of  which  each  country  may  determine  for  itself. 

AVith  l)elief  in  I^'iat-money  are  often  combined  fancies  about 
the  tyranny  of  banks,  and  a  desire  to  wreck  and  plunder  them 
by  an  exercise  of  t\w  legislative  ))ower,  or  to  seize  the  business 
and  its  proiits.  and  ])lace  them  in  the  hands  of  the  government. 
Especially  it  is  ])roposed  to  take  away  the  circulation  of  bank- 
notes, and  th(^  profits  belonging  to  it.  I^anks  are  vital  organs 
of  a  eonniuM'cial  community,  which,  in  seeking  their  destruc- 
tion, would  show  as  much  wisdom  as  a  man  would  show  in 


i 


-p?, 


mt 


i«F 


SOCIAL   AND    INDUSTIUAL   KEVOH'TTOX. 


83 


le  price  of 
11,  not  the 
the  Silver 
Ivcr  were 
il  that  iui 

relieving 
r.     If  the 

tobacco  ? 
1  was  the 
he  debtor 
y  mode  of 
f  to  see  a 
i  struggle 
ough  hon- 
the  Silver 
f  the  for- 
)vernment 
cement  of 
tates  con- 
feat  point 

in  regard 
reiicy,  the 
a  warning 
rt  of  the 
angement 
or  a  time, 
the  "  free 
the  range 

cies  about 
ider  tlicm 
3  business 
vernment. 
J  of  bank- 
tal  organs 
r  destruc- 
l  show  in 


¥v 


seeking  the  destruction  of  his  own  heart  or  lungs.  They  per- 
form for  us  three  indispensal)le  functions,  of  which  tlui  first  is 
the  safe-keeping  of  our  money,  which,  otherwise,  we  should 
have  to  keep  in  our  houses  at  our  own  risk,  as  was  the  practice 
of  jNIr.  Pepys  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II.,  and  as  is  still  the 
practice  of  the  Frencli  peasant,  who  hides  his  hoard  in  a  hole 
in  the  wall.  The  second  function  is  that  of  economising  gold, 
and  at  the  same  time  sparing  us  the  inconvenience  of  carrying 
about  a  mass  of  specie,  by  issuing  bank-notes,  which,  being 
secured  upon  the  whole  estate  of  a  chartered  corporation,  may, 
in  general,  be  accepted  without  scrutiny,  and  thus  form  a  paper 
currency,  though  it  can  never  be  too  often  repeated  that  they 
are  not  money.  It  is  hard  that  those  who  are  always  declaim- 
ing against  metallic  money  for  its  cuml)rousness,  and  because, 
as  they  say,  it  lies  dead  and  inert,  should  fail  to  acknowledge 
the  service  rendered  by  the  banks  of  issue,  in  thus  giving  tlie 
metal  wings,  and  making  it  do  its  work  for  commerce  in  a 
thousand  jdaces,  while  it  is  locally  laid  up  in  one.  The  third 
t'uiu'tion,  which  is  the  offspring  of  comijaratively  modern  times, 
is  that  of  enabling  us  to  trade  on  credit.  This  the  banks  do 
by  discounting  paper  for  the  trader,  Avliose  resonrces  they 
liave  satisfactorily  examined,  and  whose  eommereial  character 
they  ap})rove.  In  this  way,  they  both  substantiate  and  regu- 
late credit,  neither  of  wliit-h  could  be  done  witliout  their 
agi'Mcy,  by  the  mere  representations  of  the  trader  him,'  H",  or 
in  I  viva'e  inquiry  into  his  means.  To  stop  the  action  c.  the 
i.anii,^  in  this  department  would  be  to  stoj)  trading  on  credit. 
<'rrd;r  ilso  is  becoming  a  monster,  and  if  there  were  no  trust- 
V'(»:'llr.  means  of  measuring,  regulating,  and  restricting  it,  a 
i.ioii;,'".  it  would  be. 

The  financial  destructive  grudges  the  banks  the  profits  of 
their  circulation,  and  wishes  to  transfer  them  to  that  which  he 
calls  the  State,  but  which,  it  is  necessary  always  to  bear  in 
mind,  is  in  fact  simply  the  men  who  compose  the  government. 
Why  not  grudge  the  banks  the  profits  of  the  discount  business, 
and  [)ropose  to  transfer  that  to  government  in  the  same  way  ';' 
Why  not  do  the  same  with  all  other  trades  by  which  profit, 


.  JJ*' 


84 


QUESTIONS   OF   TIIK    DAY. 


and  often  unfair  jirotit,  is  made  ?  Why  not  make  the  issuing 
of  bills  of  exchange  or  j)r<)missory  notes,  why  not  make  the 
supplying  of  the  community  with  clothes  or  shoes,  a  monoijoly 
in  the  hands  of  the  government  ?  What  is  there  about  the 
money  trade  in  i)artioular  to  make  us  desire  that  it  should  be 
put  into  the  pow^er  of  the  politicians  ?  Judging  by  experience, 
it  would  be  al)out  the  last  branch  of  commerce  on  which  we 
should  wish  them  to  lay  their  grasp. 

It  is  the  business  of  government  to  put  its  stamp  on  the 
coin,  in  order  to  assure  the  comnmnity  that  the  coin  is  of 
the  right  weight  and  fineness.  This  public  authorities  alone 
can  satisfav    '.il"  do,  and  they  may  now  be  trusted  to  do  it, 


though,  in  foi'' 


iUies.  kintis  were  in  the  habit  of  defrauding 


the  subject  b;,  dc  -uug  the  coin.  But  here  the  duty  and  the 
asefulness  of  government  in  regard  to  the  currency  seem  to 
end.  The  volume  of  bank-notes  issued  ought  to  be  regulated, 
like  that  of  all  other  commercial  paper,  by  the  requirements 
of  the  day,  that  is,  by  the  number  and  amount  of  the  transac- 
tions ;  and  it  will  be  so  regulated  while  it  is  in  the  hands  of 
the  banks,  which  will  not  fail  to  issue  all  the  bills  for  which 
there  is  real  need,  while,  if  they  issue  more  than  are  needed, 
the  bills  will  begin  to  come  bav)k  upon  their  hands.  But  govern- 
ment can  no  more  decide  what  amount  of  notes  is  required 
than  it  can  decide  how  many  promissory  notes  or  bills  of 
exchange  or  dock  warrants  ought,  at  any  given  moment,  to  be 
afloat.  Setting  government  to  settle  the  circulation  of  paper 
is  having  the  barometer  regulated  by  superior  wisdom  Avithout 
reference  to  atmosi)lu'ric  ])ressure. 

The  J^ank  Charter  Act  of  Peel  and  Overstone  was  the  off- 
s[)ring  of  the  alarm  caused  by  the  failure  of  a  number  of 
private  banks  of  issue.  With  deference  to  such  high  authori- 
ties, some  would  say  that  it  might  have  been  better  to  adopt 
proper  safeguards  in  the  way  of  inspection  and  other  precau- 
tionary regulations.  The  Act  has  gone  into  operation  only  to 
a  limitial  extent,  having  ]nit  an  end  to  the  existence  of  a  fe\y 
only  of  the  ])rivate  banks  of  issue,  all  of  which  it  was  intended 
gradually  to   extinguish.     It   has   been   thrice  suspended  at 


SOCIAL    AND    INDISTIUAL    RKVOH'TION. 


35 


e  issuing 
iiake  the 
uonojjoly 
bout  tlic 
hould  be 
perience, 
vhich  we 

p  on  the 
3in  is  of 
ies  alone 
to  do  it, 
it'rauding 

and  the 

seem  to 
egulated, 
lirements 

transac- 

hands  of 

'or  which 

?  needed, 

it  goveni- 

required 

'  bills  of 

ent,  to  be 

of  paper 

1  without 

3  the  off- 
iimber  of 

I  authori- 
to  adopt 
r  prorau- 

II  only  to 
of  a  few 
intended 

anded  at 


a  commercial  crisis,  cacli  suspension  being  attended  with  all 
the  inconvenience  and  injustice  of  arbitrary  intervention ;  and 
its  general  elfect,  whenever  tightness  is  felt,  appears  to  be  to 
produce  a  sort  of  nervous  contraction,  which  itself  tends  to 
the  aificeleration  of  a  crisis. 

Ordinary  banks,  being  private  institutions,  are  amenable  to 
the  law ;  in  truth,  there  is  nothing  of  which  the  politicians 
are  fonder  than  harassing  them  with  logishition.  But  a  party 
government,  supported  by  a  majority,  is  its  own  law,  and  can 
do  whptever  its  need  or  its  cupidity  inspires,  witliout  regard 
to  the  interests  of  commerce.  Even  the  most  commercial  of 
such  governments,  when  in  want  of  money,  does  not  shrink 
from  issuing  legal  tender  currency,  without  reference  to  the 
state  of  the  money  market.  The  American  Silver  I^ill,  again, 
shows  what  we  might  liave  to  expect  of  the  power  to  which 
it  is  demanded  that  the  functions  of  the  banks  should  be 
transferred.  Would  commerce  have  an  hour  of  security,  or 
be  ab^e  to  conduct  any  of  her  operations  in  i)eace  and  confi- 
dence, it  111?  hand  of  demagogism  were  all  the  time  upon  her 
heartstrings  ? 

Bank-notes,  though  not  legal  tender,  cannot,  in  the  ordinary 
course  of  trade,  be  refused,  unless  there  is  some  ])ublic  reason 
for  mistrusting  the  solvency  of  the  bank.  This  is  the  ground 
for  subjecting  this  particular  class  of  commercial  conij)anies 
to  special  legislation ;  and  it  is  the  sole  ground ;  there  would, 
otherwise,  be  no  justification  for  an  interference  with  the 
trade  in  money  more  than  with  any  other  trade.  Nor  has 
a  government  the  slightest  right  to  comi)el  the  banks  to  take 
its  bonds,  as  the  condition  of  permitting  them  to  pursue  an 
honest  and  indispensable  traffic,  or  to  levy  tribute  u})()n  them 
in  any  other  way.  On  the  other  liaiid,  the  stockhoiih-rs  of 
banks  must  not  suppose  that  they,  of  all  investors  in  com- 
merci:  enterprises,  are  entitled  to  the  intervention  of  govern- 
ment when  their  affairs  are  mismanaged  by  directors  of  their 
own  clioosing.  If  they  invoke  such  aid,  they  will  once  more 
practi(!ally  point  the  moral  of  the  fable  of  the  horse  and  the 
stay. 


S6 


QrKSTIONS   OF   TIIK    DAY. 


Tlic  notion  tluit  society  is  an  orgiinisni  or  s^a-owth  must  not 
be  cairifd  too  tar;  we  have  an  individuality  and  a  power  of 
acting  on  the  general  frame,  which  the  parts  of  an  organism 
liave  not.  But  this  view  is,  at  least,  nearer  the  truth  tlian 
the  idea  which  underlies  all  Socialism,  that  society  can  be 
juetamorphosed  by  the  action  of  the  State,  an  imaginary  power 
outside  all  personalities,  superior  to  all  special  interests,  and 
free  from  all  class  passions.  Nothing,  indeed,  can  be  less 
free  from  class  passions  than  the  movements  which  have  been 
here  passed  in  review.  Social  hatred  is  a  bad  reformer,  and 
the  struggles  to  which  it  has  given  birth  have  almost  always 
brought  to  the  community,  and  even  to  the  most  suffering 
members  of  it,  far  more  loss  than  gain. 

To  speak  of  Protection  would  be  opening  a  wide  subject, 
and  one  which  jjcrhaps  scarcely  falls  within  the  scope  of  this 
paper.  There  are  men,  sensible  in  other  things,  who  imagine 
that  they  can  jucrease  the  wealth  of  a  country  by  taxation. 
So  long  as  governments  and  armaments  are  maintained  on  the 
present  scale  of  expenditure,  every  country  will  need  import 
duties,  and  must  have  its  tariff.  The  only  alternative,  at  all 
events,  is  direct  taxation.  Absolute  free  trade,  therefore, 
is  at  present  out  of  the  question,  and  the  different  tariffs 
must  be  regulated  a(!cording  to  the  cdrcumstances  and  the 
special  iiulustries  of  each  community.  Every  nation  will, 
claim  this  right.  England,  who  has  her  tariff  like  the  rest, 
wisely  lets  in  free  the  raw  materials  of  her  special  industries 
and  the  food  of  her  innumerable  workmen,  while  she  taxes 
finished  artu'les  of  luxury,  such  as  tea,  wine,  and  tobacco. 
Free  traders,  British  free  traders,  especially,  have  left  this  too 
much  out  of  sight,  and  have  compromised  their  theory  by  that 
error,  J>ut  that  taxation  can  add  to  wealth,  that  governments 
can  increase  production  by  forcing  capital  and  labour  out  of 
their  natural  channels,  that  the  interest  of  the  peo])le  Avill  be 
promoted  by  forbidding  them  to  buy  the  best  and  cheapest 
article  wherever  it  can  be  found,  are  notions  which,  if  reason 
did  not  sufficiently  confute  them,  have  been  confuted  by  expe- 


SOCIAL    AND    INDlsriJlAL    UHVULUTlUN. 


37 


luu.st  not 
IMJWor  of 
organism 
uth  tlian 
y  can  be 
ly  power 
ests,  and 
be  less 
ave  been 
nier,  and 
t  always 
suffering 


subject, 
?  of  this 

imagine 
;axation. 
Id  on  the 
I  import 
^'e,  at  all 
lierefore, 
t  tariffs 
and  the 
ion  will, 
the  rest, 
idustries 
le  taxes 
tobacco. 

tliis  too 

by  that 
rnments 
:•  out  of 
!  will  be 
;lieapest 
f  reason 
L»y  expe- 


rience. Under  the  free  system  the  industries  of  England  have 
been  developed,  and  her  wealth  has  increased  o\it  of  all  pro- 
portion to  the  growth  of  her  })()pulation,  and  to  an  extent  per- 
I'ectly  unrivalled.  The  verdict  of  economical  history  through 
all  the  ages  is  the  same.  Nobody  ])roposes  to  draw  Customs 
lines  across  the  tm-ritory  of  any  nation,  anil  the  conunert-ial 
advantages  of  freedom  of  exchangi;  know  no  i)olitit'al  limit, 
though  in  passing  from  nation  to  nation  fiscal  necessity  intrr- 
v(>nes.  AVhat  is  the  proper  commercial  area  of  Protection, 
I'rotectionists  have  omitted  to  exjilain.  The  workman  does 
not  gain  by  I'rotection;  he  is  only  transferred  to  an  artificial 
industry  from  a  natural  industry,  which  would  otherwise 
develop  itself,  and  in  whi(di,  as  it  would  be  nujre  remuner- 
ative, emitloyment  would  be  more  abundiint.  The  master 
iiianufaeturer  is  the  oyly  man  who  gains;  to  him  the  comnm- 
nity,  under  the  Protective  system,  i)ays  tribute ;  accordingly, 
ill  roimtries  where  the  system  prevails,  he  is  giuiei-ally  a  Pro- 
tectionist, and  uses  iu)t  argunu'ut  alone,  but  tlie  Lobby,  and 
influences  'if  all  sorts,  to  keep  uj)  the  tariff;  lu^  will  even  do 
liis  \itmost  to  en(!<)urage  expenditure,  rather  tlian  that  the 
scale  of  duties  should  go  down.  Xor  can  he  be  much  blanu'd, 
when  the  government  has  induced  him  to  put  his  (capital  into 
the  favoured  trade,  and  stake  his  future  on  the  continuance  of 
the  favoux".  Political  or  social  nu)tives  there  may  (Minceivably 
be  for  Protection,  as  well  as  for  any  other  sacrifice  of  (ionnner- 
cial  interest,  such  as  war  itself;  l)ut  tlie  commercial  sacrifice 
is  a  fact  which  (lainiot  be  denied.  To  foster  by  protective 
duties  or  bomises  infant  industries,  Avhich  may  afterwards 
sustain  themselves,  and  ])erhai)S  draw  emigration  to  a  new 
country,  in  itself  might  be  a  rational  and  legitimate  ])olicy,  if 
the  nation  could  really  keep  the  expei'inuMit  in  its  own  hands. 
Hut  artificial  interests  are  created,  a  King  is  formed,  and  the 
nation  loses  control  over  its  tariff.  Such,  at  least,  is  the  case 
with  connnunities  governed  as  are  those  of  the  American 
continent.  The  field  of  ])()litical  economy,  as  a  region  not  in 
the  air  but  on  the  earth,  and  the  tendencies,  capabilities,  and 
forces  of  society  with  which  the  economical  legislator  deals, 


^m^mv^t 


;jK 


lil  KSriONS   OK   TllK    DAY 


must  be  treated  as  they  really  are.  The  coiiuection  of  political 
economy  with  politics  is  a  blank  page  in  the  treatises  of  the 
great  writers. 

Steady  industry,  aided  by  the  ever-growing  powers  of  practi- 
cal science,  is  rapidly  augmenting  wealth.  Thrift  and  increased 
facilities  for  saving  and  for  the  employment  of  small  capitals 
will  promote  the  e(piality  of  distribution.  Let  governments 
see  that  labour  is  allowed  to  enjoy  its  full  earnings,  untaxed 
by  war,  waste,  or  protective  tariffs.  The  best  of  all  taxes,  it 
has  been  truly  said,  is  the  least.  With  equal  truth  it  may 
be  said  that  the  best  of  all  governments  is  that  which  has  least 
occasion  to  trovern. 


'Among  other  signs  of  the  social  and  industrial  unrest  of  the 
age  has  been  the  production  of  a  number  of  Utopias  such  as 
"  The  Coming  Kace,"  "  Xews  from  Nowhere,''  "  Cffisar's  Col- 
umn," and  "  Looking  Backward,"  the  last  named  being  the 
most  widely  circulated  and  popular  of  all.  As  the  rainbow  in 
the  spray  of  iS'iagara  marks  a  cataract  in  the  river,  the  appear- 
ance of  Utopias,  has  marked  cataracts  in  the  stream  of  history. 
Tliat  of  More,  from  whi(di  the  general  name  is  taken,  ami  that 
of  Kabelais,  marked  tlu;  fall  of  the  stream  from  the  Middle  Ages 
into  modern  times.  I'lato's  "  Republic  "  marked  the  catastro- 
phe of  Greek  republicanism,  though  it  is  not  a  mere  " Utopia" 
but  a  great  treatise  on  morality,  and  even  as  a  political  specu- 
lation not  Avholly  beyond  the  pale  of  what  a  Greek  citizen 
might  have  regarded  as  practical  reform,  since  it  is  in  its  main 
features  an  idealisation  of  Sparta.  Visions  of  reform  her- 
alded the  outbreak  of  Lollardism  and  the  Insurrection  of  the 
Serfs.  The  fancies  of  Kousseau  and  Bernardin  de  St.  Pierre 
heralded  the  Revolution.  Rousseau's  reveries,  be  it  observed, 
lot  only  failed  of  reUisation,  but  gave  hardly  any  sign  of  that 
which  was  really  coming.     The  Jacobins  canted  in  his  phrase, 

1  The  substance  of  this  paper  appeared  in  the  Forum  under  the  title  of 
"Prophets  of  Unrest." 


s(k;ial  and  industrial  ki: volution. 


but  they  returned  to  the  state  of  luitun^  only  in  personal  tiltlii- 
ness,  in  brutality  of  manners,  and  in  guillotining  Lavoisier 
because  tlie  Kepublic  had  no  need  of  chemists. 

There  is  a  general  feeling  abroad  that  the  stream  is  drawing 
near  a  cataract  now,  and  there  are  apparent  grcninds  for  the 
surmise.  There  is  everywhere  in  the  social  frame  an  outward 
unrest,  which  as  usual  is  tlie  sign  of  fundamental  change 
within.  Old  creeds  have  given  way.  The  masses,  the  artisans 
especially,  have  ceased  to  believe  that  the  existing  order  of 
society,  with  its  grades  of  rank  and  wealth,  is  a  divine  ordi- 
nance against  which  it  is  vain  to  rebel.  They  have  ceased  to 
believe  in  a  future  state,  in  which  Dives  and  Lazarus  are  to 
change  places.  Of  labour  joiirnals  secularism  is  the  creed. 
Social  scier  e,  if  it  is  to  take  the  place  of  religion  as  a  conser- 
vative force,  has  not  yet  developed  itself  or  got  firm  hold  of 
the  popular  mind.  The  rivalry  of  parties  for  popular  favour 
has  made  suffrage  almost  universal.  The  poor  are  freshly 
possessed  of  political  poAver,  and  have  conceived  vague  notions 
of  the  changes  which,  by  exercising  it,  they  may  make  in  their 
own  favour.  They  are  just  in  that  twilight  of  education  in 
which  chimeras  stalk.  This  concurrence  of  social  and  eco- 
nomical with  political  and  religious  revolution  has  always  been 
fraught  with  danger.  The  governing  classes,  unnerved  by 
scepticism,  have  lost  faith  in  the  order  which  they  represent, 
and  are  inclined  to  timorous  and  hasty  abdication.  Some 
members  of  them,  partly  from  genuine  philanthropy,  partly 
from  ambition,  partly  perhaps  from  fear,  are,  like  the  aristoc- 
racy of  the  salons  in  France  in  the  last  century,  dallying  with 
revolution.  The  sight  of  accumulated  wealth  has  stimulated 
envy  to  a  dangerous  ])itch.  This  is  not  the  place  to  cast 
the  horoscope  of  society.  We  may,  after  all,  be  exaggerating 
the  gravity  of  the  crisis.  The  First  of  May  hitherto  has 
passed  without  bringing  forth  anything  more  portentous  than 
an  epidemic  of  strikes,  which,  though  very  disastrous,  as 
they  sharpen  and  embitter  class  antagonisms,  are  not  in 
themselves  attempts  to  subvert  society.  A  writer  who  has 
surveyed  all  the  democracies,  says  that  the  only  country  on 


40 


QlKSriONS   OK   TllK    DAY. 


wlii(!h  revolutionary  Socialism  lias  taken  hold  is  Kn,<,'laucl. 
(xerniaii  Socialism  aj)i)oars,  as  was  said  before,  to  be  largely 
impatience  of  tiixation  and  conscription.  ■>rn(',li  is  called 
Socialism  and  taken  as  ominous  of  revolution  which  is  mere.y 
the  extension  of  the  action  of  government,  wisely  or  unwisely, 
over  new  [tortious  of  its  present  field,  and  perhaps  doiis  not 
deserve  the  dreadcul  name  so  much  as  our  familiar  Sunday 
law.  The  crash,  if  it  come,  may  not  be  universal.  Things 
may  not  everywhere  take  the  sann^  course.  Wealth  in  some 
countries,  when  seriously  alarmed,  nuiy  convert  itself  into 
military  ])ower,  of  which  the  artisans  hav(!  little,  and  may  turn 
the  scale  in  its  own  favour.  Though  social  science  is  as  yet 
undeveloped,  intelligence  has  more  organs  and  an  increasing 
hold.  The  efforts  which  good  mendj(!rs  of  the  employer  or 
wealthy  class  an^  making  to  improve  social  and  industrial  rela- 
tions, though  little  rcc^ognised  l)y  labour  journals,  can  hardly 
prove  altogetlun-  vain.  The  present  nuiy  after  all  glide  more 
calndy  than  we  think  into  the  future.  Still  there  is  a  crisis. 
We  have  had  tht^  Parisian  Ooinmuiu',  the  Spanish  Intransi- 
gentes.  Nihilism,  Anarchism.  It  is  not  a  time  for  playing  with 
wild-lire.  Though  Rousseau's  scheme  of  regeneration  by  a 
return  to  nature  came  to  nothing,  his  deinuudations  of  society 
told  with  a  vengeance,  and  consigncul  thousands  to  death  by 
the  guillotine,  hundreds  of  thousands  to  death  by  distress,  and 
millions  to  death  by  the  sword  or  by  the  havoc  and  pestilence 
which  follow  in  the  train  of  war. 

The  writer  of  an  "  \ito])ia,"  however,  in  trying  to  make  his 
fancy  attractive  by  contrast,  is  naturally  tempted  to  overpaint 
the  evils  of  the  existing  state  of  things.  "  Looking  Back- 
ward "  opens  with  a  very  vivid  and  telling  picture  of  society 
as  it  is : 


i 


I 


"  Hy  way  of  attempting  to  civc  the  reader  some  general  impression  of 
tlie  way  people  lived  tojiether  in  those  days,  and  especially  of  the  rela- 
tions of  the  rich  and  poor  to  one  another,  perhaps  I  cannot  do  hctter 
than  to  compare  society  as  it  then  was  to  a  prodigious  coach,  which  the 
masses  of  humanity  were  harnessed  to  and  dragged  toilsomely  along  a 
very  hilly  and  sandy  road.     The  ilriver  was  hungry,  and  pernutted  no 


S(^CIAL    AND    INDUSTRIAL    KKVOLITION. 


n 


lagging,  though  the  pace  was  iiccossarily  very  slow.  Dospitc  the  (lilViculty 
of  drawing  the  coach  at  all  along  so  hard  a  road,  tlic  top  was  <iiv('rt'd 
with  passengers,  who  never  got  down,  even  at  the  steepest  ascent.  These 
.seats  were  very  breezy  and  comfortable.  Well  ni)  out  of  the  dust,  their 
occupants  could  enjoy  the  .scenery  at  their  leisure,  (»r  critically  discuss 
the  merits  of  the  straining  team.  Naturally  such  places  were  in  great 
demand,  and  tlie  competition  for  them  was  keen,  every  one  .seeking  as 
the  tir.st  end  in  life  to  secure  a  seat  on  the  coach  for  himself  and  to  leave 
it  to  his  child  after  him.  IJy  the  rule  of  the  coach,  a  man  could  leave  his 
.seat  to  whom  he  wished;  but  on  the  other  hand,  there  were  many  acci- 
dents by  which  it  might  at  any  time  be  wholly  lost.  For  all  that  they 
were  .so  easy,  the  seats  were  very  insecure,  and  at  every  sudden  jolt  of 
the  coach  pei'sons  were  slipping  out  of  them  and  falling  to  the  groiuid, 
where  they  were  instantly  compelled  to  take  hold  of  the  rope  and  help  to 
drag  the  coach  on  which  they  hail  before  ridden  so  pleasantly.  It  was 
naturally  regarded  as  a  terrible  nusfortune  to  lo.se  one's  .seat,  and  the 
apprehension  that  this  might  happen  to  them  or  their  friends  was  a  con- 
stant cloud  \ipon  the  happiness  of  those  who  rode." 

And  what  are  tlu;  feelings  of  the  i)USS(Migev.s  toward  the 
liapless  toilers  who  drag  the  coach'.'  llavt^  they  lu)  compas- 
sion for  the  sufferings  of  the  fellow-beings  from  whom  fortune 
oidy  has  distinguished  them  '.' 

"  oh,  yes  ;  conuniseration  was  freijuently  expressed  by  those  who  rode 
for  those  who  had  to  pull  the  coach,  especially  when  the  vehicle  came  to 
a  bad  place  in  the  road,  as  it  was  constantly  doing,  or  to  a  particularly 
steep  hill.  At  such  times  the  desperate  straining  of  the  team,  their 
agonised  leaping  and  plunging  under  the  pitiless  lashing  of  hunger,  the 
many  who  fainted  at  the  rope  and  were  trampled  in  the  mire,  made  a 
very  distressing  spectacle,  which  often  called  forth  highly  creditable  dis- 
plays of  feeling  on  the  top  of  the  coach.  At  such  times  the  pas.sengers 
would  call  down  encimragingly  to  the  toilers  at  the  rope,  exhorting  them 
to  patience,  and  holding  out  hopes  of  po.ssible  compen.sation  in  another 
world  for  the  hardness  of  their  lot,  while  others  contributed  to  buy  salves 
and  liniments  for  the  crippled  and  injured.  Tt  was  agreed  that  it  was  a 
great  pity  that  the  coach  should  be  so  hard  to  pull,  and  there  was  a  sense 
of  general  relief  when  the  specially  bad  piece  of  road  was  gotten  over. 
This  relief  was  not,  indeed,  wholly  on  account  of  the  team  >>■  there  was 
always  some  danger  at  these  bad  places  of  a  general  overtUi.,  .:;  which  all 
would  lose  their  seats." 

These  passages  have  their  counterparts  in  ''  News  from 
Nowhere,"  and  "Ciesar's  Column,"  the  latter  of  which,  inspired 


42 


(ilKsrioNS   (»!•     I'lIK    DAY. 


apparently  by  IVnr  oT  tlic  \';iiul('rl)ilts  ami  Aslors,  delects  New 
\'ork  as  iiiiscrahly  nislav('(l  Ity  a  l)l()at('(l  «»li!:;ai'('liy  of  million- 
aires, with  its  (lemon  fleet  of  ten  tlioiisaml  air  sliijis.  'I'liey 
will  sink  deep  into  the  hearts  of  m;iny  who  will  [lay  little 
attention  to  the  speeulativ(!  plans  of  ri'construction  which 
follow.  For  one  reader  of  '•  l'ro<,'ress  and  Poverty  "  who  \v;is 
at  th(^  pains  to  follow  the  economical  nsasonint;.  the  "ere 
prohably  thonsands  who  drank  in  the  invectives  ..nst 
wealth  and  tlu;  sn,%'estions  of  confiscation.  JJut  is  the  de- 
scrijjtion  hei-e  jfiven  trne  or  anythinj,'  like  the  trnth  '.'  Are 
tho  masses  toiling  like  the  horses  of  a  coach,  not  for  their 
own  hentifit,  l)ut  oidy  for  that  of  the  passeni,'ers  whom  they 
draw  ".'  Are  they  not  toiling  to  make  tlieir  own  1  tread,  and  to 
produce  by  their  joint  lalioui'  the  things  necessary  for  their 
common  sul)sistence  ';'  yVs  t(j  the  vast  majority  of  them,  can  it 
be  said  that  they  are  leaping  and  ])lunging  in  agony  under  the 
pitiless  lash  of  hunger,  fainting  at  the  rope  and  trami)led  in 
the  mire?  Are  they  not  with  their  families  living  in  t(derable 
comfort,  with  bread  enough  and  not  without  enjoyment? 
Has  it  not  been  proved  beyond  doubt  that  their  w;i'  have 
risen  greatly  and  are  still   rising?     Have  not  the  -ing 

(dasses,  unlike  the  horses,  votes  ?  fs  there  really  any  such 
sharp  division  as  is  here  assumed  to  exist  between  labour  and 
wealth  ?  Are  not  numy  who  have  more  or  less  of  wealth  and 
who  could  have  seats  on  the  top  of  any  social  coa(di,  labourers 
and  producers  of  the  most  effective  kiiul  ?  Such  a  writer  can 
hardly  be  the  dujjC  of  tlu'  fallacy  that  those  only  labour  who 
work  with  the  hands.  What  is  tlie  aniouut  of  the  hereditary 
l)roperty  held  by  idlers  in  s\udi  a  country  as  the  United  States, 
compared  with  that  of  the  general  wealth  ?  Do  the  holders 
even  of  that  projjerty  really  add  by  their  existem-e  to  the 
strain  on  the  workers  as  the  passengers  by  their  presence  add 
to  the  strain  on  the  horses  ?  Sup[)osing  they  and  their  riches 
were  annihilated,  would  the  workers  feel  any  relief?  Would 
they  not  rather  lose  a  fund  upon  whiidi  they  draw  to  some 
extent  at  need  ?  The  hereditary  wealth  which  is  here  taken 
to  be  the  monster  inicpiity  and  evil,  what  is  it  but  the  savings 


HOCIAI-    AM)    l\|)l  sriilAI,    l{K\(U.i:'iI(»N. 


4;: 


of  pnst  ^'(Micnitioiis  ?  Iliid  tli(»sc  wliu  luiidc  it  spcMit  it.  iiistcid 
of  Icaviiij,'  it  to  tlicii'  cliildrt'ii,  slunild  we  l)r  hotti-r  ol'f  .'  'I'lifii, 
as  to  the  f('(dillJ,^s  of  tlic  rich  toward  the  poor:  can  a  l>ostt>iiiaii, 
as  this  writer  is,  h)ok  round  liis  own  city  and  fail  li»  s(H!  that 
hoarth^ss  inditfc'rcncc  has  its  scat  only  in  the  souls  of  a  few 
sybarites,  and  that  seutinu'uts  at  all  events  of  [)hilanthro[)y 
and  charity  are  the  rule  '/ 

It  is  in  these  utopias  that  we  see  most  distinirtly  embodied 
the  b(di(d"  that  equal  justice  is  the  natural  law  of  the  world, 
and  that  nothiu<^  ket'[)s  us  out  of  it  but  the  barrier  of  artiti- 
eial  arran<,'ements  sot  up  by  tlu;  jiowci-,  and  in  the  interest, 
of  a  class.  Ih'eak  down  that  barrier  by  revolutionary  lej,'isla- 
tion,  aiul  the  kingdom  of  e([ual  justi(!e,  it  is  thout,dit,  will 
(lonw.  Would  that  it  were  so  !  Who  would  be  so  selHsh  aud 
so  ififuoraut  of  the  deepest  souret^  of  happiness  as  not  to  vote 
for  the  change,  whatever  his  wealth  or  his  place  on  the  so(ual 
coach  might  be  ?  Hut  ecjual  justice  is  not  the  natural  law,  as 
the  world  is  at  present,  toward  whatever  goal  we  may  be 
moving.  Health,  strength,  beauty,  intellect,  offs])ring,  length 
of  days,  are  distributed  with  no  more  regard  for  justice  than 
are  the  powers  of  making  and  saving  wealth.  ( )ne  man  is  born 
in  an  age  of  barbarism,  another  in  an  age  of  civilisation;  one 
nuiu  in  the  time  of  the  Thirty  Vears'  War  or  the  Eeign  of 
Terror,  another  in  an  era  of  peace  and  comparative  ha])piness. 
No  justice  can  now  be  done  to  the  myriads  who  have  suffered 
and  died.  Equal  justice  is  far  indeed  from  being  the  law  of 
the  animal  kingdom.  Why  is  one  animal  the  Ixnist  of  i)rey, 
another  the  victim  ','  Why  does  an  ele])hant  live  for  a  cen- 
tury and  an  ephemeral  insect  for  a  few  hours  ?  Tf  you  come 
to  that,  why  should  one  sentient  creature  be  a  worm  and 
another  a  man  ?  In  earth  and  skies,  so  far  as  our  ken  reaches, 
imperfection  reigns.  He  who  in  ''Looking  r)ack\vard"  wakes 
from  a  magnetic  slumber  to  find  the  lots  of  all  nu'u  nuule 
just  and  equal,  might  almost  as  well  have  awakened  to  find 
all  human  frames  made  ])erfect.  disease  and  accident  banished, 
the  animals  all  in  a  state  like  that  of  Eden,  the  Arctic  regions 
bearing  harvests,  8;duira  moistened  with  fertilising  rain,  the 


u 


C^>'  KSTIONS   OF    illK    J)AY, 


moon  provided  with  an  atmosphere^  and  the  sohir  system 
synunetrically  comphited.  All  this  is  no  bar  to  the  rational 
effort  by  which  society  is  gradually  improved.  But  it  shuts 
out  the  hope  of  sudden  transformation.  The  social  organism, 
like  the  bodily  frame,  is  imperfect  ;  you  may  help  and  benefi- 
cially direct  its  growth,  but  you  canjiot  transform  it.  To 
revolutionary  violence  the  author  of  '•  Looking  Backward " 
is  himself  wholly  averse.     He  uses  only  the  magic  wand. 

With  private  proj)erty,  with  which  it  is  the  dream  of  Uto- 
pian writers  to  do  away,  go,  as  everybody  knows,  many  evils ; 
among  otliers  that  of  inordinate  aceunuilation,  of  which  there 
may  be  instances  in  New  Vork,  though  it  is  a  mistake  to  think 
that  accumulation  is  a  matter  of  modern  growth,  or  that  the 
community  was  not  just  as  much  overtopped  by  the  Medici 
and  the  Fuggers  of  the  jMiddle  Ages,  the  great  feudal  land- 
owners, and  the  Koman  magnates,  as  it  is  by  the  Vanderbilts 
and  Astors ;  while  the  restraints  of  public  opinion  were  noth- 
ing like  so  strong  in  those  days  as  they  are  in  ours.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  is  hard  to  see  how  without  private  property  we 
could  have  the  home  and  all  that  it  enshrines.  But  let  the 
evils  be  whatever  they  may,  no  mf)tive  power  of  production, 
at  least  of  any  production  beyond  that  necessary  to  stay 
hunger,  except  the  desire  of  ])roperty,  is  at  present  known. 
A  score  or  more  of  experiments  in  Communism  have  been 
made  upon  the  American  continent  by  visionaries  of  different 
kinds,  from  the  founders  of  Brook  Farm  to  those  of  the 
Oneida  Community  and  the  Shakers.  They  have,  as  has 
already  been  said,  failed  utterly,  except  in  the  cases  where 
the  rule  of  celibacy  has  been  enforced,  atid  the  members, 
having  no  wives  or  children  to  maintain,  and  being  themselves 
of  a  specially  industrious  and  frugal  class,  have  made  enotigli 
and  more  than  enough  for  their  r.vn  support.  Collectively, 
the  community  has  owned  private  ])roperty  like  other  coni- 
])anies  or  corporations.  Tlie  Oneida  Community,  the  most 
]U'osperous  of  all,  owned  three  factories,  in  which  the  work- 
men were  employed  on  the  ordinary  terms.  Barrack  life, 
without  the  home,  has  also  been  a  general  condition  of  suct'ess. 


w 


SOCIAL   AND   INDUSTRIAL    REVULUTIOX. 


m 


So  it  is  with  regard  to  competition,  that  other  social  lieiid 
of  this  and  all  Utopians.  ^S'obody  will  deny  that  cumpetition 
has  its  ugly  side.  Ikit  no  other  way  at  present  is  '';,>...-.  to 
us  of  sustaining  the  progress  of  industry  and  seci  iii.^  die 
best  and  cheapest  products.  It  is  surely  a  stretidi  of  i)essi- 
mistic  fancy  to  describe  the  industrial  world  under  the  com- 
petitive system  as  a  horde  of  wild  beasts  rending  each  other, 
or  as  a  Black  Hole  of  Calcutta  "  with  its  press  of  maddened 
men  tearing  and  trampling  one  another  in  the  struggle  to  win 
a  place  at  the  breathing  holes."  It  is  surely  going  beyond  the 
mark  to  say  that  all  producers  are  "praying  by  night  and 
working  by  day  for  the  frustration  of  each  other's  enter- 
prises," and  that  they  are  as  much  bent  on  spoiling  their 
neighbours'  crops  as  on  saving  their  own.  Do  two  tailors  or 
grocers,  even  when  their  business  is  in  the  same  street,  rend 
each  other  when  they  meet  ?  Is  there  not  rather  a  certain 
fellowship  between  members  of  the  same  trade?  Does  not 
each  think  a  good  deal  more,  both  in  his  prayers  and  in  his 
practical  transactions,  of  doing  well  himself  than  of  prevent- 
ing the  other  from  doing  well. 

The  writer  of  " Looking  Backward "  himself  says  that ''as 
men  grow  more  civilised,  and  as  the  subdivision  of  occupations 
and  services  is  carried  out,  a  complex  mutual  dependence 
becomes  the  universal  rule."  AVhat  is  this  com])lex  mutual 
dependence  but  co-operation? 

As  a  normal  picture  of  our  i)resent  civilisation,  the  table  of 
contents  of  a  newspaper  is  presented  to  us.  It  is  a  mere  cata- 
logue of  calamities  and  horrors;  wars,  burglaries,  strikes, 
failures  in  business,  coruerings,  boodlings,  murders,  suicides, 
embezzlements,  and  cases  of  cruelty,  lunacy,  or  destitution. 
No  doubt  a  real  table  of  contents  would  give  a  picture,  though 
not  so  terrible  and  heartrending  as  this,  yet  ri(di  in  catastro- 
phes. But  it  is  forgotten  that  the  catastrophes  or  the  exce^)- 
tional  events  alone  are  recorded  by  newspapers,  especially  in 
the  tables  of  contents,  which  are  intended  to  catch  the  eye. 
No  newspaper  gives  us  a  picture  of  the  ordinary  course  of  life. 
No  newspai>er  speaks  of  the  countries  Avhich   are   enjoying 


m 


QlKSriONS   OF   TIIK    DAY. 


secure  peace,  of  the  i)eoi)Ie  wlio  are  making  a  fair  livelihood 
by  honest  industry,  of  the  families  which  are  living  in  comfort 
and  the  enjoyment  of  affection.  IJiiyers  would  hardly  be 
found  for  a  sheet  which  should  tell  you  by  way  of  news  that 
brend  was  being  regularly  delivered  by  the  baker  and  that  the 
milkman  was  going  his  round. 

Centuries  unnumbered,  according  to  recent  palteontologists, 
huma'-  society  has  taken  in  climbing  to  what  is  here  described 
as  the  level  of  a  vast  den  of  wild  beasts  or  a  lUack  Hole  of 
Calcutta.  Yet  in  one  century  or  a  little  more  it  is  to  become 
a  paradise  on  earth.  Not  Massacluisetts  or  Amer'  only 
but  the  whole  civilised  world  will  have  been  regt.  orated 
and  have  entered  into  the  economical  Eden.  So  the  writer  of 
*' Looking  Backward  "  dreams ;  and  to  show  that  be  does  not 
regard  this  as  a  mere  dream,  he  cites  historical  precedents  of 
changes  which  he  thinks  equally  miraculous,  the  sudden  and 
unexpected  success,  as  it  appears  to  him  to  have  b'ien,  of 
the  American  Revolution,  of  German  and  Italian  uni;  cation, 
of  the  agitation  against  slavery.  In  two  of  these  c:  ses  at 
least,  those  of  German  and  Italian  unity,  the  wonder  Av,^s  not 
that  the  event  came  at  last,  but  that  it  was  delayed  .so  long. 
In  no  one  of  the  cases,  surely,  is  anything  like  a  precedent  for 
so  wide  and  universal  a  leap  into  the  future  to  be  found.  From 
Dr.  Leete,  who  is  the  showman  of  the  new  heavens  and  new 
earth  in  "  Looking  Bacikward,"  the  reader  learns  that  society, 
in  the  year  2000,  has  undergone  not  only  a  radical  change,  but 
a  complete  transfornuition,  Boston,  of  course,  leading  the  way, 
as  Paris  leads  in  the  regeneration  proclaimed  by  Comte,  and 
all  the  most  civilised  communities  dul}-  following  in  her  train. 
Society  has  become  entirely  industrial,  war  being  completely 
eliminated.  No  fear  is  entertained  lest  when  the  civilised 
world  has  been  turned  into  a  vast  factory  of  defenceless 
AV^ealth,  the  uncivilised  world  nuiy  be  tempted  to  loot  it.  Yet 
this  danger  is  not  imaginary  if  there  is  any  truth  in  what  we 
are  told  about  the  military  force  lying  latent  in  China,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  ]KH)ple  of  South  America,  who,  tlumgh  politi- 
cally unsuccessful,  are  always  showing  that  they  can  fight. 


SOCIAL   AM)   TNDT'STHIAL    KKVOLUTIOX. 


m 


The  Stiit(!  luis  In'coiiu!  the  soh^  ciiitit.alist  and  the  liiiiversal 
eiiii)h)yer.  Huw  ilid  all  the  capital  pass  IrcMii  the  hands  of 
individuals  or  private  eoni[)anies  into  tliose  of  the  State  ''  Was 
it  by  a  voluntary  and  universal  surrender "/  Were  all  the  capi- 
talists and  all  the  stockholders  suddenly  convinced  of  the 
blessings  of  self-spoliation '.'  Or  did  the  government  by  a 
sweei)ing  act  of  confiscation  seize  all  the  capital  ?  In  that 
case,  was  there  not  a  struggle  ?  Was  not  the  entrance  into 
Paradise  effected  through  a  social  war  '.'  A  mere  "recognition 
of  evolution''  by  thinkers,  the  only  means  suggested,  wouhl 
hardly  go  far  with  cai)italists  or  joint-stock  companies,  nor 
would  they  bo  likely  to  allow  themselves  to  be  stripped  by  a 
"political  party"  so  h)ng  as  they  had  the  nunins  of  resistance 
in  their  hands.  The  seer  was  in  his  nuignetic  trance  when  the 
transfer  took  place,  and  he  has  not  the  curiosity  to  ask  Dr. 
Leete  exactly  how  it  was  effected.  For  us,  therefore,  the 
problem  reuuiins  unsolved. 

The  inducement  to  the  change,  we  are  told,  was  a  sense 
of  the  economic  advantages  produced  by  the  aggregation  of 
industries  under  co-operative  syndicates  and  trusts,  which 
suggested  that  by  a  complete  unitication  of  all  iiulustries 
under  the  State  uiuneasured  beneiits  might  be  obtained. 
"  The  epoch  of  trusts  ended  in  the  great  trust."  This  implies 
a  practical  approval  of  that  tendency  to  industrial  aggrega- 
tion, which  is  a  most  momentous  feature  of  the  economical 
situation,  and  Avhich  in  most  quarters  is  viewed  with  extreme 
aversion  and  alarm.  But  these  corporations,  syndicates,  and 
trusts,  on  however  large  a  scale  they  nuiy  l)e,  are  still  man- 
aged each  of  them  by  a  set  of  persons  devoted  to  that  partic- 
ular business,  and  they  depend  for  their  success  on  personal 
aptitude  and  experience.  IJetween  such  aggregations  and  a 
unification  of  all  the  industries  in  the  hands  of  a  government 
there  is  a  gulf,  and  we  do  not  see  how  the  gulf  is  to  be  passed. 
The  tendency  of  industry  apjyears,  it  is  true,  to  be  toward  large 
establislnuents,  the  advantages  of  which  over  a  multitude  of 
petty  and  starveling  concerns,  both  as  regards  those  engaged 
in  the  trade  and  the  consumer,  are  obvious.     l>ut  the  larger 


mmmi 


"* 


48 


QUKSTION'S   OF   THK    DAY. 


producing  e.sti'.blishiucnt.s  are  still  special,  and  the  advantages 
of  combining  iron  works  with  cotton  works  are  not  obvious 
at  all. 

To  the  objection  that  the  task  of  managing  all  the  indus- 
tries of  a  country  and  its  foreign  commerce  (for  foreign  com- 
merce there  is  still  to  be)  would  be  difftcult  for  any  government, 
the  simple  and  satisfactory  answer  is  that  in  Utopia  there 
could  be  no  difficulty  at  .all.  The  government  of  a  purely 
industrial  commonwealth  is  itself  industrial.  It  consists  of 
veterans  of  labour  chosen  on  account  of  their  merit  as 
workers,  the  identity  of  which  with  administrative  capacity 
and  power  of  command,  as  it  is  not  likely  to  be  tested,  may 
be  assumed  without  fear  of  disproof.  To  banish  any  mis- 
givings which  we  might  have  as  lo  the  practicability  of  such 
a  government,  the  seer  points  to  the  ])art  taken  by  alumni 
in  the  government  of  universities  ;  surely  as  subtle  an  analogy 
as  the  acutest  intelligence  ever  discerned.  The  government 
is  to  be  "responsible"  in  all  that  it  does.  J^)ut  how  in  the 
last  resort  is  responsibility  to  be  enforced  and  usurpation  to 
be  repressed  by  a  community  of  industrial  shee]) '' 

The  new  organisation  of  labour  has  been  followed  by  such 
a  flood  of  wealth  that  everybody  lives,  not  oidy  in  jdenty,  but 
in  luxury  and  refinement  before  unknown.  Everybody  is  able 
to  give  up  work  at  forty-five,  that  being  fixed  as  the  procrus- 
tean  limit  for  all  constitutions,  and  to  pass  the  rest  of  his 
days  in  ease  and  enjoyment.  "No  man  any  more  has  any 
care  for  to-morrow,  either  for  himself  or  his  children,  for  tiie 
nation  guarantees  the  nurture,  education,  and  comfortable 
maintenance  of  tn-ery  citizen  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave." 
All  the  world  dresses  for  dinner,  dines  well,  and  has  wine  and 
cigars  after  dinner.  Under  all  this  lurks,  it  is  to  be  feared, 
the  same  fallacy  whicli  underlies  the  theory  of  Mr.  Henry 
George,  who  fancies  that  an  increase  of  population,  being  an 
increase  of  the  luimber  of  labourers,  will  necessarily  augment 
production,  and  consequently  that  the  fears  of  Malthus  and 
all  who  dread  over-population  are  baseless.  It  is  assumed 
that  everything  is  produced  by  labour,     liut  the  fact  is  that 


" 


SOCIAL    AND    INDl'STHIAL    HKVOUTION'. 


labour  only  jn'odiiccs  the  fonii  or  directs  tho  nutural  forces. 
Tlie  material  is  produced  by  Nature,  and  slie  will  not  supply 
more  than  a  given  (piantity  within  a  given  area  and  under 
given  conditions.  Even  in  Massachusetts,  therefore,  which  is 
supposed  to  be  the  primal  scene  of  human  regeneration,  the 
l)eople,  however  skilled  their  labour,  and  however  Utopian 
their  industruil  organisation  might  l)e,  mdess  their  number 
were  limited  or  their  territory  enlarged,  would  starve.  This 
is  a  serious  question  for  i.  State  whi(di  "guarantees  to  every 
one  nurture,  education,  and  comfortable  maintenance  from 
the  cradle  to  the  grave."  As  the  guarantee  extends  to  the 
citizen's  wife  and  child  as  well  as  to  himself,  and  they  are 
made  independent  of  his  labour,  the  last  restraint  of  prudence 
on  marriage  and  giving  birth  to  children  would  be  removed. 
The  people  would  then  probably  multiply  at  a  rate  which 
would  leave  Irish  or  French-Canadian  philoprogenitiveness 
behind,  and  without  remedial  action  a  vast  scene  of  squalid 
misery  would  ensue. 

There  is  no  more  private  proi)erty.  In  its  place  comes  a 
sense  of  public  duty  urging  each  num  to  labour.  Of  the 
sufficient  strength  of  this  we  are  positively  assured,  notwith- 
standing the  result  of  all  the  experiments  hitherto  tried. 
Kcality  peeps  out  when  we  are  told  that  those  wlio  refuse 
to  work  will  be  ])ut  into  (jonfinement  on  bread  and  water. 
This  is  something  like  a  reversion,  is  it  not,  to  the  coach  and 
horses,  with  the  "lash  of  hunger  '' ''  The  occasional  necessity 
of  a  "draft"  is  another  intinuition  that  Nature,  though  you 
thrust  her  out,  Avill  resume  her  seat. 

T'le  stimulus  of  duty  to  the  man's  family  would  exist  no  more, 
when  the  maintenance  of  his  wife  and  children  was  taken  off 
his  hands  by  the  State.  For  the  lower  natures,  though  not 
for  the  higher,  there  is  to  be  emulation,  which,  it  is  taken  for 
granted,  will  act  on  them  with  undiminished  effect  when  all 
the  substantial  prizes  have  been  removed.  An  apjjcal  is  also 
made  to  a  semi-military  sense  of  honour,  and  the  community 
is  organised  as  an  army,  with  military  titles,  ap])arently  for 
that  purpose.     But  it  has  been  shown,  in  answer  to  other 


m 


QI'KSI'IONS   OF   Till".    DAY. 


tliet.rists  who  luivc  poiiittid  to  military  lioiKnir  as  a  .substitute 
tor  tlic  ordinary  uiolivcs  to  industry,  that  military  duty  is 
enl'orci'd  by  a  code  oi'  t'.xcM'ptioual  severity.  >.'()r  will  the  mili- 
tary forms  and  names  have  much  meaning  or  be  likely  to 
animate  and  ins[)irit  when  war,  with  all  its  i)ride,  p(Mni),  and 
eireumstanee,  has  been  banished  from  the  earth. 

All  are  to  be  paid  alike,  on  the  i)rinci|)le  that  so  long  as  you 
do  your  best  your  (h'serts  are  the  same  as  those  of  others, 
though  your  power  may  not  be  so  great  as  theirs.  Your  deserts 
in  the  eye  of  Heaven,  no  tloubt,  are  the  same  if  you  do  your 
best,  and  Heaven  has  tlu;  nuMus  of  ascertaining  that  your  best 
is  being  done.  l>ut  if  it  is  asked  what  means  a  board  of  indus- 
trial veterans  or  their  li<nitenants,  supposing  them  to  be  ever 
so  excellent  eraftsm':'n  themselves,  have  of  aseiu'taining  that 
every  man  is  doing  his  best,  the  answer,  we  suspect,  must  be 
that  in  Utopia  such  (juestions  are  not  to  be  raised.  In  the  pres- 
ent evil  world  most  men  do  their  best,  or  something  like  their 
best,  because  they  have  to  make  their  own  living  and  that  of 
their  wives  and  children.  Some  men,  under  the  voluntary  and 
competitive  system,  put  forth  those  extraordinary  efforts  which 
make  the  world  move  on.  JUit  the  State,  though  it  might  com- 
mand the  daily  amount  of  labour  by  threat  of  solitary  confine- 
ment on  bread-and-water,  could  not  command  improvement  or 
invention.  Invention,  or  discovery,  it  seems  to  us,  would  be 
little  encouraged  under  the  Utopian  system,  since  no  man  is  to 
be  allov/ed  to  shirk  labour  on  pretence  of  being  a  student,  a 
regulation  which  might  have  borne  hard  on  Archimedes,  Ni'W- 
ton,  or  even  Watt.  Newton  would  at  all  events  have  had,  in 
obedience  to  an  inexorable  rule,  to  pass  three  years  as  a  com- 
mon labourer,  and  his  labour  during  those  three  years  would 
have  cost  the  world  uncommonly  dear.  Even  the  employment 
of  Dr.  Leete,  the  good  ])hysician  of  this  piece,  for  some  years  as 
waiter  in  a  restaurant  was  rather  a  waste  of  his,  or,  to  speak 
more  i)roperly,  of  the  Statt''s  time. 

INFoney  as  "a  root  of  evil"  has  been  totally  discarded.  Its 
place  is  taken  by  credit  cards,  entitling  the  bi'ar<>r,  by  virtue 
of   his  mere   humanity,  to  a  share  of   the  national   produce. 


"■ 


SOCIAL   AND    IN'DUSTIUAT.    RK VOLUTION. 


61 


Wages  are  a  tiling  of  the  past,  'llie  eertiticates  ar*^  to  be  i)rc- 
suiited  at  tlu;  govenuiient  store,  for  gov(!riimeiit  is  the  univer- 
sal supplier  as  well  as  the  universal  employer  of  labour. 
Money,  it  is  said,  may  have  been  frauilulently  or  improperly 
obtained,  ))ut  with  labour  eertiticates  this  cannot  be  the  case. 
We  hardly  see  how  a  government  store-keeper  at  New  Orleans 
is  to  tell  that  the  certitieate  was  not  fraudulently  obtained  at 
Boston.  How  could  the  title  to  it  be  verified  in  foreign  coun- 
tries where,  we  are  told,  by  international  arrangenu-nt  it  is  to 
be  current  ?  J'robably  in  this  as  in  other  communistic  schemes 
there  is  a  lurking  assumption  that  the  members  of  the  brother- 
hood would  ahvays  renuiin  in  the  same  place,  and  that  life  will 
thus  become  stationai'V  as  w(dl  as  devoid  of  individual  aim. 
Hut  the  weak  part  of  the  arrangement  betrays  itself  in  the 
necessity  of  continuing  to  use  the  terms  dollars  and  cents. 
They  are  used  only,  we  are  told,  as  "algebraic  syndwls." 
Surely  the  most  obvious  and  the  safest  course  would  have  been 
to  discard  the  terms  altogether,  pregnant  as  they  were  with 
evil  associations  and  likely  as  they  would  be  to  perjietuate  the 
vicious  desires  and  habits  of  the  past.  Let  another  set  of  alge- 
braic symbols  be  devised,  and  let  us  see  how  it  will  work,  (n 
the  case  of  the  transition  from  the  use  of  money  to  that  of 
labour  certificates,  .as  in  that  of  the  transition  from  private 
commerce  to  commerce  concentrated  in  the  hands  of  govern- 
ment, "we  should  have  liked  to  be  present  when  the  leap  was 
taken,  or  at  least  to  have  had  some  account  of  the  process, 
especially  as  it  must  have  taken  place  at  once  over  the  whole 
civilised  worhl.  For  commerce,  we  have  seen,  there  is  still  to 
be ;  the  Utopian  of  Boston  could  not  get  his  wine  and  cigars 
without  it. 

Law  as  a  profession  has  ceased  to  exist.  Of  course  Avhere 
there  is  no  property  there  can  be  no  chancery  suits.  As  nine- 
teen twentieths  of  crime  arise  from  the  desire  of  money  — 
not  from  drink,  as  the  prohibitionists  pretend  —  it  follows  that 
in  getting  rid  of  money  society  has  almost  entirely  got  rid  of 
crime.  Of  crime,  in  the  present  sense  of  the  term,  indeed,  it 
has  got  rid  altogether.     A  few  victims  of  "at:ivism"  are  left 


'f: 


V 


Mil 


ffiigii 


52 


QIESTIONS   OK   THE    DAY. 


MS  a  sort  of  tril)ut((  to  rcjility,  but  tlicy  goiu'rally  siiv(^  the  judi- 
ciary trouble  by  pleading  guilty,  so  liigli  has  the  regard  for 
veracity  become  even  in  the  minds  of  kleptomaniacs. 

In  the  i)resent  imperfect  state  of  things,  the  distribution  of 
employments,  it  must  be  owned,  tlumgh  partly  a  matter  of 
choice,  is  largely  a  matter  of  chance  and  circumstance,  the 
intellectual  callings  going  to  those  who  have  the  means  of  a 
high  education.  In  utojtia  it  will  be  entirely  a  matter  of 
(dioice,  after  elaborat(^  testing  of  aptitudes  ami  tastes  under 
the  guidance  of  a  ])aternal  governnunit.  It  is  assumed  that  all 
employments  will  attract,  since  some  men,  after  deliberate 
survey  of  all  the  walks  of  life,  will  conveniently  (dioose  to  be 
miners,  hod-men,  ''odourless  excavators,"  brakesmen,  stokers, 
or  sailors  on  the  north  Atlantic  passage.  Danger  is  even 
attractive.  Such  is  tlie  «>xuberance  of  public  spirit  that  the 
government  has  <mly  to  declare  an  emi)loyment  extra  hazard- 
ous and  a  rush  of  chivalrous  candidates  to  it  ensues.  A  rush 
might  rather  have  been  apprehended  into  the  lighter  callings, 
especially  that  of  poet.  Any  repugnance  to  a  particular  kind 
of  labour  which  there  might  be,  will  be  conjured  away  by  say- 
ing that  all  kinds  of  labour  are  equally  honourable.  Do  we 
not  say  this  now  ?  Do  we  not  feel  this  now  much  more  than 
the  pessimist  admits?  Does  any  one  worthy  of  the  name  of  a 
gentleman  increase  the  burden  which  he  imposes  on  his  house- 
hold "by  adding  to  it  ('ontemi)t"  ? 

Everybody  is  to  l)e  highly  educated  and  thoroughly  refined. 
This  in  utopia  will  not  interfere  with  the  disposition  for 
manual  labour,  nor  will  it  take  away  too  much  of  the  la- 
bourer's time.  One  question,  however,  occurs  to  us.  The 
])oi)ulation  cannot  have  been  highly  educated  when  the  system 
was  first  introduced.  How  were  the  ignorant  and  unqualified 
masses  brought  to  take  part  in  its  introduction,  and  how  was 
its  operation  managed  before  they  had  been  educated  up  to 
the  proper  mark  ?  This  is  another  problem  of  the  transition, 
the  solution  of  which  remains  buried  in  the  seer's  magnetic 
sleep. 

The  relations  between  the  sexes  and  the  constitution  of  the 


SOCIAI.    AND    INDlSriMAI,    HEVOIA  TloN. 


68 


family  are,  of  course,  to  be  revolutionised,  and  the  revolution 
lias  so  far  an  element  of  i)rol)al)ility  that  it  follows  what  are 
supposed  to  be  Bostonian  lines.     The  women  are  to  be  organ- 
ised apart  from  the  men  as  a  distinct  interest,  under  a  ''general " 
of  their  own  who  has  a  seat  in  the  cabinet.     They  would  do 
quite  enough  for  society,  they  are  gallantly  told,  if  they  occu- 
pied themselves  only  in  the  cultivation  of  their  own  charms 
and  gra(^es;  women  without  any  spechil  charms  and  graces  but 
those  -which  belong  to  the  perfornuince  of  their  womanly  duties 
as  wives   and  mothers   being   creatures   unknown   in  utoi)ia. 
However,  for  the  sake  of  their  health  and  to  satisfy  their  feel- 
ings of  independence,  they  are  to  do  a  very  moderate  amount 
of  work.     They  have  in  fact   little  else  to   do.      They  have 
no  household  cares,  as  the  State  is  universal  cook,  housemaid, 
laundress,  seamstress,  and  nurse  ;    and  "  a  husband  is  not  a 
baby  that  he  should  be  cared  for."     ^laternity,  though  recog- 
nised, is  thrown  into  the  background.     It  is  an  interlude  in 
the  wonum's  industrial  and  social  life,  and  as  soon  as  it  is 
over  the  mother  returns  to  her  "  comrades,"  leaving  her  child, 
apparently,  to  that  universal  providence,  the  State.     Hitherto, 
it  seems,  men,  like  ''cruel  robbers,"  have  "seized  to  them- 
selves the  whole  product  of  the  world  and  left  women  to  beg 
and  wheedle  for  their  share."     By  whose  labour  the  world  has 
been  made  to  yield  its  products  for  the  benetit  of  both  sexes, 
we  are  not  told.     However,  "that  any  i)erson  should  be  de- 
pendent for  the  means  of  support  upon  another  would  l)e 
shocking  to  the  moral  sense  as  well  as  indefensible  on  any 
rational  social  theory."     Women  in  utopia,  therefore,  are  no 
longer  left  in  "  galling  dependence  "  upon  their  husbands  f(n- 
the  means  of  life,  or  children  upon  their  parents.     Both  wif(^ 
and  child  are  maintained  by  the  agency  of  the  State,  so  that 
the  wife  no  longer  owes  anything  to  her  husband,  and  the 
child  is  at  liberty,  as  reason  and  nature  dictate,  to  snap  its 
fingers  in  its  parents'  face.     Does  the  State  give  suck,  and  is 
the  baby  no  longej-  ignominiously  beholden  to  its  mother  for 
milk  ?     Is  not  the  government  composed  of  persons  ?     Why 
is  dependence  upon  the  persons  installed  at  Washington  less 


w 


H 


Ql'KSTlONS   OF    TllK    DAV. 


ignominious  tliiin  (lependcMioe  ui»(Mi  ;i  Imslcmd,  ;i  latiier,  or  :i 
niotluT  ?  To  some,  depeudiMiee  ou  the  govt'rnniL'ut  might 
s('(Mii  till'  most  gulling  of  all. 

Falsi!  delicacy  is  put  out  of  the  way,  and  the  women  are 
allowed  to  i)roi»ose.  They  "sit  aloft"  on  the  toj)  of  the  coach, 
giving  the  ])ri/es  for  the  industrial  race,  and  select  only  the 
best  and  noblest  nu'U  for  their  husbands.  Ill-favoured  men  of 
inferior  type,  and  laggards,  will  l)e  condemned  to  celibacy. 
From  them  the  '*  radiant  faces  "  will  be  averted.  These  ha]v 
less  persons  are  treated  with  a  marked  absence,  to  say  the 
least,  of  the  philanthropy  which  overflows  upon  criminals  and 
lunatics,  though  it  seems  that  the  jdea  of  atavism  should  not 
be  ler>s  valid  in  their  case.  Has  Dr.  Leete,  when  he  denies 
them  marriage,  found  a  way  of  extinguishing  their  passions  ? 
If  he  has  not,  what  moral  results  does  he  exj)ect?  He  will 
answer  perhaps  by  an  appeal  to  what  may  be  called  the  occult 
**we,"  that  mysterious  power  whii^h,  in  an  Utopia,  is  present 
throughout  to  solve  all  difficulties  and  banish  every  doubt. 
Nothing  can  be  nu)re  divine  than  the  picture  which  Dr.  Leete 
presents  to  us  ;  but  we  look  .'it  it  with  a  secret  misgiving  that 
his  community  would  be  in  some  danger  of  being  thrust  out  of 
existence  by  some  barbarous  horde,  which  honoured  virtue  and 
admired  excellence  in  both  sexes  without  giving  itself  over  to 
a  slavish  and  fatuous  worship  of  either,  held  men  and  women 
alike  to  their  natural  duties,  and  obeyed  the  laws  of  Nature. 

The  government  is  tlu'  universal  publisher,  and  is  bound  to 
publish  everything  brought  to  it,  but  on  condition  that  the 
author  pay  the  first  cost  out  of  his  "credit."  How  the  author, 
while  preparing  himself  to  write  "  Faradise  Lost,"  or  the 
"  Principia,"  is  to  earn  a  labour  credit,  we  hardly  see.  The 
literature  of  iitopia  is  of  course  divine.  To  read  oiie  of  Ber- 
rian's  novels  or  one  of  Oates's  poems  is  worth  a  year  of  one's 
life.  Would  that  we  had  a  specimen  of  either!  We  should 
then  be  able  to  see  how  far  it  transcended  Shakespeare  or 
Scott.  For  love  stories,  we  are  told,  there  will  be  material  in 
plenty  and  of  a  much  higher  (piality  than  there  was  in  the 
days  of  coarse  and  stormy  passion.     T'he  actual  love  affair 


SOCIAL    AND    INDISrUIAL    I{KV(  >M  "I'lON. 


61^ 


that  tiikt's  pliice  in  "Lookinj,'  Uuckwiirii "'  ccrtiiiiil}'  docs  not 
remind  us  of  "  Jlonieo  and  Juliet.''  Ol'  the  jiulpit  eUxpu'nee 
we  have  a  specimen,  and  it  is  startlingly  like  that  ol'  our  own 
century.  One  ^reat  imi)rovement,  however,  there  is;  the 
preaching  is  by  telephone  and  you  can  shut  it  off. 

The  physical  arran^'ements  are  carried  to  niillenarian  per- 
fection. Instead  of  a  multitude  of  seiiarate  uml)rellas,  one 
common  uml)rella  is  ])ut  up  by  the  State  over  i'xjston  when  it 
rains.  The  whoh*  community  is  converted  into  one  vast 
Whiteley's  or  Wanamaker's  establislr.uent.  These  visions  of 
a  material  heaven  on  earth  naturally  arise  as  the  h()[)e  of  a 
spiritual  heaven  fades  away.  A  material  heaven  on  earth  it 
is.  The  arrangements  for  shopping,  like  everything  (dse,  are 
divine.  I'ublic  banch^  are  playing  seraphic  music  through  the 
whole  twenty-four  hours,  and  you  turn  on  the  i)iece  you  like 
by  telephone.  Public  buildings  are  palaces,  and  their  equiji- 
ment  is  a  paragon  of  luxury.  We  only  wonder  how  the  un- 
speakable privileges  of  the  city  can  be  extended  to  the  country, 
and  who  will  be  contented  to  stay  in  the  country  if  they  are 
not.  The  American  dream  is  of  city  life.  I*)Ut  let  the  material 
happiness  be  as  brilliant  as  it  will,  supposing  every  shadow  of 
economical  evil  to  have  vanished,  there  is  one  shadow  that  will 
not  away.  It  is  signified  that  at  a  man's  decease  the  State 
allows  a  fixed  sum  for  his  funeral  expenses.  This  is  the  only 
intimation  that  over  the  material  Paradise  hovers  Death. 

A  vista  of  illimitable  progress,  progress  so  glorious  that 
it  dazzles  the  prophetic  eye,  is  said  all  the  time  to  be  opened. 
But  how  can  there  be  progress  beyond  perfection  ?  Finality 
is  the  trap  into  which  all  Utopians  fall.  Comte,  after  tracing 
the  movement  of  humanity  through  all  the  ages  down  to  his 
own  time,  undertakes  by  his  supreme  intelligence  to  furnish 
a  creed  and  a  set  of  institutions  which  are  to  serve  forever. 
Progress,  however,  we  do  not  doubt  there  would  be  with  a 
vengeance.  The  monotony,  the  constraint,  the  procrusteanisin, 
the  dulness,  the  despotism  of  the  system  woxdd  soon  give  birth 
to  general  revolt,  which  would  dash  the  whole  structure  to 
pieces. 


T>^ 


tilKSTlONS   OK    11  IK    DAV 


It  may  sfciii  that  we  aic  guilty  of  a  platitude  in  seriously 
eriticising  a  coniijositiou  tlie  author  of  \vhi(;h  hin'stjlt'  [icrhaiis 
was  hardly  serious  in  what  lit!  wrote.  lUit  the  destructive 
passages,  we  repeat,  tell,  while  the  constructive  part,  as  soon 
as  it  is  touched  by  the  linger  of  criticism,  vanishes  into  the 
inune. 


sly 

ive 
oil 
;he 


THE  QUESTION  OF  DISESTABLISHMENT. 


f- 


■ 


■ 


mB 


THE   QUESTION   OF   DISESTABLISHMENT. 


DisESTAHLi.sHMKXT  of  the  Cliurcli  in  England  and  Scot- 
land is  a  question  evidently  at  hand.  It  is  a  subject  to  be 
approached  not  only  by  every  religious  man,  but  by  every 
statesman,  with  tenderness  and  care.  The  village  church  in 
Avhich  "  the  kneeling  hamlet  drains  the  vintage  of  the  grapes 
of  God,"  with  its  altar  at  which  the  people  of  the  parish  have 
been  married,  the  font  at  whicih  they  were  christened,  and  its 
churchyard  in  which  their  forefathers  sleep,  has  been  the 
great  feature  not  only  of  rural  landscape  but  of  rural  life. 
The  Kectory,  if  its  occupant  did  its  duty,  has  been  tlie  centre 
of  rural  civilisation,  education,  and  benevolence.  It  lias  done 
more  in  this  way  than  the  Hall.  The  religious  sentiment  and 
poetry  of  the  nation  have  had  their  centre  in  the  Cathedral. 
In  Scotland,  if  tlie  aspect  of  the  Established  Church  is  less 
picturesque,  the  attachment  of  the  people  to  it  and  the  con- 
nection of  their  spiritual  life  with  it,  in  spite  of  disruption, 
are  still  stronger.  It  will  be  a  great  misfortune  if  the  pro- 
blem were  left  to  be  settled  by  faction,  and  political  gamblers 
were  allowed  to  use  disestablishment  as  the  means  of  loading 
their  dice. 

That  there  is  a  current  almost  througliout  the  civilised 
world  setting  towards  disestablishment  can  hardly  be  denied. 
It  is  true  that,  as  we  have  been  bidden  to  observe,  in  every 
monarchical  country  of  Europe  the  Church  is  still  established 
and  endowed,  while  in  some,  as  in  Austria  and  in  Russia,  it 
is  still  in  a  high  degree  endowed,  even  monasteries  witli  their 
estates  remaining  undisturbed.  Almost  everywhere  there  are 
Ministries  of  VnhYu:  Worship.  Even  repul)lican  France  has 
her  Established  Church,  sidjsidised  by  the  State.     This  is  true, 

60 


iT 


()0 


QUESTIONS   OF   TIIK    DAY. 


and  it  is  true  that  in  repulilican  Switzerland  there  is  still 
a  Cantonal,  though  not  a  Federal,  eonnection  of  the  State 
with  the  Church.  But  on  what  sort  of  footing  is  the  Church 
in  the  more  advanced  countries  now  established  and  endowed, 
compared  with  the  footing  on  which  she  was  established  and 
endowed  in  the  old  Catholic  days '/  No  longer  half  mistress 
of  the  realm,  or  forming  a  great  estate  of  it,  she  has  sinik  into 
a  })ensiouer,  and  a  not  very  beloved  or  honoured  pensioner,  of 
the  government.  In  France,  once  the  realm  of  her  eldest  son, 
where  a  century  and  a  half  ago  she  could  put  men  to  death 
for  offences  against  her,  she  now  shares  her  dole,  not  only 
with  heretics  but  with  Jews,  while  in  the  French  province  of 
Algeria  she  shares  it  with  iMussulmans.  In  the  land  of  Philip 
the  Second,  though  almost  the  whole  population  still  professes 
his  creed,  her  position  is  hardly  higher  or  more  secure  than 
in  the  land  of  Louis  the  Fourteenth.  There,  too,  instead  of 
dominating,  she  is  a  creature  of  the  government,  her  enormous 
property  has  been  secularised,  and  she  has  become  a  paid  ser- 
vant of  the  State.  Education,  the  key  of  social  character  and 
influence,  has  been  generally  wrested  out  of  her  hands.  Mar- 
riage, also,  has  been  generally  transferred  from  her  domain 
to  that  of  the  magistrate.  To  take  an  instance  from  the 
Protestant  side,  how  great  is  the  change  in  the  relation  of  the 
Church  in  general  to  the  State  since  the  days  in  which  Calvin 
was  dictator !  If  in  Austria  and  Russia  the  process  is  not  so 
far  advanced,  it  is  because  they  are  behind  the  other  nations 
in  the  general  race.  The  Republics  are  the  last  birth  of  Time, 
they  are  the  leading  shoots  of  political  growth,  and  in  them 
the  connection  between  Church  and  State  is  weakest.  All  the 
footprints  i)oint  the  same  way.  The  only  a]>i)arent  exception 
is  the  restoration  of  the  Established  Church  of  France  by 
Napoleon.  The  violence  of  the  extreme  revolutionary  party 
had  for  the  time  outrun  pojuilar  conviction,  and  thus  a  reac- 
tionary despot  was  enabled  to  take  a  step  backward,  and  by 
his  fiat  reinstate  an  institution  of  the  past.  But  how  altered 
was  that  institution  in  its  estate  and  in  its  relation  to  the 
government  fr»»m  t\w  Established  Church  of   the  Bourbons! 


T 


THE   QUESTION   OF    DISESTABLISHMENT. 


Gl 


Even  Ministries  of  Pnblic  Worship,  where  they  exist,  are  signs 
that  the  Church  has  become  a  subordinate  department  of  the 
State,  losing  her  independence  and  a  part  of  her  sanctity 
with  it. 

The  Papacy  itself,  once  the  supremely  established  and 
imperially  endowed  Church  of  Catholic  Europe,  has  it  not 
been  both  disestablished  and  disendowed  ?  Its  chief  is  now 
the  "prisoner  of  the  Vatican,"  subsisting  on  the  alms  of  the 
faithful  and  hoi)elessly  ])rotesting  against  the  abolition  of  his 
temporal  power.  It  is  true  his  spiritual  power  over  the  people 
has  been  increased  by  becoming  purely  spiritual,  and  by  the 
concentration  upon  him  of  the  allegiance  of  the  Catholic 
Churches  which,  having  lost  the  supjjort  of  the  national  gov- 
ernments, now  look  to  their  ecclesiasti(!al  chief  alone.  This 
is  a  fact  suggestive  of  caution  to  the  statesman,  whih;  it  is 
reassuring  to  the  churchman ;  but  it  does  not  affect  our  esti- 
mate of  the  situation. 

Supporters  of  establislur^nt  bid  us  observe  that  in  all 
the  South  American  Kepublics  except  Mexico  there  is  still  an 
established  Church.  To  JVlexico  nuist  now  be  added  Brazil, 
which,  since  it  has  cast  off  monarchy,  lias  separated  the  Church 
from  the  State  and  placed  all  religions  on  a  footing  of  e(piality. 
Mexico  is  a  striking  exception.  So  late  as  1815  there  was  an 
auto  da  fe  where  now  no  religious  procession  can  take  place, 
no  priest  even  can  appear  i)ubli(dy  in  his  priestly  garments. 
In  the  other  Keimblics,  however,  the  connection  between 
Church  and  State,  though  it  subsists,  is  greatly  altered,  and 
the  position  of  the  Church  is  far  different  both  in  regard  to 
establishnient  and  in  regard  to  endowment,  from  wliat  it  was 
in  Spanish  times.  The  priest  has  hist  his  political  hold. 
Such  hold  as  he  still  has  he  owes,  not  to  the  tendency  of 
modern  civilisation,  but  to  the  lingering  influence  of  the  relig- 
ious despotism  of  old  Spain. 

In  all  the  countries  there  is  likely  to  be  a  halt  and  a  breath- 
ing time  after  a  great  change.  The  union  of  Cliurch  and 
State  is  naturally  followed  by  a  period  of  half  establishment, 
with  reduced  revenues,  and  tolcraiion  of  all  creeds,  perhaps 


■ 


62 


QUESTIONS   OF  TIIK   DAY. 


endowment  of  all  of  them  alike,  and  Ministries  of  Public  Wor- 
ship. But  the  shadow  will  go  hack  on  the  dial  when  the 
movement  from  religious  privilege  towards  religious  equality 
is  reversed.  What  is  the  severance  of  the  Church  from  the 
State  whereby  government  declares  its  entire  neutrality  in 
matters  of  opinion,  but  the  recognition  of  that  freedom  of 
in([uiry  which,  while  other  results  of  political  revolution  are 
still  doubtful  or  chequered,  is  the  clear  and  inestimable  gain 
of  our  modern  civilisation  ?  Free,  opinion  is  not  while  one 
set  of  opinions  is  hedged  about  with  artificial  reverence  and 
propagated  at  the  expense  of  the  rest.  Disestablishment,  if 
right  in  itself,  will  be  not  merely  the  destruction  of  an  exist- 
ing institution,  it  will  give  free  play  to  the  constructive  agency 
of  truth,  which  we  trust  will  build  the  mansion  of  the  future. 

They  are  mistaken  who  tell  us  that  in  the  communities  of 
North  America  there  never  was  a  connection  between  Church 
and  State,  and  therefore  there  can  be  no  tendency  to  its  de- 
struction. The  truth  is  that  in  most  of  the  old  colonies  there 
formerly  was  a  coiniection.  In  Virginia  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land was  established,  till  religious  equality,  championed  by 
Jefferson  and  Madison,  followed  in  the  wake  of  political  revo- 
lution. In  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  the  connection  was 
close,  as  in  Massachusetts  the  (^uaktu's  foinul  to  their  cost. 
Nor  was  it  dissolved  without  a  struggle.  In  Massachusetts, 
the  law  provided  for  the  maintenance  of  ininisters  as  well  as 
of  schools,  and  for  the  punishment  of  religious  offences,  such 
as  profanity  and  disregard  of  the  Sabbath.  For  a  long  time 
the  political  franchise  was  confined  to  those  who  were  in  close 
communion.  In  Connecticut,  no  church  could  be  founded 
without  iH'rmission  from  the  general  court,  and  every  citizen 
was  obliged  to  pay  according  to  his  means  towards  the  support 
of  the  minister  of  the  geograjthical  parish  of  his  residence. 
Ministers  Avere  exempt  from  taxation  of  everything.  The 
Blue  Laws,  so  far  as  they  had  any  real  existence,  were  legis- 
lation against  sin,  whiidi  implies  an  identification  of  the  civil 
with  the  ecclesiastical  power.  Nothing  of  the  connection  now 
remains  except  the  Sunday  law,  of  which  some  agnostics  com- 


THE   QUESTION  OF  DISESTABLISHMENT. 


m 


plain  as  theocratic ;  restraints  on  blasphemous  publications, 
which  are  as  much  dictated  by  regard  for  decency  and  lor  the 
public  peace  as  by  regard  for  religion ;  the  exemption  of 
Churches  from  municipal  taxation ;  and  a  very  slight  religious 
element  in  tlie  teaching  of  the  public  schools,  not  so  much 
enforced  by  the  State  as  generally  demanded  by  pid)lic  feeling. 
The  exemption  of  Cliurch  property  from  taxation  extends  to 
the  property  of  all  Churches  alike,  nor  is  it  probable  that  it 
continue  long. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  is  expressly  forbidden  by 
the  first  amendment  of  the  Constitution  to  establish  any  re- 
ligion. There  are  some  who  would  like  to  insert  into  the 
Constitution  a  recognition  of  the  Deity,  but  tliis  proposal 
makes  no  way.  Congress  has  a  Chaplain  and  is  opened  witli 
prayer,  but  the  chaplaincy  is  not  confined  to  any  i)articular 
Church.  The  President  of  the  United  States  annually  pro- 
claims a  "national  thanksgiving  day,"  and  has  sometimes 
proclaimed  a  fast,  in  compliance,  however,  with  national  sen- 
timent, and  without  power  of  enforcement.  This  is  mani- 
festly an  ancient  system  attenuated  to  vanishing  point. 

In  French  Canada,  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  retains  its 
revenues  in  virtue  of  an  article  in  the  treaty  of  cession,  but  it 
levies  tithes  only  on  its  own  members.  The  autliority  vested 
in  the  bishops  for  the  regulation  of  parishes  draws  with  it, 
though  indirectly,  a  certain  amount  of  legal  power  in  munici- 
pal affairs.  lUit  the  political  influence  which  makes  it  more 
powerful  in  the  province  than  any  establishment  could  be,  is 
entirely  beyond  the  law. 

In  British  Canada,  the  Church  was  originally  estal)lished ; 
reserves  of  land  were  set  apart  for  its  ministers,  the  university 
was  confined  to  its  members,  and  its  bishop  had  a  seat  in  the 
Council.  l>ut  as  soon  as  the  colony  obtained  self-government. 
Disestablishment  ensued;  the  clergy  reserves  were  secularised, 
and  the  university  was  thrown  open  to  students  of  all  reli- 
gions, while  the  higli  Anglicans  seceded  and  f(mnded  a  se])arate 
university  of  their  own.  A.  faint  odour  of  departed  jnivih-ge 
still  clings  to  what  was  once  the  State  Churcli,  clergynuMi  of 


G4 


QUESTIONS  OF  TlIK    DAY. 


which  now  and  then  allow  it  to  be  felt  that  they  regard  the 
members  of  other  Churches  as  Dissenters,  while  the  bishops, 
unlike  those  in  the  United  States,  retain  the  title  of  "lord." 
Of  the  endowments,  there  remain  about  forty  rectories  which 
were  carved  out  of  the  clergy  reserves  before  secularisation. 
Otherwise  there  are  no  traces  of  the  connection  between 
Church  and  State  in  nominally  monarchical  Canada,  saving 
those  which  have  their  counterparts  in  the  American  llepublic. 

Not  only  does  religious  equality  in  all  material  respects  pre- 
vail in  the  United  States  and  in  British  Canada,  but  it  is 
thoroughly  accepted  by  everybody,  and  by  the  immense  ma- 
jority prized  and  lauded  as  an  organic  principle  of  New  World 
civilisation.  In  British  Canada,  a  few  Anglicans  may  perhaps 
look  back  wistfully  to  the  days  of  the  clergy  reserves.  The 
Roman  Catholic  priest  in  the  New  World  as  Avell  as  in  the 
Old  World  has  in  his  pocket  the  Encyclical  Avhich  declares 
that  his  Church  ought  everywhere  to  be  established,  and  that 
government  ought  to  use  its  power  for  her  support.  But,  in 
the  New  World,  the  pocket  is  very  deep,  and  there  seems  no 
disposition  to  draw  forth  the  missive.  In  fact,  we  hear  that 
some  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Koman  Catholic  Church  avow  a  pref- 
erence for  the  free  system.  In  Ontario,  and  in  jManitoba,  the 
Roman  Catholics  have  hitherto  retained  the  privilege  of  sep- 
arate schools,  which,  however,  tliey  owe,  not  to  Canadian,  but 
to  Imperial  legislation.  In  jManitoba  they  have  come,  and 
in  Ontario  they  are  likely  to  come,  into  collision  with  the 
commonwealth  on  this  (piestion.  But  the  privilege,  though 
a  State  favour,  is  in  the  line,  not  of  connection,  but  of  se})ara- 
tion.  The  tribute  in  the  shape  of  public  subsidies,  which  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  extorts  by  her  political  influence  in 
the  States  of  the  Union  where  there  is  a  large  Irish  vote,  is 
paid,  not  in  the  name  of  religion,  but  in  that  of  charity. 
There  is  now  a  strong  reaction  against  any  such  sectarian  use 
of  public  funds. 

The  property  of  the  American  Churches,  and  the  legal  rights 
attached  to  membership  of  them  or  to  their  officers,  are,  of 
course,  in  the  keeping  of  the  civil  law.    This  has  been  adduced 


^ 


THE  QUKSTIOX  OF    DISKS  TABLISIIMKNT. 


05 


as  proof  of  the  present  existence  in  Aineriou  of  a  connection 
between  the  State  and  the  Church.  But  the  same  reasoninij 
would  establish  the  existence  of  a  connection  between  the 
State  and  the  Society  of  Freemasons  or  the  Jockey  Club. 

The  case  in  favour  of  Disestablishment  in  Ireland  was  par- 
ticularly strong,  and  the  cause  of  the  State  Church  was 
weighted  with  a  painful  history.  Yet  tiit-  defence  was  able 
to  show  tliat  tlie  general  principle  was  involved,  and  tliat  the 
shafts  of  the  assailants  glanced  logically  from  the  Irish  to 
the  English  Establishment,  while  they  almost  struck  full  on 
the  Establishment  in  AVales.  Let  it  be  observed,  too,  that 
nobody  thought  of  transferring  the  privilege  and  the  endow- 
ment from  tlie  Ciiurch  of  the  minority  to  that  of  the  majority; 
while  concurrent  endowment,  though  it  had  much  to  recom- 
mend it  from  a  i)olitical  point  of  view,  was  proposed,  oidy  to 
be  decisively  rejected. 

What  proof  of  the  drift  of  things  can  be  stronger  than  the 
career  of  Mr.  Gladstone?  He  who  bestowed  on  Ireland 
religious  equality,  had  once  seceded  from  a  government 
because  it  broke  the  princijde  of  a  State  religi  by  proposing 
a  small  additional  grant  to  Maynooth.  He  who  is  now  aj)par- 
ently  ready  to  put  tlie  question  of  J^stablisliment  to  the  vote, 
once  wrote  a  treatise  on  the  relation  between  Church  and 
State  in  which,  scaring  above  the  ordinary  arguments  derived 
from  the  usefulness  of  religion  to  the  commonwealth  in  pro- 
moting public  morality,  he  maintained  that  the  nation,  like 
the  individual,  had  a  conscience  which  bound  it  to  choose, 
support,  and  propagate  the  true  faith.  Nobody  was  to  liold 
civil  office  or  exercise  political  i)ower  who  did  not  belong  to 
the  State  Church.  The  members  of  the  government  were  to  be 
"  worshii)ping  men,"  and  Avere  to  sanctify  their  administrative 
acts  by  prayer  and  praise. 

Macaulay,  in  his  review  of  Mr.  Gladstone's  essay,  had  no 
difficulty  in  showing  that  governments  are  meant  to  govern, 
not  to  settle  theological  questions,  and  that  if  no  power  was 
to  be  exercised  except  upon  Church  jjrinciplcs,  much  incon- 
venience, to  which   he   miglit   liave   added    much  hypocrisy, 


' 


1  J 


m 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE   DAY'. 


■r  1| 


would  en.siio.  He  had  no  difficulty  in  dissolving  the  ingenious, 
but  unhistoi'icul,  hypothesis  of  a  restrictive  treaty  by  which 
the  essayist  tried  to  escape  the  awkward  consecjuenees  of  au 
application  cf  his  principles  to  the  Indian  Em[)ire.  He  had 
no  difficulty  in  showing  that  such  half-measures  of  persecu- 
tion as  the  application  of  civil  disabilities  were  at  once  un- 
just and  futile.  He  might  almost  have  contented  himself 
with  saying  that  only  a  person  could  have  a  conscience,  and 
that  the  personality  of  the  nation  was  a  figment.  l>ut  when 
he  comes,  as  an  orthodox  Whig,  to  propound  his  own  defence 
of  a  Church  Establishment,  saying  that  he  will  give  Mr.  Glad- 
stone his  revenge,  he  does  give  JVlr.  Gladstone  his  revenge 
indeed.  His  own  theory  is,  in  reality,  as  untenable  as  that 
over  which  he  has  been  enjoying  an  easy  though  brilliant 
triumi)h.  An  institution,  he  says,  besides  the  i)rimary  ol)ject 
for  which  it  is  intended,  may  serve  a  secondary  object,  just 
as  a  hospital  intended  for  the  accommodation  of  the  sick  may 
also  serve,  by  its  architectural  beauty,  as  an  ornament  to  the 
public  street.  Government  is  meant  to  take  care  of  our  tem- 
poral interests,  and  is  properly  fitted  for  that  purpose  alone ; 
but  if  that  is  not  employment  enough  for  it,  it  may,  as  a  sort 
of  by-play,  take  to  providing  for  our  spiritual  interests  as  well. 
A  singular  sort  of  by-pla}',  surely,  it  woidd  be.  The  appear- 
ance of  a  building  belongs  to  .architecture  as  properly  as  its 
arrangement.  The  encouragement  of  art  by  a  political  gov- 
ernment, which  Macaulay  adduces  as  another  illustration,  is 
not  less  beside  the  mark,  since  it  is  art  in  general  that  govern- 
ment encourages,  not  a  ])articular  school  of  artists.  The  civil 
ruler  in  establishing  a  religion  need  not,  ]\Iacaulay  says,  decide 
which  religion  is  true,  but  oidy  which  is  best  for  his  practical 
purposes ;  he  will  give  the  Scotch  Presbyterianism,  though  he 
may  himself  be  an  Anglican,  because  Presbyterianism,  though 
not  the  most  true,  may  be  most  suited  for  the  Hcotch.  But 
what  is  his  criterion  ?  Is  he  to  assume  that  the  religion  of 
the  majority  is  the  best?  He  helps  to  secure  to  the  privi- 
leged religion  a  majority  by  establishing  it,  and  thus  vitiates 
his  own  test.     Besides,  how  is  he  to  measure  and  provide  for 


I 


TIIK   QUESTION   OF    DISKSTABLISHMENT 


CI 


•al 

lie 

lilt 
of 
vi- 
tes 
for 


changes  of  conviction,  sucli  as  in  the  course  of  inquiry  may 
take  phice  ?  Suppose  he  had  been  eaUed  upon  to  h'gishiti'  in 
the  period  of  the  Keforniati(ni,  when  the  majority  was  shifting 
from  day  to  day.  Nor  do(,'s  Macniuhiy  wholly  escape  the 
charge,  which  he  brings  against  Mr.  Gladstone,  of  feeble  and 
ineffective  persecution.  It  is  a  kind  of  persecution,  though 
a  very  feeble  and  ineffective  kind,  to  compel  the  minority  to 
contribute  to  the  su[)port  of  a  religion  wliich  they  believe 
to  be  false,  perluqjs  destructive  of  souls,  and  to  degrade  their 
ministers  by  exclusion  from  the  rank  and  ])rivilege  which 
those  of  the  Establislied  Church  enjoy.  jNIacaulay  is  acting 
as  a  philosophic  politician,  on  the  princii)le  that  all  religions 
are  to  the  statesman  eqiuilly  useful,  and  he  forgets  that  to 
men  of  strong  religious  convictions  any  religion  but  their  own 
is  dangerous  falsehood,  to  be  forced  to  contribute  to  the  su})- 
port  of  which  is  of  all  tyrannies  the  most  ropidsive. 

I)Ut  are  not  these  mighty  oi)i)onents  lighting  in  the  clouds  ? 
On  earth  we  have  had  despots  imposing  their  religions  on 
conquered  communities.  Ferdinand  the  Second  imposed  his 
Catholicism  on  Bohemia  when  it  was  wrested  from  Protes- 
tantism, Ll  uis  the  Fourteenth  imposed  his  Catholicism  on  a 
German  province  when  it  fell  into  his  hands.  Hut  has  any 
king  or  governor  ever  selected  a  religion  by  the  light  of  his 
own  conscience  and  imposed  it  on  the  people  ?  Has  the  pro- 
cess ever  been  one  of  speculative  reasoning  or  conviction  V 
For  the  origin  of  Establishment  we  must  go  back,  api)arently, 
to  the  days  of  tribal  religion,  in  which  every  member  of  the 
tribe  was,  by  virtue  of  his  birth,  a  loyal  \vorshii)per  of  its 
tutelary  divinity.  Conversion  as  well  as  belief  was  not  per- 
sonal but  tribal,  the  Saxon  or  Dane  ])assing  with  the  rest  of 
his  race,  or  the  portion  of  it  to  which  he  belonged,  and  under 
his  chief,  by  treaty  or  capitulation,  to  the  allegiance  of  the 
conquering  god.  What  is  styled  the  conversion  of  Con- 
stantine  was  in  all  probability  hardly  a  change  of  mind:  it 
certainly  was  not  a  change  of  life;  most  likely  it  was  the 
recognition,  by  a  shrewd  and  thoroughly  worldly  })olitician, 
of  the  ascendancy  which,  partly  through  the  manifest  failure 


■ 


(18 


QI'KSTIONS   OF   TIIK    DAY. 


of   the   old   <,'()(ls    to   avi'it   publiir   disustcr,  Christianity  had 


gained  in  the  Konian  \V(^rM. 


V 


The  Christian  Churdi  inht'i'ited  the  Establishment  of  the 
Pagan  Empire.  Hut  to  the  primal  tradition  of  allegianee  to 
the  national  divinity  was  now  added  belief  in  the  absolute  and 
final  truth  of  a  ndigion  guaranteed  by  supernatural  n-velation 
and  by  an  Infallible  Church  whose  authority  excluded  impiiry 
and  made  dissent  treason  at  once  against  her  and  against  the 
State  with  which  she  was  united.  Out  of  the  Chundi  Esta- 
blishment of  tlu^  Roman  Empire  grew,  on  the  one  hand,  the 
Byzantine  establishment  now  represented  by  the  national 
Church  of  Russia,  and  on  the  other  haml,  the  estaldishnu'ut 
of  the  group  of  European  nations  which  framed  a  religious 
federation  under  the  ecclesiastical  sovereignty  of  the  I'ope. 
To  what  the  identification  of  the  Church  with  the  kingdcuns 
of  this  world  and  the  consequent  identification  of  heresy  with 
treason  led,  as  it  could  iu)t  fail  to  lead,  is  written  on  some  of 
the  most  terrible  pages  of  history.  K^^'ligion  has  been  accused 
of  crimes  of  which  the  real  source  was  in  the  union  of  the 
spiritual  with  the  temi)oral  authority,  ami  in  the  temporal 
wealth  of  a  State  Church.  .Mere  fanaticism  has  less  to  ai'.swer 
for  than  Papal  tiaras  and  archbishoprics  of  Toledo. 

Undoubtiug  conviction  and  perfect  unity  of  belief  were 
througlumt  the  conditions  of  the  system.  When  doubt,  in- 
([uiry,  and  disagreement  came  in  with  the  Reformation,  the 
basis  of  the  system  was  withdrawn.  At  first,  an  attemi)t  was 
made,  at  least  by  I'rotestant  rulers,  to  fall  back  on  national 
Establishments,  to  which  it  was  the  aim  of  statesmen,  l)y  legal 
constraint  or  politic  compromise,  to  make  all  subjects  of  the 
realm  conform.  The  belief  that  a  nation  was  bound  to  have 
a  religion,  and  to  support  it  by  legal  ])rivilege  and  endowment, 
had  become  thonmghly  ingrained:  its  hold  on  the  mind  of  the 
Puritan  was  strengthened  by  his  uncritical  acceptance  of  the 
Old  Testament;  and  the  Barebone  Parliament  of  Independents 
wrecked  itself  partly  in  an  attempt  to  disendow  the  Church. 
But  geographical  and  political  boundaries  do  not  coincide  with 
those  of  s})eculative  conviction.     Nationality,  therefore,  in  the 


TllK    QUKSTION    (M'    DISKS  rAlJLlSIlMKMV 


i^ 


absonce  of  cnorcion,  rould  be  no  basis  for  chuivlmianship.  Tho 
lastexiuMlicnt  of  tlioso  who,  naturally  ciioiigli,  wcro  rcliu'tant  to 
see  the  coimiionwtniltli  Hiially  divorced  Iroiu  relij^doii,  was  to 
establish  the  religion  of  the  muiierical  majority.  lUit  the  weak- 
ness of  such  a  prinei[)le  has  been  already  shown.  Voii  falsify 
your  own  test  when  you  artiticially  draw  ])eo[)le  into  a  parti- 
cular (  liurch  by  giving  it  privileges  and  endowments.  The 
principle  was,  in  fact,  renounced  wdien  endowment  was  refused 
to  the  Church  of  the  majority  in  Ireland.  The  best  religion, 
the  Voluntary ist  will  contend,  for  tlu^  citizen  as  well  as  for 
the  man,  is  that  in  which  he  sinceii  ly  believes;  and  Ixdief,  to 
be  ])erfectly  sincere,  must  be  not  only  unconstrained  but 
unbribed. 

Stress  has  been  laid,  in  the  controversy  with  regard  to  the 
Anglican  endowments,  on  the  legal  fact  that  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land is  coUcctively  not  a  corporation,  each  of  her  incumbents 
being  a  cor])oration  sole.  She  could  har(lly  bo  a  corjjoration 
in  tlu^  Papal  period,  since,  though  locally  Ecdesia  AiKjliciUid, 
she  was  part  of  a  European,  or,  as  her  mend)ers  contended,  of 
a  universal  (liurch,  transcending  all  local  jurisdiction  and 
with  a  hiw  of  its  own  transcending  all  municipal  law.  She 
could  hardly  be  a  corporation  in  the  national  period,  because 
she  was  then  identified  with  the  nation,  the  king  of  wdiich  was 
her  head.  Hut,  surely,  such  considerations,  thougli  they  might 
be  deemed  decisive  in  a  lawsuit,  (^innot  go  for  much  in  deter- 
mining the  expediency  of  a  great  political  and  religious  change. 
The  same  may  be  said  with  regard  to  the  question  as  to  the 
legal  character  and  origin  of  tithe.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  tithe 
was  in  its  origin  neither  an  aggregate  of  voluntary  benefactions, 
nor  a  tax  imposed  by  the  State.  The  payment  was  a  religious 
duty,  of  the  obligation  to  perform  which  the  clergy  had  con- 
vinced the  [)eoi)le,  and  whicdi,  like  other  religious  duties,  was 
enforced  indiscriminately  with  civil  duties  by  the  kings  and 
witenagemotes  of  those  days.  Nobody  can  doubt  now  that 
tithe  is  public  property,  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  rules 
of  ])ublic  policy  and  justice,  by  both  of  which  respect  for  vested 
interests  is  prescribed. 


^^m 


70 


QCKSTIONS   OK  TIIK    DAV. 


Arnold's  idciil,  ;ii)paroiitly,  was  an  Establislu'd  (Jhiircli,  not 
only  conncctcnl,  Imt  ich'utical,  with  the  coninionwoalth,  embra- 
cing (yliristians  of  all  doctrinal  varieties,  and  making  no  distinc- 
tion between  clergy  and  laity  but  one  of  a  mertdy  official  kind. 
Tins  idea  evidently  was  drawn  from  the  commonwealths  of 
ancient  Gnu'ce,  of  tiie  history  of  which  Arnold  was  a  i)assionate 
student.  From  Arnold  it  was  transmitted  to  Stanley,  who  went 
so  far  in  his  love  of  State  Churches  and  their  champions 
as  to  show  a  slight  tenderness  for  "  Hluidie  Mackenzie."  The 
diftlculties  of  ai)plication  in  a  country  like  England,  full  of 
religious  divisions,  incdndiug  the  iiisurnu)untable  division  be- 
tween Protestants  and  Jtoman  Catholics,  need  no  demonstra- 
tion. How  are  the  different  sects  to  share  the  edifices  and 
the  endowments  among  tluMu  ?  How,  if  they  are  all  to  be 
domiciled  under  the  same  roof,  is  i)eace  to  be  kei)t  in  such  a 
family?  The  part  of  the  Minister  of  Public  "NVorship  would 
not  be  easy.  To  the  Empire,  of  course,  with  all  its  Mahome- 
tans and  Hindoos,  such  an  ecclesiasti(^al  polity  could  not  be 
extended.  Hut,  above  all,  what  object  is  to  be  gained  by 
encountering  all  these  problems  and  comj)lications  which  would 
not  be  better  gained  through  the  self-adjusting  sim])licity  of 
the  free  system  ?  The  function  assigned  by  Arnold  to  the 
government  seems  to  be  that  of  ecclesiastical  police,  the  need- 
lessness  of  which  the  experience  of  Churches  in  America, 
where  all  goes  on  decently  and  without  disorder,  shows. 
Arnold  appears  to  have  forgotten  that,  in  ancient  Athens, 
such  spiritual  life  as  there  was  went  on,  at  least  in  the  time 
of  Socrates,  apart  from  the  State  religion,  and  that  its  pontiff 
sacrificed  to  ^l^^sculapius  a  cock,  not  his  spiritual  convictions. 
The  sacrificing  of  cocks  innumerable  to  .'l^sculapius,  with  the 
provisions  of  stipends  for  his  official  ministers,  would  probably 
be  the  chief  fruits  of  the  Arnoldian  system. 

Arnold's  ideal  is  a  Christian  commonwealth.  This  he  would 
have,  though  he  would  not  have  conformity  or  orthodoxy,  if 
liis  nation  were  made  up  of  Christian  Churches  whose  com- 
mon princijjles  would  practically  regulate  public  life  and 
national  action.     In  this  sense  the  American  commonwealth 


TIIK    tilKSTION   OF    DISKSIAHMSllMKNI 


71 


is  Cliristiiiii.  It  is  fur  more  f'liristiiin  than  Eiif^limd,  or  any 
(MIC  of  the  Europoaii  nations  with  Estaldisliod  Chiirclies,  was 
in  the  hist  ccnturv.  Ostcnsihly.  ol'  course,  it  is  not  Christian 
or  religious;  hut  surely  it  must  Ix'  the  practical,  not  the  osten- 
sible, character  which  has  a  value  in  the  eye  of  Heaven. 

In  native  American  oonimunities  and  in  Canada,  society  and 
life,  it  may  safely  be  said,  are  fully  as  ndij^^ious  under  the 
free  system,  as  they  are  in  Enj^dand  nniU'r  tliat  of  a  State 
Clnircli.  (Inquestionably  there  is  far  more  respect  i'or  reli<,Mon 
there  than  in  France,  where  the  Church  is  still  established, 
but,  in  a  "  Lil)rairie  Anti-clei'icale,"  the  most  lii(hious  bla- 
sphemy is  openly  sold.  The  Ciiurch  in  America  and  Canada 
is,  to  fully  as  ^^n^at  an  extent  as  in  England,  the  centn^  of 
philanthropic  effort  and  even  of  social  life.  There  is  fully  as 
much  building  of  churches  and  as  nuich  church-going,  and  the 
Sunday  is  as  well  kept.  The  very  aspect  of  an  American  city 
or  village,  with  its  s}»ires  and  steeples  "  pointing  to  heaven," 
though  })erhaps  not  ''tai)ering"  with  consummate  grace,  j)ro- 
claims  the  comnnmity  religious.  American  missions  to  the 
heathen  vie  with  those  of  England.  If  the  ]»ublic  school 
admits  only  a  very  small  element  of  religion,  the  Sunday 
school  is  a  highly  cherished  and  a  flourishing  institution.  Tlie 
churches  are  enabled  to  distribute  large  sums  in  (diarity ; 
some  of  them  in  fact  do  fully  as  much  as  is  desirable  in  that 
way.  We  hear  of  a  single  offertory  in  the  church  of  a  great 
j)reacher,  with  a  wealthy  congregation,  of  $50,000.  While  the 
choice  of  a  religion  is  absolutely  free,  while  no  candidate  for 
office  is  asked  to  what  Church  he  belongs,  while  members 
of  the  same  family  belong  to  different  Churches  without  do- 
mestic friction,  to  be  entirely  without  a  religion  is  to  incur, 
with  most  people,  a  shade  of  social  suspicion.  In  no  reputable 
society  would  anything  ott'ensiv^e  to  religious  feeling  be  en- 
dured. All  this  is  spontaneous  and  has  the  strength  of  spon- 
taneity, while  the  religion  of  the  peasantry  in  an  English 
country  parish  is  not  so  certainly  spontaneous.  In  Xew  York 
or.  Chicago,  there  is  a  large  foreign  population,  nuich  of  it 
drawn  from   the  moral  barbarism  of    Europe.     Yet  even  in 


■«> 


mmmm 


72 


QUESTIONS   OF   TIIK   DAY. 


iS'ow  Vork  and  Cliicixt,'<),  religion  is  strong,  is  well  endowed, 
furnishes  the  basis  of  much  social  effort,  and  copes  vigorously 
with  the  adverse  forces. 

It  is  dirticuit  to  ('onii)are  the  incomes  of  the  clergy  under  the 
two  systems,  but  probably  the  clergy  in  the  Nortliern  States 
are,  on  tiie  average,  as  well  off  as  in  England,  certainly  since 
the  reduction  of  the  incomes  of  English  benetices  by  agricul- 
tural dej)ressi()n.  A  tirst-rate  prea(;her  in  a  great  American 
city  has  an  income  hardly  inferior  to  that  of  an  English  bishop, 
when  the  bishop's  heavy  liabilities  are  taken  into  account. 
Clerical  incomes  might  be  greatly  imi)roved  if  the  Protestant 
Churches  between  whose  creeds  there  is  no  essential  difference 
would,  in  the  rural  districts  at  least,  instead  of  competing, 
combine,  and  give  a  good  stipend  to  one  nastor  where  they  now 
give  ])oor  stijx'nds  to  three.  Nor  does  it  seem  impossible  that 
something  of  this  kind  may  be  brought  about.  Though  there 
cannot  l)e  said  to  be  any  present  likelihood  of  formal  union 
among  the  Trotestant  Churches,  there  is  a  strong  tendency  to 
mutual  recognition  and  to  interchange  of  pulpits,  from  which 
working  union,  at  all  events,  may  some  day  result.  It  is  also 
diftieult  to  draw  a  comparison  between  the  social  position  of 
the  <  lergy  in  the  United  States  nnd  their  social  position  in 
England.  There  are  not  in  America  dignitaries  like  the  English 
liishopand  Dean,  enjoying  precedence  by  virtue  of  their  eccle- 
siastical office,  nor  is  there  a  set  of  clergymen  like  the  country 
rectors  of  England,  cond)ining  the  resident  gentleman  with  the 
})ast()r.  The  balance  perhaps  is  rather  in  i'avour  of  the  clergy 
under  the  free  svsteni.  No  American  chM'gvman  can  be  an  ob- 
ject  of  class-antip;ithy  to  the  people,  as  it  seems  the  English 
liarson  sometimes  is  in  a  coinitry  parish.  Tliat  a  clergyman, 
if  he  depends  on  liis  congregation  forliis  ])ay,  will  become  their 
theological  thrall,  is,  ])erhaps,  a  natural  fear.  It  certaiidy  was 
strong  in  the  writers  of  "  Tracts  for  th<>  Times,"  who,  in  revi- 
ving the  doctrine  of  Apostolical  Snci-ession,  avowedly  sought  a 
new  basis  of  authority  in  jtlace  of  the  su))|iort  of  the  State, 
which  seemed  to  be  failing  them,  in  ord(M'  that  they  might  save 
tliemselves  from  becoming,  like  Dissenting  ministers.  (le])end- 


THE    QLKSTIOX   OF    DISESTABLISIIMKNT. 


78 


a 


ent  on  their  flocks,  and  being  thereby  constraiiie<l  to  pander 
to  lay  appetite  in  their  teaching.  Yet  a  coniphiiiit  is  not  often 
heard  upon  this  subject,  and  American  congregations  liave  l)een 
loyal  to  the  pastors  of  tlieir  choice  even  when  their  loyalty  has 
been  severely  tried.  The  layman, as  a  rule,  is  not  a  theologian; 
nor  is  it  his  tendency,  so  long  as  he  gets  on  well  with  his  ])as- 
tor  generally,  to  meddle  with  the  teaching  of  the  pul])it.  Some- 
times the  stii)end  is  paid,  not  by  the  congregation  directly,  but 
through  the  medium  of  a  central  administration.  A  clergynum 
of  the  American  Ejiiscopal  (Jhurch  states  that  under  this  ])lan 
he  never  lu;ard  a  pastor  complain  (  i'  the  loss  of  power  or  inde- 
pendence, that  the  tie  of  affection  is  as  strong  as  in  the  nu)st 
favoured  parishes  of  England,  that  the  congregations  show  no 
desire  to  tune  the  jmlpit,  and  that  if  disputes  arise  they  are 
easily  settled.  The  clergy,  he  says,  remain  in  their  parishes 
as  long  and  as  securely  as  do  the  clergy  in  Kngland;  in  his 
city  they  have  just  buried  a  vector  who  had  been  in  the  same 
charge  over  fifty  years,  one  of  his  own  ])redecessors  held  the 
cure  for  forty-six  years,  and  all  around  him  are  men  who  have 
held  their  cures  for  twenty,  thirty,  or  forty  years.  He  knows 
of  no  differences  between  rector  and  congregation,  nor  does  he 
b(dieve  that  amongst  their  two  hundred  clergy  there  is  one 
who  wishes  the  Church  to  be  "  by  law  estaltlished."  lie  ad- 
mits that  there  are  clerical  failures,  but  he  says  that  they 
rarely  lind  themselves  in  ])ositions  of  iin])ortance.  iind  usually 
drop  out  early.  In  an  Established  Church  they  would,  as  a 
rule,  not  diop  ^;ut,  esi)(>cially  if  they  held  family  livings. 
Against  any  possible  evils  arising  from  the  restlessness  or 
caprice  os"  congregations,  are  to  be  set  the  torpor  which  may 
be  bred  by  security  and  the  chances  of  irremovable  incapacity 
or  decrepitiule.  The  parishioners  of  livings  in  the  gift  (d' 
colleges,  when  the  colleges  were  close,  and  the  prcs(>ntees  had 
lived  many  years  in  Ctnumon  Room,  would  have  ha<l  some 
strong  evidence  to  give  upon  this  subject. 

The  belief  that  ndigious  extravagance  -.vill  ensue  upon  the 
witlulrawal  of  State  control  may,  from  luu^rican  experience, 
he  safely  pronounced  groundless.     Th.'  effectual  restraint  on 


■ 


74 


Ql'KSTIONS   OF   TIIK   DAY. 


extravnfi;ano('  is  not  State  control,  Imt  pojjular  enli<i;litenment. 
Such  works  as  Mr.  Jlepworth  Dixon's  "New  America'' and 
"  Spiritual  Wives  "  have  created  a  false  impression.  The  wild 
sects  which  li(i  describes  are,  in  the  first  place,  as  much  social 
as  relit,nous;  and.  in  the  second  place,  the  space  which  they 
occu])y  on  the  religious  map  of  the  United  States  is  insigniti- 
cant.  Tlie  <freat  mass  of  the  people  belong  to  Churches  im- 
ported from  Kurope,  and  identiiral  in  all  essential  resjjects  with 
their  lMiroi)ean  counterparts.  The  only  new  Church  of  any 
imjiortance  is  tlii^  Universalist.  whi(^h  seems  to  be  a  liberal 
IMetliodism  with  the  doctrine  of  et(U'nal  jjunishment  struck  out 
by  the  Inimanitarianisin  of  democracy.  Things  are  no  longer 
as  they  were  in  the  earlier  and  less  settlecl  times.  A  camp- 
meeting  now  is  little  mor.^  than  a  ndigious  picnic  lasting 
through  several  days.  '•  Revivals  "  America  has,  and  so  has 
England.  Th(»  Salvation  Army,  if  that  is  to  be  numbered 
among  extravagances,  is  an  i'Jiglish  product.  Mormonism  is 
mainly  re(!ruiti'd  from  Kngland.  No  sei-t  is  to  be  fouuil  in  the 
New  World  comparable  in  wildness  to  some'  of  which  we  read 
as  existing  in  llussia,  where  the  connection  between  Church 
and  State,  in  its  closeness,  resenddes  the  Caliphate.  It  is 
needi;>ss  to  say  that  there  is  no  superstition  in  the  United 
States  so  al)ject  as  that  which  has  prevailed  in  the  south  of 
Italy,  in  Spain,  or  in  some  parts  of  Ivussia. 

It  may  be  that  in  America  preaching  is  more  cultivated 
than  theology,  and  that  this  is  |)artly  the  consetpience  of  a 
system  whieii  makes  tlie  power  of  attracting  congregations 
the  ])assport  to  the  iiigh  places  of  the  clerical  profession.  It 
is,  however,  fully  as  nniidi  a  conse(]uence  of  the  rhetorical 
tendencies  of  democracy  in  general.  The  tastes  of  the  unedu- 
cated or  half-<'dueated  are  uncritical,  atid  it  is  inevitable  that 
there  should  be,  as  un(piestional)ly  there  is,  rant  in  the  popular 
])ulpit,  as  Will  MS  nil  the  political  stum]).  Hut  there  is  also 
]treacliiiig  of  the  jiighest  order,  and  such  as,  if  good  is  to  be 
done  by  preaching  at  all.  must  do  a  great  deal  of  good.  It 
may  Ite  doultted  whether  the  I'iiiglish  pulpit  can  vie  with  tluit 
of  tile    I'nited  States.      It  has  hardly  had  a   greater  jummcIicv 


THK    QUESTION   OF    DISESTABLISHMENT. 


75 


ions 
It 

Ileal 
".In- 
tliiit 
(ular 
also 
be 
It 
that 

'llOl 


or  in  a  highor  style  tlian  the  lamented  Phillips  Brooks.  There 
is  a  tendency,  perhaps,  to  overstrain  for  etfect,  but  this  is  an 
intellectual  characteristic  of  the  age.  People  are  no  longer 
content  simply  to  "  hear  the  Word  of  God ; "  they  crave  for 
ekxjuence  as  they  crave  for  ritual,  and  the  result  of  the 
attempt  to  su[)ply  it  is  sometimes  overstrain. 

We  cannot  look  far  beneath  the  surface  of  religious  life. 
Appearances,  though  strong  and  uniform,  may  deceive.  Be- 
neath all  this  church-building,  church-going,  mission-sending, 
and  Sunday  school-teaching,  there  may  be  growing  hoUowness 
and  creeping  doubts.  That  i)ossibility  is  not  contined  to  the 
Western  htMuisphere  ;  but  tlie  tide  of  scepticism  is  less  violent 
when  it  has  no  State  Cliurcli  against  which  to  beat.  The 
general  tendency,  even  of  those  who  la})se  from  orthodoxy  in 
America,  is  not  towards  Atheism,  but  towards  Theism,  with 
Christian  ethics  and,  perhaps,  with  Christian  ho})es.  This,  as 
a  break,  at  all  events,  in  a  descent  perilous  to  public  morality, 
though  orthodoxy  nuiy  not  value,  statesmansliij)  may. 

If  we  turn  to  the  Episcopal  Church  of  tlie  United  States  in 
particular,  it  could  hardly  be  expected  that  the  compromise 
between  Catholicism  and  Prot(^stantism  devised  by  tlie  Tudors 
and  their  counciHors  to  meet  the  circumstances  of  the  English 
people  in  the  sixteenth  ceiiturv,  or  to  satisfy  at  once  tlie  ])er- 
sonal  ritualism  of  (Juccn  Elizabeth  and  her  political  antago- 
nism to  the  Pope,  would,  when  transplanted,  strike  its  roots 
very  deep  into  the  soil  of  the  Xev,'  World.  It  is  obvious  that 
for  certain  classes  of  men,  ^lethodism.  Piesbyterianism.  and 
Ixoman  Catholicism  liav(»  attractions  with  which  Anglicanism 
cannot  compete.  'I'lie  vVnglican  Church  is  that  of  many  of  the 
rich  and  reliiied,  wliose  tastes  it  suits  by  its  hierarchical  ei in- 
stitution, the  dignity  of  its  services,  its  histori(!al  associations, 
and  its  indulgent  latitude.  It  also  derives  some  social  prestige 
from  its  connection  with  the  State  Church  (u"  England,  with 
the  (Episcopate  and  clergy  of  which  its  episcopate  and  elergy 
are  identiti(Ml.  Xot  that  it  contains  all  the  rich,  or  even  a 
majority  of  them  ;  many  of  the  rich  have  risen  from  the  ranks 
of   industry    and    bi-ought   their    Methodism,    or   some    other 


1 1. 'I 


II 


70  QUESTIONS   OF   THE    DAY. 

poj)ulai'  religion,  with  them.  Nor  is  it  Avithout  an  elemont 
drawn  from  the  other  .social  extreme.  It  counts  among  its 
members  not  a  i'ew  of  the  very  poor,  especially  among  the  new- 
comers from  England,  who  have  never  been  accustomed  to 
maintain  voluntary  Churches,  and  to  whom  it  is  often  liberal 
of  its  alms.  We  see  here  probably  the  position  towards  which 
it  would  gravitate  if  left  to  itself  without  State  support  in 
Enghind.  It  nuist  be  remembered,  however,  that  it  has  in 
En!,dand  what  it  has  not  in  the  New  World,  cathedrals  and 
parish  churches,  in  which  the  religious  life  of  the  nation  for 
ages  has  centred,  together  with  a  traditional  hold  on  the  minds 
of  almost  the  whole  of  the  wealthier  classes.  The  elective 
episcopate  of  the  United  States,  if  it  does  not  contain  any  one 
etpial  in  learning  to  Light'oot  or  Stubbs,  is  fully  tl'p  peer  of 
th,-  English  episco])ate  nominated  by  the  Crown  in  excellence 
of  personal  character,  in  pastoral  power,  energy,  and  influence, 
in  administrative  capacity,  and  in  the  respect  and  attachment 
which  it  commands.  The  action  of  the  laity  when  admitted 
to  the  Church  legislature,  which  the  English  clergy  dread,  has 
been  shown  by  experience  to  be  conservative ;  they  once  were 
a  check  ujwn  Evangelical,  they  are  now  a  check  on  Ritualistic, 
innovation.  No  change  of  importance  has  been  made  in  the 
Prayer  I'ook  beyond  the  omission  of  tli?  Athanasian  Creed. 
Of  course  there  is  troid)le  arising  frtiii  the  JJitualistic  move- 
ment and  the  opi)Ositi()ii  to  it;  as  trouble  would  arisi^  from  any 
attempt  to  combine  two  opposite  codes  of  doctrine  and  spiritual 
.systems  in  the  sanu^  Church.  P>ut  the  laity  may  rejoice  that 
no  young  incumbent  has  power,  as  in  Englan<l.  to  change  their 
worship  from  I'rotestant  to  Cotbolic,  leaving  them  no  remedy 
but  a  scaiulalous,  costly,  and  precarious  lawsuit.  The  election 
of  a  bisliop  sometimes  ends,  after  a  protracted  struggle  between 
the  ])arties,  in  an  unsatisfactory  compromise.  This  is  the 
inevitable  result  of  the  ;,M'neral  division  of  opinion.  Other 
evils  there  are  which  inhere,  in  the.  elective  system.  Against 
these  we  have  to  set  the  evils  which  inhere  in  the  system 
ol'  nominations  l)y  tli(>  Crown,  under  which  a  Prinu^  Minister, 
notoriously  imliffereiit  to  religion,  may  capture  the  vote  of  ta 
religious  party  by  appointing  its  leaders  to  bisho])rics. 


TIIK   QUESTION   OF   DISESTABLISIIMKXT, 


77 


it  mil 


It  is  true  that,  tlioiigh  severed  from  the  Stute,  the  Amerioau 
Churches  have  not  been  entirely  sevt'rcd  from  politics.  The 
liaptLsts  appear  creditably  to  maintain  their  traditional  jtre- 
eminence  as  the  pioneers  of  spiritual  freedom,  but  other 
Churches  are  more  or  less  given  to  using  their  iuHuiMuje 
in  politics  to  the  detriment  alike  of  Cluirch  and  State ;  t\w. 
iloman  Catholic  Churcii,  with  her  control  of  the  Irish  vote, 
being  th(f  most  jiolitical  of  all.  The  American  Chiirchcs,  or 
too  many  of  them,  sorely  disc'edited  thcmstdves  l)y  bowing 
down  bid'ore  slavery  in  the  evil  day  of  its  as(H'ndancy,  and 
repudiating  or  treating  with  coldness  those  who  were  striving 
to  awaken  the  slumbering  conscnence  of  the  nation;  though  as 
soon  as  the  political  and  social  ])ressure  was  removed  the 
Churches,  or  such  of  them  as  were  at  heart  opposed  to  slavery, 
stood  erect  again  and  lent  the  forci;  of  religious  conviction  to 
the  nation  in  the  nu)rtal  (M)nliict.  The  foundations  of  all 
si)iritual  societies  of  men,  as  of  the  s[)iritual  man  himself,  are 
in  the  dust;  and  it  is  too  much  to  ex[)e<;t  that,  being  comijosed 
of  citizens  and  members  of  society,  they  shall  entirely  escape 
the  jMjlitical  and  social  influences  of  the  ihiy.  The  Northern 
Churches  might  also  plead,  in  excuse  for  tlieir  tinu)rous  atti- 
tude, the  fear  of  ruptiu-e  with  their  Southern  branidies,  whi(!h 
in  the  case  of  the  liaptists  actually  occurred. 

Free  Churches,  if  they  cannot  soar  above  humanity,  have  at 
least  the  power  of  self-adaptation  and  S(df-develo]iinent.  To  a 
State  Church  tliis  liberty  is  denied.  It  is  in  vain  that  clergy- 
men of  the  Churcli  ot  England  speak  as  though  in  all  tiie 
changes  of  doctriui'  and  system  it  had  Ihmmi  the  Clnircli  that 
moved,  liy  the  will  of  Henry  the  Eighth  tin-  national  Cliurch 
was  made  Trotestant  so  far  as  was  re([uired  liy  the  King's 
([uarrel  with  tlu'  I'ope  and  no  further;  by  the  will  of  Edward 
the  Sixth  and  his  Council  she  was  nuide  thoroughly  Protestant 
and  united  to  the  I'rotestant  Churches  of  th"  (.-(Uitinent ;  by 
tlie  will  of  ISliwy  she  was  made  Catliolic  again  and  reunit\'d  to 
Konu' ;  V)y  the  will  of  Elizabeth  she  was  once  nune  severed 
fnim  the  Papacy  and  settled  on  the  principle  oi  compnuuise. 
All  this  was  dcjne  without  an>v'  appaivut  evidenci^  of  a  change 


78 


QUKSTIONS   OF   THE   DAY. 


of  conviction  on  the  part  of  the  body  of  the  clergy,  which 
seems  to  have  remained  Catholic  in  sentiment  tlirongiiout,  to 
have  welcomed  the  Catholic  revolution  under  Alary,  and  to 
have  been  opjiosed  to  the  Protestant  revolution  at  the  accession 
of  Elizabetii,  though  no  regard  was  paid  in  any  case  to  its 
wishes.'  James  the  First  acted  as  a  religious  autocrat  in  his 
ecclesiastical  proclamations  and  his  ai)pointment  of  deputies 
to  the  Synod  of  Dort.  When  he  was  at  enmity  with  the 
Catholics  he  gave  Low  Church  principles  the  ascendancy,  by 
nuiking  Abbot  archbisho[) ;  when  he  veered  towards  a  coiuiec- 
tion  with  the  Catholic  Vowers  he  gave  Higli  Church  principles 
the  ascendancy,  by  bringing  forward  Laud.  Cliarles  the  First 
again  in  his  reactionary  changes  acted  as  an  autocrat,  through 
Laud  as  his  ecclesiastical  vizier.  Little  attention  ap])ears  to 
have  been  paid  by  the  I'riniate  to  the  opinions  of  the  clergy, 
or  even  to  those  of  the  hierandiy  at  large.  It  was  politi(;al 
power  acting  for  a  political  purpose  that,  nnder  the  llestora- 
tion,  finally  cut  off  the  Church  of  England  from  the  Protestant 
(/hurdles  on  the  Continent,  and,  since  the  llomans  deny  her 
existence  as  a  Church,  while  the  Greeks  practically  will  not 
recognise  her,  placed  her  in  the  strange  position  which  she 
ajjparently  holds  of  bi'ing  the  whole  Chundi  or  no  Church  at 
all.  In  the  next  century,  to  use  Rallam's  scornful  phrase, 
tlie  State  sprinkled  a  litth;  dust  upon  the  angry  insects  by 
depriving  the  Church  altogether  of  tlie  power  of  legislating 
for  herself.  Slie  never  had  the  ojjportunity  of  fairly  saying 
what  she  would  do  with  tlu^  Methodists,  who  were  finally 
severed  from  lier,  not  by  excommunication  or  secession,  but  by 
the  necessity  of  registering  tlieir  chapels  under  the*  Toleration 
Act.  'I'iie  Kpiscopal  lonn  of  Chureli  government  w;is  evidently 
perpetuated  l)y  tin;  policy  of  the  Monarcliy.  "No  IJishop,  no 
King."  In  Sweden  the  same  influence  retained  Episeoiiai'y 
though  the  religion  was  Lutheran.  In  countries  such  as  Scot- 
land, Switzerland,  and  Ilnlland,  where  the  religious  revolution 
was  \ua(h"  by  an  aristocracy  or  a  democracy,  other  forms  of 
(.Church  governnuMit  prevailed. 

'  Hi'i'  Dr.  Child's  Chiiirh  ami  State  umJor  the  Twlors. 


i 


THE   QUESTION   OV   DISESTABLISHMENT. 


79 


Piirlianient,  when  it  was  thrown  oix'ii  to  men  of  all  religions 
and  of  none,  became  glaringly  unfit  to  legislate  for  the  Chureh. 
The  Church  thenceforth  was  condemned  to  legislative  immo- 
bility. Change  there  has  been  and  with  a  vengeaniie ;  tlu^ 
ritual  has  been  turned  from  a  Protestant  service  into  what  it 
is  very  difficult  to  distinguish  from  the  Mass,  while  in  other 
respects  the  Catholic  system  in  place  of  the  I'rotestant  lias 
been  introduced.  lUit  tliis  has  been  done,  not  by  regular  leg- 
islation, but  by  the  irregular  action  of  individual  clergymen, 
at  the  expense  of  unseendy  struggles  and  degrading  litigation, 
sonu^times  before  a  tribunal  of  "  Roman  augurs."  To  give  the 
change  the  colour  of  legality,  it  has  been  asserted  that  the 
Liturgy,  not  the  Articles,  is  tiie  standard  of  faith.  Is  it 
possible  to  believe  that  the  standard  is  to  be  found,  not  in  the 
original  manifesto  of  which  the  object  was  explicitly  to  set 
forth  doctrine,  but  in  the  ritual,  the  aim  of  the  framers  of 
which  evidently  was  to  retain  as  much  as  possible  of  the  cus- 
tomary iind  familiar?  The  Church  is  the  Keeper  of  all  Truth  : 
how  came  it  to  })ass  that  down  to  the  fourth  d(  cade  of  the 
nineteenth  century  she  remained  ignorant  of  this  all-important 
truth  respecting  herself  ? 

Few,  surely,  can  look  back  with  pride  on  the  history  of  a 
political  (Jhurch  —  lier  servile  suljuiission  to  the  will  of  the 
sovereign  ;  her  boundless  exaltation  of  thti  royal  power  for  the 
sake  of  gaiiung  royal  favour  and  su^jport;  her  sinister  com- 
plicity with  a  political  reaction  which  plunged  the  nation  into 
a  civil  war;  her  alliance  with  the  unholy  powers  of  the  Resto- 
ration for  the  purpose  of  crushing  the  Nonconformists  ;  her 
])reaching  of  passive  obedience  when  the  Crown  was  on  tlie  side 
of  the  (dergy  ;  her  disn>gard  of  that  doctrine  as  soon  as  clerical 
interests  were  touched  by  the  tyranny  ;  her  courting  of  Non- 
eonformi.sl  aid  against  .);nnes  the  Second;  lier  renewed  {)erse- 
cution  of  the  Nonconformists  under  the  leadership  of  the 
infidel  liolingbroke  when  the  (hmgcr  to  herself  was  past;  the 
wretched  consi»iracies  of  her  Ja(;obilc  clergy  against  the  peace 
of  the  country ;  the  conduct  of  her  clergy  ai\d  bishops  in 
Ireland,  for  the   calamitous    state   of   whicli  they  are   partly 


I 


80 


QUESTIONS   OF  TIIK   DAY 


responsible,  and  wlieuce  by  their  intoleraiK^e  they  drove  forth 
Presbytprians,  the  sinews  of  Irish  industry,  to  become  the 
sinews  of  American  revolution.  For  the  obstinate  violem;e  of 
the  government  in  its  dealing  with  the  Americans  and  the 
fatal  rupture  which  ensued,  clerical  Toryism,  as  we  know  on 
the  best  of  evidence,  was  largely  to  blame.  Even  with  regard 
to  ipiestions  of  humanity,  such  as  the  abolition  of  the  slave- 
trade  and  of  slavery,  the  record  of  the  State  Church  is  inglori- 
ous, and  W(!  liiul  its  bishops  voting  against  the  repeal  of  the 
law  making  death  the  penalty  of  a  petty  theft.  Was  it  possible 
that  an  institution  morally  and  socially  so  little  beneficent  or 
venerable  should  e.xercise  nnudi  religious  intluencie  on  the 
people';'  True,  besides  her  political  history  the  (Miurcii  of 
Hooker,  Herbert,  Ken,  JJutler,  Wilson,  Fletcher  of  Madeley 
and  Simeon,  has  another  history  on  which  her  friends  may 
look  with  far  greater  satisfaction ;  but  how  far  was  this  the 
fruit  of  legal  establishment  aiul  State  endowment  ? 

To  such  an  extent  did  the  Church  lose  her  si)iritual  and 
assume  a  political  character  that,  as  Somers  said,  absolute 
power,  passiv^e  obediejuu',  and  non-resistance  became,  with  her, 
doctrines  essential  to  salvation.  Tlie  good  liishoj)  Lak(>  said 
on  his  death-bed  that  "  lu'  looked  on  the  great  doctrine  of 
passive  obedience  as  the  distinguishing  character  of  the  Cliurch 
of  England,"  and  liishop  Thomas  of  Worcester  expressed  the 
same  belief.'  In  the  case  of  Monmouth,  the  bishops  made  the 
profession  of  this  doctrine  a  condition  of  absolution.  It  is 
not  with  mere  refusal  to  ])ro:note  or  (countenance  political 
innovation,  that  the  State  Church  stands  charged,  but  with 
playing  an  active  and  even  a  violent  i)art  in  reaction.  The 
torpor,  the  time-serving,  the  jduralism,  the  non-residence,  the 
Trulliberian  sensuality,  as  well  as  the  scandalous  place-hunt- 
ing and  the  adulation  of  profligate  ^Ministers  and  of  kings' 
mistresses,  which  disgraced  the  clergy  in  the  last  century,  are 
now,  happily,  things  of  tlie  ])ast.  l^ut  when  did  they  i)revail  ? 
When  the  Church  was  most  secure  under  the  i)rot('i'tion  of  the 

'  See  Thf-  EugUxh  Church  in  the  Eighteenth  Centunj,  by  Abbey  and 
Overton,  i.  1J8. 


TIIK   QL'KSTION    OF    DISKSTAHLISHMKN  T. 


HI 


State.  Wlu'ii  (lid  tlu'y  cease  juid  give  place  to  a,  spirit  of  rcfonn 
and  duty  '.'     When  that  protci-tioJi  lt('<,Mii  to  be  w  itiidrawii. 

Tlii^  late  IWslioj)  of  Loii(k)ii,  .hu^ksoii,  is  (pioted  l»y  Jhsui 
Hole  as  saying  that  "  when  he  reeaUed  the  condition  of  apathy, 
indolence,  and  disobedience  into  which  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land had  fallen,  it  seemed  marvellous  to  him  that  it  contiinu'd 
to  exist."  The  Dean  himself  remembers  the  days  of  plurali- 
ties and  non-residence,  when  tlu^  people  of  his  parish  ncvi-r 
saw  or  heard  of  their  vicar,  the  church  being  served  by  the 
curate  who  lived  five  miles  away,  rode  ovi-r  for  one  dreary  ser- 
vice on  the  Sunday,  and  was  no  more  seen  for  the  rest  of  the 
week,  being  much  occajjied  with  the  pursuit  of  the  fox;  when 
a  ])luralist  who  had  come  in  a  conscientious  mood  to  visit 
the  living  from  which  he  had  long  been  an  aV)seutee,  being 
offended  by  a  bad  smell,  turned  back  and  canu'  no  more; 
when  the  altar  was  represented  by  a  snniU  rickety  deal  table, 
"with  a  scanty  covering  of  faded  and  ])atched  green  baize,  on 
which  were  placed  th<!  overcoat,  hat,  and  riding-whip  of  the 
officiating  minister;  when  the  font  was  tilled  with  coffin  ropes, 
tinder  box,  and  candle-ends,  and  was  never  ns«'d  for  baptism  ; 
when  sparrows  twittered  and  bats  floated  beneath  the  rotten 
timbers  of  the  roof,  while  moths  and  beetles  found  happy 
homes  below.'  Since  that  time,  the  Dean  says,  there  has  been 
great  reftn-m,  which  he  traces  to  the  Oxford  Movement.  AV'hat 
was  the  age  of  decrepitude  and  abuse'.'  it  was  the  age  in 
which  the  Church  of  England  felt  herself  most  safely  estab- 
lished. When  did  the  revival  begin?  When  from  the  pro- 
gress of  Liberalism,  civil  and  religious,  the  Establishment  began 
to  be  endangered.  What  was  the  Oxford  Movement?  It 
was  practically  a  movement  of  dissent,  though  reactionary 
dissent,  from  the  established  system,  and  was  at  first  so 
regarded  and  treated  by  abnost  the  whole  of  the  clergy  of  the 
Established  Church.  Its  jirogrcss  has  been  a  ])erpet\ial  con- 
flict with  the  law  and  with  the  hiy  tribunals  by  which  the  law 
Avas  upheld. 

We   have  been  warned  that  we  nnist  be  very  cautious  in 

*  See  The  Memories  of  Dean  Ilnle,  CIiiip.  xi. 


CiUKSTlUNH   UF   TllK    DAY. 


I 


reason  ill  <;  frojii  the  ease  of  a  new  country  like  America  or  the 
British  Cohdiies  to  that  of  an  ohl  country  like  Kn^'hmd,  wliere 
institutions  >re  oi"  ancient  j^rowtli,  and  their  tiltres  have 
become  entwined  with  tht;  wlioh;  political  and  social  I'ramo. 
It  is  a  warning  most  true  and  most  necessary  to  be  observed, 
as  is  its  ccmverse,  whii-h  I'orbids,  lor  exami)le,  the;  attem])t, 
apparently  not  yet  abandoned,  to  propagate  aristocracy  in  the 
Colonies.  Yet  it  ha])pens,  (Uiriously  enough,  that,  just  w  lien 
this  principle  of  relativity  in  [lolitics  is  for  the  tirst  tinu'  dis- 
tinctly ap})relicnde(l,  it  is  beginning  to  lose  somewhat  of  its 
force.  jMankind  is  being  unilied  by  the  increase  of  inter- 
course among  the  nations,  and  conscious  intelligence  is  gain- 
ing the  ascen(hincy  over  unconscious  evolution.  Of  this, 
Japan,  taking  the  most  cautious  estimate  of  her  achicivements, 
is  a  i»r(»of.  America  is  brought  close  to  Europe,  ami  the  suc- 
cess or  failur<!  of  political  and  social  exj)eriments  there  already 
reacts  ujuju  the  Old  World. 

The  activity  jirochicetl  anujug  the  clergy  by  the  effects  of  the 
Oxford  Movenu'ut,  and  shown  notably  and  most  laudably  in 
their  ministrations  anu)ng  the  ])uov,  s<'ems  to  have  strength- 
ened the  hohl  of  the  Anglican  Cliurch  up(tn  the  people  in  the 
cities.  Anu)ng  the  people  of  the  country,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  (Muirch  ai)pears  to  be  h)sing  gromul,  the  reason  jirobably 
being  that  the  (dergy  are  objects  of  suspicion  to  the  peasantry 
from  their  connection  with  the  squire.  I'erhap.s  also  the  ])ar- 
son  sometimes  is  felt  to  mcMldle  and  dictate  too  much.  'I'o  the 
attractions  of  Ritualism,  while  the  minds  of  the  jteople  in  the 
cities  are  sometimes  (tpen,  those  of  tlie  peasantry  are  com- 
pletely closed.  They  lack  the  cultivated  sensibility,  they  are 
utterly  devoid  of  any  historic^  link  to  the  Middle  Ages;  their 
life  is  hard,  and  what  they  seek  in  ndigion  is  i)ractical  comfort, 
not  the  gratilication  of  fancy  and  taste. 

In  Scotland,  the  I'^stablishment  is  more  strongly  rooted  than 
it  is  in  Kngland,  as  the  last  Midlothian  election  showed.  It 
is  nu)re  strongly  rooted  because  having  been  founded,  not  by 
the  (>rown.  but  by  the  religious  leaders  of  the  Conunons,  it  is 
more  popular  and  democratic.     For  the  same  reason  it  is  more 


THE   QUKSTION    OV    DlSKSTAMLISUMKM'. 


y  111 

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oi'tliodux,  its  creed  bein^'  in  the  kecpinj,',  not  of  u  elerical  order, 
but  of  tiio  i>eoi)le  iit  large,  wiio  identify  themselves  willi  its 
doetrines  and  are  littlr  reaeiicd  by  sceptical  speculation. 

The  policy  of  usinj,'  a  State  (derj,'y  as  a  black  police  is,  surcdy, 
not  less  shallow  than  it  is  insulting;  to  the  elerj^y  who  are  to 
be  so  used.  Let  the  ])eo[)le  oncHi  understand  that  the  pastor 
is  a  black  policeman,  and  tlic  iidlueiice  on  which  this  jjolicy 
relies  will  be  gone.  A  government  gets  fully  as  much  sup[>ort 
from  free  Churches  in  the  maintenance  of  soirial  order  and  for 
all  moral  (objects  as  it  does  fi-om  any  State  ''hurch.  The 
American  government  got  the  most  strenuous  and  effective  aid 
from  the  I'rotestant  Churches  a.s  organs  of  the  poi)ular  con- 
scdence  during  the  Civil  War.  On  the  (jther  hand,  that  govern- 
"^  ment  escai)es  what,  added  to  the  storms  of  political  faction, 
would  certainly  wreck  it,  entanglement  with  religious  quarnds 
and  with  a  chronic  struggle  between  a  j)rivileged  Chundi  and 
her  rivals.  It  has  no  Ilamixlen  Case,  no  Ecclesiastical  Titles 
liill,  no  Bills  *'  for  putting  down  Kitualisni."  Nor  is  it  ex[K)sed 
to  the  chronic  rebellion  of  a  great  body  of  Nonconformists 
irritated  by  social  disi»aragcnient  perhaps  even  more  than  by 
their  religious  grievance.  An  English  Nonconformist  ndnister 
is  not,  as  such,  disposed  to  revolution;  he  is  not  the  natural 
ally  of  Jacobins;  nor  is  there  anything  in  his  vocation  which 
should  lead  him  to  desire  the  dismemberment  of  the  United 
Kingdom,  lie  is  a  Radical  and  a  Home  Kuler  because  it  is 
from  that  itarty  that  he  hoi)es  to  get  religious  equality. 

None  would  be  less  disj)osed  to  hand  over  Ireland  to  the 
dominion  of  the  Koman  Catholic  priesthood  than  the  Widsh 
Methodists,  if  they  were  not  tempted  by  the  offer  of  Dises- 
tablishment for  Wales.  Church  establishment  in  Wales  is  a 
stone  hanging  round  the  neck  of  a  government  swimming  for 
life,  and  the  integrity  of  the  nation  is  imperilled  in  no  slight 
degree  by  the  obstinate  determination  to  force  on  the  Welsh 
Celt  against  his  nature  the  fiat  religion  of  Elizabeth  Tudor. 
Angli(!anism  in  Wales  is  the  ndigion  of  the  gentry,  who  are 
largely  English.  That  of  the  Celtic  peasantry  it  has  not  been 
and  cannot  be.     The  Celtic  peasant  may  be  a  fervent  Catholic, 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

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84 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE    DAY. 


as  he  is  in  Ireland  and  Brittany,  a  fervent  Presbyterian  as  he 
is  in  the  Highhuids,  or  a  fervent  Methodist  as  he  is  in  Wales, 
a  staid  and  decorous  Anglican  never.  The  overwhelming 
Gladstonian  majority  in  Wales  at  the  last  election  was  a 
majority  for  disestablishment.  The  Anglican  clergy  of  AVales 
are  clergymen  of  the  Established  Church  of  England,  and  the 
interests  of  the  Established  Church  of  England  are  theirs. 
Are  they  wise  in  asking  it  to  light  the  decisive  battle  for  its 
existence  on  a  field  so  unfavourable  to  its  cause  as  Wales  ? 

AVhatever  is  seditious  and  dangerous  in  the  Irish  priesthood 
arises  not  from  its  being  unestablished,  but  from  its  being 
Irish,  and  Irish  of  the  peasant  class.  It  is  also  rendered  anti- 
national  by  its  allegiance  to  a  foreign  head ;  but  this  it  would 
be  in  any  case. 

Some  politicians  have  regarded  religion  as  a  disturbing 
force,  for  which  legal  establishment  under  State  control  pro- 
vided salutary  fetters.  If  religion  is  false,  if  the  enthusiasm 
to  Avhich  it  gives  birth  is  a  kind  of  madness,  and  if  the  vices 
of  its  ministers  are  less  dangerous  than  their  virtues,  the  more 
it  is  kept  under  the  control  of  statesmanship  the  better.  But, 
then,  why  foster  it  at  all  ?  If  it  is  true,  and  spiritual  life 
is  not  a  figment,  that  surely  alone  is  genuine  statesmanship 
which  leaves  conscience  and  worship  entirely  free.  When 
one  looks  back  over  the  history  of  religion,  including  the  reli- 
gious wars,  persecutions,  and  massacres,  one  cannot  help  won- 
dering, if  all  this  has  happened  under  the  beneficent  regulation 
of  statesmanship,  what  worse  things  could  have  happened  in 
the  absence  of  such  regulation. 

There  is  looming  up  from  the  clerical  quarter  a  danger  of 
another  kind,  with  which  statesmanshij)  may  hereafter  have 
to  deal.  If  the  subversion  of  religious  belief  by  science  and 
criticism  goes  on,  it  will  by  degrees  withdraw  that  on  which 
the  ministers  of  religion  rest  for  their  influence,  their  posi- 
tion, and  their  bread.  Their  distress  or  their  apprehensions 
may  become  a  disturbing  element  in  society.  Such  a  body 
of  men  as  the  celibate  clergy  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  striving 
to    make  up  by  social  leadership  for  the  loss  of   spiritual 


THE   QUErSTION   OF   DISESTARLTSHMENT. 


8G 


authority  in  an  age  of  Socialistic  agitation,  might  be  a  for- 
midable addition  to  the  sources  of  trouble ;  nor  have  symp- 
toms of  su(di  a  tendency  been  wanting.  But  this  is  a  liability 
against  which,  if  it  exists,  no  policy  of  Establishment  can 
guard.  On  the  contrary.  Establishment  aggravates  the  dan- 
ger by  keeping  a  standing  army  of  clergy  in  its  pay  irre- 
spectively of  the  popular  desire  for  their  ministrations,  and  thus 
preparing  for  a  great  crash,  when  otherwise  the  reduction 
might  be  gradual  and  no  large  body  of  men  might  be  threat- 
ened at  the  same  time  with  the  loss  of  their  livelihood  and 
position. 

Less  coarse  than  the  "  black  police  "  theory,  yet  not  less 
objectionable  or  in  reality  less  insulting  to  the  ministers  of 
religion,  is  the  theory  of  certain  illuminati,  who  would  have  a 
State  Church  of  popular  superstition  for  the  vulgar,  while  the 
cultivated  sit  apart  on  their  thrones  of  light.  This  implies 
that  a  number  of  men,  presumably  superior  in  moral  qualities 
and  highly  educated,  are  to  be  set  apart  for  the  purpose  of 
teaching  useful  falsehood.  Suppose  any  of  them  become  illu- 
minated, are  they  still  to  remain  in  their  profession  ?  What 
but  moral  corruption  of  the  profoundest  kind  can  be  the 
fruit  of  such  a  policy?  Yet  such  a  thing  has  been  experienced 
as  the  erection  of  an  Anglican  Church  by  an  unbeliever  in 
Christianity  in  pursuance  of  some  such  view.  It  may  be  sus- 
pected that  Establishment  has  even  drawn  some  equivocal 
recruits  of  late  from  the  scepticism  which  prevails  widely  and 
is  often  combined  Avith  Conservatism  in  politics,  while  the 
Churches  which  rest  only  on  free  conviction  have  been  losing 
ground.  It  is  time  to  bethink  ourselves  that  a  Church,  estab- 
lished or  unestablished,  must  be  either  an  organ  of  truth  or  an 
engine  of  evil.  Apparentl}^,  no  small  portion  of  the  educated 
world  in  England  has  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  evi- 
dences of  supernatural  religion  have  failed.  If  they  have,  to 
keep  on  foot  an  institution  the  function  of  which  is  to  preach 
and  propagate  supernatural  religion  can  surely  be  neither  wise 
nor  right.  When  evidences  of  religion  fail,  religion  must  go, 
and  we  must  look  out  for  some  other  account  of  the  universe 


86 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY. 


and  some  other  rule  of  life.  Let  us  have  no  politic  figment 
or  organised  self-delusion,  because,  on  any  hypothesis,  theistic 
or  atheistic,  they  can  only  lead  us  to  destruction.  We  have 
no  chance  of  moving  in  unison  with  the  counsels  of  the  Power, 
whatever  it  be,  which  rules  this  world,  or  of  prospering  accord- 
ingly, except  by  keeping  in  the  allegiance  of  the  truth. 

On  the  whole,  it  would  seem  that  a  statesman,  looking  at 
the  matter  from  his  own  point  of  view,  would  be  likely  to 
prepare  for  a  change,  and  consider  how  the  change  can  be  made 
with  least  shock  to  the  spiritual  life  of  the  people  and  with 
least  hardship  to  the  clergy.  It  would  seem  that  a  wise 
Churchman  would  be  likely  to  think  twice  before  he  rejected 
a  compromise,  on  the  general  lines  of  Irish  Disestablishment, 
which,  taking  from  him  the  tithe,  now  reduced  in  value, 
as  well  as  the  representation  of  the  Church  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  would  leave  him  the  cathedrals,  the  parish  churches, 
the  rectories,  the  glebes,  the  recent  benefactions,  and  give  him 
a  freedom  of  legislation,  by  the  wise  use  of  which  he  might, 
supposing  Christianity  to  retain  its  hold,  recover,  by  the  adap- 
tation of  institutions  and  formularies  to  the  times,  a  part  of 
the  ground  which,  during  the  suspension  of  her  legislative  life, 
his  Church  has  lost.  Democracy  is  marching  on,  and  the 
opportunity  of  compromise  may  never  return.  It  has  been 
said  in  answer  to  such  a  proposal  that  the  clergy  are  trustees, 
and  that  however  desirable  the  compromise  might  be,  they  can 
surrender  nothing  of  their  trust.  Trustees,  however,  can  with 
the  sanction  of  a  court  of  law,  and  still  more  with  that  of  the 
Legislature,  consent  to  anything  which  is  for  the  benefit  of 
the  estate.  No  power  not  acting  under  authority  manifestly 
divine  is  qualified  to  say  non  possumus.  Those  who  do  say  it 
can  only  mean  that  they  are  determined  to  go  by  the  board. 
State  religion  perhaps  had  its  day.  Whatever  had  its  day  is 
absolved  by  history,  who  nevertheless  says  to  it.  Vale  in  pace. 

There  is,  it  is  true,  another  course,  besides  Disestablishment, 
which  may  present  itself  to  a  statesman  desirous  of  dealing 
cautiously  with  this  question  and  avoiding  a  shock  to  natural 
religion,  the  policy  of  comprehension.     This  was  embraced  by 


THE   QUESTION   OF   DISESTABLISIIMExXT.  87 

Cromwell,  and  was  the  most  liberal  course  possible  in  his  day 
when  the  opinion  that  a  nation  was  bound  to  profess  and  sun' 
port  a  religion  remained  firmly  rooted  in  men's  minds,  as  the 
wreck  of  Barebone's  Parliament  on  the  rock  of  Disestablish- 
ment   shows.      Cromwell-s    commissioners,    to   use   Baxter's 
words    "put  in  able  and  serious  preachers  who  lived  a  godly 
ife,  of  what  tolerable  opinions  soever  they  were,  so  that  many 
thousands  of  souls  blessed  God."     It  is  certain  that  before  tlie 
Act  of  Uniforniity,  Episcopal  ordination  was  not  necessary  for 
mduction  to  an  English  living,  nor  had  the  State  Church  of 
England  severed  the  connection  with  the  Protestant  Churches 
on  the  Continent.     If  ever  an  act  was  tainted  in  its  origin   it 
was  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  and  to  repeal  it  in  the  present 
state  of  opinion  would  probably  be  easy.     But  the  practical 
elfect  of  the  repeal  would  most  likely  be  defeated  by  the  sen- 
timents of  the  High  Church  cle^  ■.,  now  the  dominant  party, 
and  who  believe  in  apostolical  snc..ssion  and  in  an  episcopally 
ordained  priesthood  as  alone  competent  to  perform  the  sacra- 
mental rites  which  are  necessary  to  salvation. 

In  such  a  case,  as  indeed  in  regard  to  all  great  and  organic 
ques  ions,  every  true  patriot  must  wish  that  the  party  struggle 
which  IS  tearing  the  nation  to  pieces  could  be  suspended,  and 
that  the  solution  couhl  be  committed  to  the  hands  of  some 
impartial,  enlightened,  ana  open-minded  statesman,  whose 
award  would  be  framed  in  the  interest,  and  would  command 
the  confidence,  of  the  nation  at  large.  We  might  as  well  wish 
tor  the  descent  of  an  angel  from  heaven  ! 


p^^v  -X_-.  .»«■?=»(-• 


I 

it 


THE  POLITICAL  CRISIS  IN  ENGLAND. 


T^B^fmHmmm 


i! 
I 


.'t 


i 


.1 


^■e-Lsi':xMl.'k:itJSi  •Ji'^'rt'il 


THE   POLITICAL   CRISIS    IN   ENGLAND. 


In  the  political  crisis  through  which  Great  Britain  is  pass- 
ing there  are  some  things  peculiar  to  Great  r)ritain.  There 
are  other  things  interesting  to  all  nations  organised  or  about 
to  be  organised  on  the  IJritish  model,  to  all  nations,  indeed, 
of  which  the  governments  are  elective.  The  api)arent  cata- 
strophe of  the  party  system  appears  to  afford  as  much  food 
for  reflection  to  an  American  as  to  an  Englishman. 

Under  the  belief  that  she  lias  a  monarchical  government  and 
an  hereditary  upper  chamber,  whi(!li  assure  her  stability  and 
safety,  England  lias  plunged  into  a  democracy  more  unbridled 
than  that  of  the  United  States  under  conditions  far  more  dan- 
gerous. The  people  of  the  Unitcnl  States  have  a  written  con- 
stitution which  emanated  from  themselves,  and  is  the  object 
of  their  profound  reverence.  Tliey  liave  a  Supreme  Court  to 
guard  that  constitution.  They  have  a  President  whose  veto  is 
a  salutary  reality,  and  whose  authority  is  being  signally  dis- 
played at  the  present  juncture.  They  have  a  Senate,  elected 
on  a  principle  comparatively  conservative,  and  really  co- 
ordinate as  a  legislative  body  with  the  popular  house,  whose 
Bills  it  amends  or  throws  out  without  fear.  The  federal 
structure  of  tlieir  commonwealth,  like  tliat  of  a  ship  in  com- 
partments, is  a  safeguard  against  any  sudden  flood  of  revolu- 
tion. In  their  constitution  is  an  article  forbidding  legislation 
which  would  impair  the  faitli  of  contracts.  The  conditions 
in  their  case  are  less  dangerous  because  they  have  greater 
abundance  of  land,  a  far  larger  number  of  freeholders,  less 
pressure  on  the  means  of  subsistence,  little  Socialism,  what 
they  have  being  mainly  imported,  and,  notwithstanding  the 
Homestead  business,  comparatively  little,  on  the  whole,  of 

91 


1*2 


til'KSTFONS   OK  THK    DAY. 


iiuhistriiil  war,  tlio  native  Amcricjaii  wui'kiuau  as  a  rule  not 
being  given  to  conspiracy  and  striking.  Nor  is  there  in  Amer- 
ica any  economical  crisis  like  agricniltural  depression  with  its 
social  consequences  in  England,  for  the  i)resent  storm  in  the 
stock  market  is  financial,  and  does  not  touch  the  substantial 
elements  of  prosperity.  The  American  people  are  compara- 
tively free  from  class  division  and  jealousy.  They  are  emi- 
nently law-abiding,  and  are  on  tlie  side  of  government,  regard- 
ing it  as  their  own;  while  the  masses  in  England,  the  artisans 
especially,  have  learnt  to  think  of  government  as  a  power 
ai)art  from  them,  if  not  as  their  natural  enemy.  Nor  does 
tlie  scepticism,  which  in  England  is  unsettling  society  and 
sliaking  the  nerve  of  authority,  prevail  so  much  or  produce 
such  effects  in  a  nation  whi(;]i  lias  no  State  Church  to  be  as- 
sailed, the  religion  of  Avhich  is  voluntary,  and  which  is  given 
more  to  industry  than  speculation.  There  is  happily  much  in 
the  state  of  England  now  unlike  the  state  of  France  on  the  eve 
of  the  Revolution.  Above  all,  England  has  in  her  upper 
classes  a  reserve  of  moral  and  political  force  which  France 
had  not,  and  which  extremity  may  call  forth.  She  is  also 
comparatively  free  from  the  financial  difficulty  which  in  France 
brought  on  the  crash,  though  a  large  public  debt,  with  power 
in  the  hands  of  the  multitude,  is  always  dangerous,  anel  the 
fiscal  system  of  England  is  not  free  from  peril  since  it  is 
totally  inelastic,  and  the  disuse  of  any  one  of  the  great  arti- 
cles of  consumption  on  which  the  revenue  is  raised  would 
produce  a  great  deficit,  while  experience  has  shown  that  the 
people  will  not  bear  a  new  tax,  and  that  the  income  tax  with 
its  political  liabilities  is  the  only  resort. 

In  America,  there  can  be  no  amendment  of  the  constitution 
without  tlie  distinct  announcement  of  the  specific  amendment 
to  be  made,  or  without  the  consent  of  three-fourths  of  the  peo- 
ple, signified  through  the  State  Legislatures  or  Conventions. 
So  conservative  is  the  process  that  there  was  no  amendment 
during  sixty  years.  What  takes  place  in  England?  Not  an 
amendment  of  the  (lonstitution,  but  a  fuTidamental  change  of 
it,   involving   a   legislative    dismemberment    of    the   United 


TUK    I'OJ.ITKAI.    CKISIS    IN    KN(iLANl). 


I 


i 


Iviuydoin,  and  probably  entail inj;  I'urtlicr  rcvolutinn  of  tlio 
same  kind,  is  (ionccrtod  by  a  l)ai'ty  leader  with  liis  Irish  con- 
ft'derates  behind  tlie  l)a('k  of  the  nation,  and  forced  npon  the 
country  by  an  uns('rni)ulons  use  of  the  i)arty  machine.  Not 
only  was  a  distin(!t  kiunvh^lge  of  the  measure  withheld  frt)ni 
the  people  at  the  last  geiuu'al  election,  but  with  ref,Mrd  to  its 
principal  feature,  retention  of  tlu^  Irish  me]nl)ers,  the  ])eople 
were  totally  misled,  the  framer  having  jdedged  liimself  tiiat 
nothing  would  induce  him  to  Ije  a  party  to  ;in  arrangennnit 
such  as  that  which  he  now  proposes.  The  issue,  instead  of 
being  submitted  distinctly  to  tlie  people,  is  mixed  uj)  with 
a  dozen  other  issues,  some  of  them  i)urposely  i-aised  to  obscure 
and  prejudice  it.  The  measure  is  then  forciul  upon  the  House 
of  Commons,  most  of  its  jjrovisions  without  any  fair  discussion, 
by  the  closure,  applied  at  the  will  of  a  party  leader,  whose 
real  majority,  s\ibtracting  tlu^  twenty-two  Irish  votes  to  which 
Ireland  by  his  own  admission  has  no  title,  is  twelve.  Nor  is 
there  anything  to  prevent  any  other  revolutionary  measure 
from  being  carried  by  the  same  means  as  the  repeal  of  the 
union  Avith  Ireland. 

For  a  few  years  under  the  commonwealth  England  had  a 
written  constitution.  Otherwise  she  lias  had  nothing  but  cer- 
tain fundamental  statutes,  such  as  the  Great  Charter,  with 
its  confirmations,  the  Petition  of  Right,  the  Habeas  Coi'pus 
Act,  and  the  Bill  of  Rights,  all  of  which  are  restraints  on  the 
tyranny  of  the  Crown,  not  on  the  excesses  of  the  people.  Not 
only  has  England  had  no  written  constitution,  paradoxical  as 
the  statement  may  seem,  ghe  has  had  no  constitution  at  all,  if 
by  constitution  is  meant  a  settled  system  Avith  fixed  relations 
among  the  component  powers.  She  has  had  nothing  but  a 
balance  of  forces  which,  oscillating  more  or  less  through  her 
history,  has  now  been  finally  upset,  the  Crown  having  been 
divested  of  all  authority,  the  House  of  Lords  of  all  but  a  sus- 
pensive veto,  while  supreme  power  is  vested  in  the  House  of 
Commons  or  in  the  electoral  caucus  to  which  the  House  of 
Commons  has  itself  in  turn  become  a  slave.  What  is  com- 
placently styled  constitutional  development  has  in  fact  been  a 
secular  revolution. 


04 


gi'KsrioNs  OF  riiK  day. 


Tho  hallowed  Wold  "constitutioiiiil  "  lias  Immmi  used  as  it'  it 
r('])r('sciit('(l  soiiK'thiiiL,'  roal  iiiid  I'lipablo  of  ludii},'  asccrtaiia'd, 
tlioii<,'h  I'litlitT  occult,  some  supicinc  tlioui^di  soiiicwliat  mysti- 
(^al  standard  \>y  wiiicli  all  j.vjiitical  (daims  could  he  tried  and 
all  |tolitical  excesses  could  l)e  restraiutid.  This  was  almost 
(!onu(!ally  ai)[)arcnt  on  the  oeeasion  ol  the  repeal  ol'  the  paper 
duty  in  l.SfJO,  whi(di  made  way  for  a  cheap  press.  The  Com- 
mons ])asse(l  i'e])eal,  the  Lords  thnnv  it  out.  Then  arose  the 
(picstion  whether  the  Lords,  who  (!ould  lutt  (Constitutionally 
initiate  or  amend  a  taxinij;  Uill,  could  constitutionally  throw 
out  a  Hill  repeal intj;  a  tax,  thus  continuing  the  imi)ost  which 
the  Commons  had  voted  away.  A  grand  display  of  i)oliti(!al 
meta[)hysics  ensued.  .Mi'.  Denison,  then  SjH'aker  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  was  asked  what  he  thought.  "Why,"  said 
he,  "they  talk  .about  constitutional  ])rin(i[de;  hut  the  whole 
matter  is  this,  the  Lords  caiuiot  initiate  a  money  ]^)ill  be- 
cause the  Commons  would  throw  it  out;  they  cannot  amend  a 
money  J>ill  because  the  Commons  Avould  disagree  to  the  amend- 
ment; but  they  can  throw  out  this  liill  repealing  a  tax,  because 
there  is  an  end,  and  the  Commons  have  no  more  to  say." 

The  theory  was  government  by  a  King  and  legislation  by 
two  Houses  of  Parliament,  one  hereditary  and  aristocratic,  the 
other  elective  and  po[)ular,  the  two  being  coequal  in  autho- 
rity, except  that  the  )>opular  House  hail  the  power  of  the  purse, 
which  it  gradually  improved  into  supremacy.  Tn  the  reign 
of  Edward  L,  the  magnanimous  [)erpetuator  of  a  revolutionary 
creation,  the  fact  may  have  tallied  with  the  theory.  The  gov- 
ernment was  b^  ^he  King,  and  the  Commons,  though  in  them- 
selves weaken-  than  the  Lords,  nuiy  have  been  strengthened  by 
alliance  with  the  C'rown.  Under  Edward's  feeble  successor 
the  balance  was  turned  in  favour  of  the  aristocracy.  It  was 
redressed  in  favour  of  the  Crown  by  the  glories  of  Edward  IT!., 
though  tli(^  Commons  at  the  same  time,  as  holders  of  the  purse, 
gained  by  the  King's  need  of  supplies  for  his  wars;  and  Ilich- 
ard  II.,  in  spite  of  the  miserable  end  of  his  father's  reign, 
succeeded  to  authority,  which  his  folly  and  that  of  his  favour- 
ites thrcAV  aAvay.     Henry  IV.,  with  a  doubtful  title  and  a 


J 


riiK  roi.nicAi-  ckisis  in  i;N(ii,AM). 


05 


i 


iniitinous  nobility,  was  thrown  for  sujiport  on  the  Coinnions, 
and  on  the  Clmrcli.  which  was  still  a  j^M'cat  power  in  the  State. 
A^'incourt  restoj'ed  i.)  the  Crown  an  authority  whieii  was  attain 
I'oifeited  l)y  tlie  loss  of  l-'rance,  th(^  iinlu'cility  ol'  Henry  \'l., 
and  the  misrule  oi'  those  who  had  him  in  their  hands.  'I'iie 
suicide  oi'  ai'isto(M*acy  in  the  Wars  of  the  Koses  hdt  the  (."rown 
almost  desl)oti(^  and  its  despotism  was  enhanced  hy  the  ec(de- 
siastical  revolution  under  Henry  V'lll.,  after  which  tiie 
Church  ceased  to  l)e  a  political  power,  and  its  inHuence  was 
transferred  to  the  Crown.  W'luit  the  Tudors  had  ludd  the 
Stuarts  lost,  while  tliey  tried  to  extend  it  in  altered  times  and 
against  the  de(dsive  t(  iidencies  of  tln^  nation.  Tlie  English 
Revolution  in  the  tinn  f  (Jliarles  1.,  lik(^  the  Anu'rican  Revo- 
lution and  tho  French  lievolution,  (deared  the  gro\ind  i'or  a 
new  edifice.  A  written  constitn^ion  became  ne(;essar\'.  A 
writtt  :t  constituti  i  was  frani'-ii  under  the  name  of  the  Instru- 
ment of  (fovernnient,  wibh  a  I'rotector  for  life,  a  stiinding 
CouiK-.il  of  State,  in  Lie  a])pointment  of  which  the  Protector 
and  Varliament  went  sliares,  and  a  single  House  of  Parliament, 
with  a  property  qualification  high  enough  to  be  a  test  of  n^- 
sponsibility  and  intelligence,  yet  not  higher  than  industry  and 
frugality  might  generally  hope  to  attain.  Had  the  Common- 
wealth of  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland  such  a  constitution 
now,  it  would  be  in  little  d;iiiger  of  dismemberment  by  the 
Irish  C(dts.  Republican  jiialousy  and  the  death  of  the  Pro- 
tector just  when  his  system  was  taking  root,  prevented  a  fair 
trial  of  the  exi)eriment.  (.'romwell  himself  had  been  driven 
by  the  stress  of  his  conflict  with  irreconcilable  republicans  in 
the  Commons  to  have  recourse  to  the  revival  of  the  Up[)ir 
House  in  a  nominative  form.  This  failed,  as  otiu'r  nomina- 
tive Senates  have  failed,  and  by  withdrawing  the  strength  of 
government  from  the  popular  chamber,  aggravated  the  diffi- 
culty Avhich  it  was  intended  to  remove.  The  Kestoration, 
however,  was  a  reaction,  not  against  the  Protectorate,  but 
against  the  military  anarchy  by  which  the  Protectorate  was 
followed.  ]>uring  the  reign  of  Charles  II.,  there  was  some- 
thing like  equilibrium,  though  uneasy  and  unsteady,  the  C.own 


L-a-  -I jiaoi 


*^!!I1PW 


■W 


mm 


ms 


i     11 


06 


QUFilSTIONS  OF   THE   DAY. 


■t      'I 


t* 


(     !! 


•  i 


iit  th(i  time  of  tlu*  I'opish  I'lot  Ijein^i;  swept  Ix't'oro  the  i)opular 
st.jnu,  -svliile  the  close  of  the  reign  being  almost  despotic,  tliongh 
tyranny  was  exercised  under  strictly  legal  forms.  James  TI. 
repeated  the  mistake  of  Ciiarles  1.  in  an  aggravated  shape, 
the  Jesuit  taking  the  place  ol  Laud.  AVith  him  the  mon- 
archy fell  as  a  constitutional  power,  its  fall  being  only  broken 
by  the  personal  ascendancy  of  William  III.,  who  to  the  last 
was  his  own  foreign  minister.  Tlien  jjower  passed  to  the 
Peers,  who  besides  tlieir  own  House  largely  (xnitrolled  the 
House  of  Commons  through  their  nomination  borouglis  and 
their  local  influence  in  elections,  while  they  liad  thoroughly 
perfected  the  system  of  holding  togetlier  the  economical  basis 
of  their  ascendancy  by  the  entail  of  tlieir  family  estates.  At 
its  back,  and  as  its  constituency,  the  Peerage  had  the  landed 
gentry,  the  class  completely  dominant  at  this  time.  The 
principal  checks  to  aristDcratic  ascendancy  were  the  rivalries 
and  cabals  among  the  families  tliemselves.  These,  and  the 
odium  created  by  aristocratic  selfishness  and  corruption,  ena- 
bled (leorge  III.  to  recover  a  large  measure,  not  of  constitu- 
tional, but  of  backstairs  autliority.  He  was  able  to  put  a 
backstairs  veto  on  Fox's  India  Bill.  Once  more  there  was 
a  sort  of  e(iuilibrium  amongst  the  three  powers  in  the  State, 
the  government  being  largely  in  the  King  or  in  the  Minister 
of  his  personal  choice,  while  each  of  the  Houses  had  its  share 
of  power,  the  balance  between  them  being  dressed  by  the 
ParliamiMitary  patronage  in  the  hands  of  the  Peers  and  the 
manifest  inadequacy  of  the  unreformed  House  of  Commons 
as  a  representation  of  the  people.  But  the  equilibrium  was 
totally  and  forever  destroyed  by  the  current  of  liberalism 
which  set  in  when  the  Avar  with  Xapoleon  was  over,  over- 
turning the  Bourbon  monarchy  and  the  British  aristocracy  at 
tlie  same  time.  Whfu  the  Peers  succumbed  to  the  Reform 
Bill,  supreme  power  passed  definitively  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, leaving  nothing  to  the  Peers  on  any  great  question  but 
a  suspensive  veto.  The  last  faint  exercise  of  personal  power 
by  the  King  Avas  the  dismissal  of  the  Whig  Ministry  by  Wil- 
liam IV.  in  18.'H.     Henceforth  the  Ministers  who  formed  tlie 


i 


i 


THE   rOLITlCAL   CRISIS   IN    ENGLAND. 


07 


oxiMMitivo  govcrninciit  wcw  aijpointed  and  dismissed,  and  tlio 
wliolo  i)()licy  of  tlic  kingdom  \vas  dotermined  l)y  tlie  majority  in 
the  House  of  Commons.  Still  the  |)hantom  wore  the  crown. 
Still  the  nation  fully  believed  itself  to  be  a  monarchy,  and 
prayed  every  Sunday  that  ]  Leaven,  which  is  supposed  to  enter 
kindly  into  the  illusion,  would  dispose  the  King's  heart  to 
govern  aright.  A  party  leader  bringing  in  a  party  ]>ill  for  the 
extension  of  the  suffrage  could  say,  and  i)erhai)s  persuaded 
himself,  that  the  effect  of  his  measure  would  be  to  "unite  the 
whole  people  in  a  solid  body  round  their  ancient  throne." 
The  same  politician  now  points  out  the  House  of  Lords  to  pop- 
ular vengeance,  as  "a  jiower  not  upon  or  behind  the  throne, 
but  between  the  throne  and  the  people,  stopping  altogether 
the  action  of  the  constitutional  macliine."  Could  self-delusion 
or  constitutional  hypocrisy  further  go?  The  House  of  Lords 
has  still  been  taken  for  a  co-ordinate  branch  of  the  legislature. 
European  nations  in  quest  of  a  constitution  have  continued  to 
imitate  the  IJritish  model  as  they  found  it  described  in  Black- 
stone  or  l)e  Lolme,  and  a  strange  dance  some  of  them  have 
been  led. 

Still  the  House  of  Commons  was  a  government.  It  had  a 
tolerable  measure  of  independence,  of  authority,  and  of  dignity 
as  a  national  council.  Its  electorate,  after  the  settlennnit  of 
1S,32,  was  still  tolerably  responsible  and  intelligent.  Nor  was 
it  by  the  fated  advance  of  democra(^y  or  by  any  occult  force, 
that  the  settlement  of  18'}2  was  broken  up,  though  the  current 
of  European  opinion  was  setting  in  a  democratic  direction. 
The  settlement  was  broken  up  by  the  personal  ambition  of 
party  leaders,  who  invoked  the  gale  of  popularity  to  fill  their 
flagging  sails.  There  was  at  tlie  time  little  popular  demand 
for  the  measure,  and  when,  after  its  first  announcement, 
its  author  had  to  withdraw  it,  nobody  wept  ex(;ei)t  himstdf. 
lint  he  had  set  revolution  going  again.  After  that  came  a 
Dutch  auction,  in  which  Liberal  and  Conservative  bid  against 
each  other,  and  the  prize  was  tinally  knocked  down  to  the 
Conservative  party,  then  under  a  leader  who,  as  Carlyle  said, 
treated  England  as  his  milch  cow,  and  who  had  found  for  him- 


psp^^^sm 


sun 


I 


08  QUESTIONS   OF   THE   DAY. 

self  ;i  patron  ami  a  partner  in  a  magnate  instinct  in  politics  with 
the  si)irit  of  the  Turf.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt,  there  is 
reason  to  believe,  that  the  intelligent  artisans  would  have  ac- 
quiesced in  an  educational  (pialitication;  but  the  Tory  leader 
liad  been  advised  by  his  election  agents  that  ignorance  would  be 
on  his  side,  and  he  had  no  S(H'uple  in  acthig  on  that  advice. 
Qualifications  of  any  real  value  have  been  swept  away.  Such 
as  are  left  will  presently  go,  and  before  long  perhaps  even  that 
of  sex  will  be  abolished  by  the  help  of  Conservatives  wdio 
fancy  that  the  women  will  vote  upon  their  side.  Of  those 
who  now  possess  the  franchise,  an  immense  number  must 
be  ignorant  of  all  questions  of  State,  liable  to  be  misled 
by  the  grossest  illusions,  hurried  away  by  the  blindest  pas- 
sions, cozened  by  the  lowest  charlatans.  It  was  generally, 
and  not  without  reason,  believed  tiiat  the  Tichborne  claim- 
ant would  have  been  sent  to  I'arl  lament  with  immense  majori- 
ties, could  he  have  been  a  candidate  at  the  time  of  the  trial. 
l)ut  the  constituencies  are  a  sovereign  power,  unrestrained, 
and  can,  through  their  subservient  representatives,  at  any  time 
pass  measures  which  would  shake  society  to  its  foundation, 
and  might  bring  ruin  on  themselves.  Tliey  are  sovereign  not 
only  over  their  own  country  but  also  over  a  vast  empire. 
The  British  artisan  who  is  shouting  One  man,  one  vote,  for- 
gets that  he  is  the  lord  of  two  hiuidred  and  eighty  millions  of 
Hindus  who  hav(»  no  vot(>  at  all,  and  if  they  had  votes  might 
some  day  vote  him  and  his  cottons  out  of  Hindustan.  The 
American  democracy,  in  spite  of  strong  temptation,  both  mate- 
rial and  sentimental,  shrank  froni  the  annexation  of  Hawaii 
because  it  felt  its  unfitness  for  the  government  of  dependen- 
cies even  on  so  small  a  scale.  Yet  a  demo(u-acy  far  less  regu- 
lated, and  on  the  whole  far  less  intelligent  than  that  of 
America,  is  taking  on  itself  the  government  of  vast  dependen- 
cies all  over  the  world. 

Another  scene  has  now  opened.  The  House  of  Commons, 
after  putting  under  its  feet  the  Ch-own  and  the  House  of  Lords, 
has  in  its  turn  been  put  under  the  feet  of  the  caucus.  Its 
independence,  its  authority,  its  dignity,  and  its  self-respect  are 


TllK    rOLlTIOAL   OKISIS   IX    KMiLANl). 


'.»!) 


departing,  \^y  the  (closure  it  is  roduced  to  a  voting  miichino  of 
which  the  caucus  turns  the  crank.  Its  members,  instead  of 
regarding  themselves  as  free  counsellors  of  the  nntion,  re- 
gard themselves  as  delegates  of  the  caucus,  pledged  to  do  its 
bidding,  and,  if  their  conscience  rebels,  to  resign.  The  other 
day  a  (rladstonian,  seeing  the  deception  wliich  h;id  been  prac- 
tised upon  the  country  by  the  framers  of  tlie  Honu^  Kule  JJill 
in  the  retention  of  the  Irish  nu'uibers  and  the  infaiuy  "wliicli 
was  in  store  for  Great  Uritain,  found  liinisidf  unable  to  digest 
the  Bill.  His  duty  to  the  country  was  to  vote  against  it.  \>\\t 
the  wretched  law  of  his  Parliamentary  being  compelled  him 
to  decline  that  duty  and  place  his  resignation  in  the  hands  of 
the  caucus  under  tlie  form  of  accei)ting  tlie  Chiltern  Hun- 
dreds. No  one  doul)ts  tliat  many  a  (iladstonian  has  voted  for 
the  Home  Rule  Bill  under  tli(^  sanu;  influence  and  against 
his  sense  of  duty  to  the  country.  An  imperi(ms  idol  of  the 
caucus  and  im[)ersonation  of  its  tyranny  can  indulge  his 
autocratic  temper  by  trampling  on  the  liberty  and  majesty 
of  what  was  once  the  foremost  assembly  in  tlie  world.  It 
does  not  appear  that  the  Conservative  members  feel  them- 
selves much  more  independent  than  the  Radicals.  If  they  did, 
their  leader  would  hardly  have  failed  to  nudce  use  of  a  majority 
of  a  hundred  for  the  purjwse  of  redressing  the  balance  of 
the  constitution  and  providing  safeguards  against  revolu- 
tionary violence.  Xor  Avould  he  and  his  colleagues  have  been 
fain  to  bid  against  their  antagonists  for  popularity  by  paying 
tribute  to  socialistic  Radicalism,  wlii(!h  tliey  did  with  the  usual 
effect  of  blackmail. 

The  Septennial  Act  still  preserves  to  ]Mend)ers  of  the  House 
of  Commons  a  small  measure  of  inde[)endcnce  for  the  first  year 
or  two  of  the  Septennial  term.  It  is  to  l)e  repealed,  the  dura- 
tion of  Tarliaments  is  to  be  reduced,  and  the  last  S])ark  of  a 
legislative  independence  offensive  to  the  caucus  is  to  be  extin- 
guished. A  faint  remnant  of  the  j)rinciple  that  taxation  and 
rei)resentation  go  together  is  left  in  the  i)lurality  of  votes. 
This  is  to  be  swept  away,  and  one  man.  one  vote,  is  to  be  the  rule. 

Hut  the  nu)st  effective  institution  of  a  conservati\'t'  kind  vet 


mmmsmmmmm^mmmm 


100 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE   DAY. 


left  is  tlic  iioii-payineiit  oi'  meiubers.  Tliis  also  is  marked  for 
abolition,  and  the  liill  which  abolislics  it  will  probably  receive 
the  inv(diintary  votes  of  IVrembers  of  Pai'liaiueiit  who  abhor  it 
in  their  hearts,  knowing  well  tliat  it  will  tlirust  them  from 
their  seats.  In  theory,  the  system  of  payment  enables  ^owly 
merit  to  take  the  place  to  which  the  public  voice  calls  it,  but 
which  poverty  prevents  it  from  taking;  in  fact,  it  is  a  direct 
incentive  to  men  by  no  means  of  merit  to  engage  in/politics, 
tiie  noblest  of  all  callings  Imt  the  vilest  of  all  trades.  The 
country  will  presently  be  in  the  hands  of  professional  politi- 
cians, drawn  from  a  class  wliich  prefers  living  upon  the  public 
to  honest  labour.  These  men,  giving  tlieir  lives  to  their 
trade,  will  oust  men  of  ])i'iuciple,  Avho,  having  no  personal 
objects  to  gain,  will  grow  weary  of  the  incessant  struggle  while 
they  will  be  disgusted  with  the  task  of  tiattering  crowds  and 
with  the  debasing  tyranny  of  the  "machine."  Statesmanship 
already  shows  the  influence  of  the  stump,  the  incessant  exac- 
tions of  which  leave  a  ])ublic  man  no  leisure  for  rest  or  thought, 
and  force  him  to  be  always  committing  himself,  probably  be- 
yond his  convictions,  in  his  efforts  to  excite  the  crowd.  Peel 
as  Avell  as  I'itt  would  liave  been  petrified  by  an  invitation  to 
speak  at  any  election  but  his  own.  Pitt  is  believed  to  have 
made  only  two  political  speeclies  out  of  Parliament  in  his  life, 
and  one  of  these  Avas  a  single  sentence.  A  minister  could  then 
spend  his  vacations  in  maturing  his  measures,  and  he  could 
keep  his  own  counsels  till  the  time  came  for  disclosing  them 
to  Parliament.  All  public  men  had  time  for  study  and  reflec- 
tion. AVith  the  enlargement  of  the  constituencies  and  the 
extension  of  the  popular  element  in  government,  the  change 
became  to  some  extent  inevitable.  It  has  its  consequences  all 
the  same. 

The  falling  off  in  the  character  of  the  House  of  Commons  is 
apparent  to  all.  A  deliberative  assembly,  in  the  proper  sense 
of  the  term,  it  can  hardly  be  said  ever  to  have  been;  for  it  has 
always  been  at  once  too  partisan  and  too  large.  On  any  party 
question  a  debate  has  hardly  been  more  worthy  of  the  name  of 
a  deliberation  than  the  exchange  of  fire  between  two  regiments 


THE   rOLlTlCAL   CUISIS    IN    KNULAND. 


101 


lions  IS 
sense 

■  it  lias 
party 

ime  of 

iments 


I 


-;i 


in  a  battle.  But  now  the  House  has  lost,  with  independence, 
order  and  dignity.  Language,  which  half  a  century  ago  would 
have  been  utterly  fatal  to  the  man  who  used  it,  or  could  have 
been  prevented  from  being  fatal  to  him  only  by  the  most  com- 
plete apology,  is  now  used  with  impunity;  and  if  the  Speaker 
compels  its  withdrawal,  is  withdrawn  in  a  style  which  amounts 
to  a  repetition  of  the  outrage.     Irish  manners  are  uncontrolled. 

It  is  strange  to  see  a  society  intellectual,  refined,  luxurious 
even  to  excess,  and  ever  inventing  new  retinements  and  new 
luxuries,  yet  all  the  time  sedulously  removing  the  barriers 
whicdi  protect  it  from  a  political  deluge.  Talleyrand  said  that 
the  great  motive  power  in  the  French  Kevolution  was  vanity. 
Vanity  is  at  work  here  too.  Vanity  it  is  that  makes  M.  Jour- 
dain  play  the  demagogue.  Hut  the  chief  element  of  disturb- 
ance is  the  madness  of  the  party  game,  which  that  of  the  gam- 
bling-table itself  does  not  surpass.  Party  politics,  in  fact, 
partake  very  much  of  the  excitement  of  the  Turf  and  are 
sustained  a  good  deal  by  the  same  spirit,  Paley  thought  that 
the  money  which  he  paid  in  taxes  for  the  support  of  Parlia- 
mentary government  with  its  lively  scenes  could  not  have 
been  spent  in  any  way  which  woiild  have  afforded  him  more 
fun.     If  it  were  only  money  that  this  sport  cost! 

The  elective  system  has  revealed  its  fatal  weakness.  The 
theory  is  that  the  electors  choose,  and  that  tluiy  will  choose 
the  best  man  to  the  measure  of  their  lights.  There  miarht  be 
some  agreement  between  the  theory  and  the  fact  when  the 
electors  met  in  tlie  county  court  or  in  the  town  hall,  he'  "i.,  it 
may  be  supposed,  some  sort  of  a  conference,  and  voted  under 
the  guidance  of  their  local  leaders,  whose  influence  probably 
was  healthy  upon  the  whole.  Put  now,  there  is  no  meeting, 
there  can  be  no  conference,  no  personal  communication  or  con- 
certed action  of  any  sort  among  the  electors  in  a  large  constit- 
usncy.  These  particles  of  political  power  are  ;is  the  grains  in  a 
sand-heap,  Avhich  cannot  combine  or  co-operate,  though  they 
may  be  blown  in  tlie  same  direction  by  the  wind.  What  is  to 
bring  them  together?  What  is  to  designate  the  candidates 
for  them  when  they  cannot  designate  for  themselves?     What 


102 


QUKSTiONS   OF   TllK    DAV. 


is  tu  coiisolidiite  the  votes  of  u  suttieient  number  of  them  to 
oonstitiite  a  majority  and  form  a  basis  for  agovernnient?  The 
in-actical  answer  is,  organised  ])arty.  So  inevitable  does  this 
exi)edient  appear,  and  so  tlioroughly  are  we  inured  to  it,  that 
some  political  philosophers  have  begun  to  represent  the  divi- 
sion into  two  parties  as  seated  in  human  nature,  every  child 
being,  as  the  comic  opera  lias  it,  "  born  a  little  Conservative 
or  a  little  Liberal."  One  writer,  assuming  party  to  be  an  ordi- 
nance of  nature,  fancies  that  he  has  dis(!Overed  its  law,  which 
is  that  of  alternate  ascendancy,  with  a  (diange  at  each  general 
election ;  so  that  at  each  election  the  i)arty  whose  turn  it  is  in 
the  course  of  nature  to  be  beaten  will  have,  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  system,  knowingly  to  tight  a.  hopeless  battle. 
These  philosophers  do  not  observe  that  ycni  might  as  well  try  to 
bisect  a  wave  as  humanity,  tliat  the  shades  of  temperament  are 
numberless,  that  the  same  man  is  (u.)nservative  on  some  sub- 
jects, liberal  on  others,  that  political  temperament  varies  with 
age,  old  men  being  generally  conservative,  but  also  varies  with 
circumstance,  your  young  aristocrat  being  the  most  violent 
conservative  of  all.  Nor  do  they  observe  that  this  system, 
Avhich  they  su[)pose  to  be  a  universal  necessity  of  hunmn  nature, 
is  in  truth  a  recent  product  of  Hritisli  politics  or  of  the  poli- 
tics of  nations  which  have  followed  the  leading  of  England. 
Factions  of  course  there  were,  with  the  usual  consequences  of 
faction,  at  Atliens,  in  Rome,  and  in  the  Italian  Kepublics. 
But  this  system  of  government  by  two  parties,  perpetually 
contending  for  tlie  oflftces  of  State,  and  each  trying  to  nuike 
government  by  the  other  impossible  is  a  modern  British  insti- 
tution. By  the  hypothesis  both  parties  are  necessary  to  the 
system.  Why,  then,  should  each  of  them  be  always  denounc- 
ing and  trying  to  exterminate  the  other?  Party  may  be  moral, 
and  a  good  citizen  may  to  a  certain  extent  be  a  ])artisan,  so 
long  as  there  is  an  organic  question  of  sutficient  importance 
to  dwarf  all  other  questions  and  justify  submission  to  party 
discipline  till  the  paramount  object  is  attained.  But  when 
there  is  no  organic  question,  what  is  tliere  to  make  party 
moral?     What  is  to  hold  a  party  together,  no  principle  being 


THE   rOLlTlCAL   CK18IS   IN    ENGLAND. 


103 


oi'tance 
party 
when 
party 


at  .stake  ?  It  can  hardly  be  expected  tliat  merely  for  the 
purpose  of  keeping  up  a  system  the  members  of  the  commu- 
nity, when  there  is  nothing  really  to  divide  them,  will  range 
themselves  artiticially  into  two  political  armies  carrying  on 
an  objectless  and  senseless  yet  venomous  war  with  each, other. 
The  answer  is,  the  jNEachine;  and  this  must  have  workers 
and  payment  for  workers,  in  other  words,  entail  corruption 
in  some  form,  and  must  bring  with  it  a  [political  morality 
notoriously,  almost  avowedly,  inferior  to  the  morality  of  ordi- 
nary life,  so  that  you  will  have  the  lowest  principles  of  action 
in  the  highest  sphere.  ]iut  party  is  now  everywhere  in  a  state 
of  disintegration,  brought  on  by  the  increased  restlessness  of 
intelligence,  the  multiplication  of  political  sects,  the  clash  of 
special  interests,  and  the  enhanced  activity  of  individual  am- 
bition, for  which  there  are  not  enough  prizes  or  bribes.  Ju 
Germany,  in  France,  in  every  Parliamentary  country,  there 
is  now  a  multiplicity  of  parties  which  is  making  party  govern- 
ment impossible.  Even  in  the  In-itish  Parliament  there  are 
now  five  parties,  the  Conservatives,  the  Liberal-Unionists, 
the  Gladstonian  Liberals,  the  Radicals,  and  the  Irish,  while 
the  Irish  party  is  internally  split  into  Parnellites  and  anti- 
Parnellites.  P>ismarck  made  Parliamentary  government  pos- 
sible in  Germany  by  his  personal  ascendancy,  and  by  accept- 
ing or  buying  support  wherever  he  could  find  it.  In  France, 
the  instability  has  been  alariuing.  In  Italy,  disintegration 
went  to  such  a  length  that  tlie  leaders  of  adverse  parties  had 
to  come  to  an  understanding,  and  make  an  arrangement  for 
the  purpose  of  averting  Parhamentary  anarchy.  In  Austra- 
lia, governments  have  been  ephemeral  to  a  comical  degree. 
In  England,  the  newly  enfranchised  and  ignorant  masses  being 
led  by  a  name,  the  only  thing  they  can  understand,  there  is 
just  now  a  strong  demagogic  leadership,  which,  however,  to 
sustain  it  requires  largesses  of  destruction.  In  Canada,  there 
is  a  stability  of  corruption.  Put  these  are  accidents.  The 
general  tendency  is  towards  the  dissolution  of  party  and  ol' 
the  government  that  rests  on  it.  Foresight  and  contiiuiity 
of  policy  are  impossible  under  these  conditions.     At  the  same 


104 


QUESTIONS   OF   THK    DAY. 


I  ;!!^ 


time  a  fatal  facility  is  giv^eu  to  t'veiy  selH.sli  interest  and  every 
fanatical  sect  of  compassing  its  pet  object  by  playing  upon  the 
balance  of  party  and  thus  forcing  the  nation  to  do  its  will. 
Of  this  tlie  Silver  I  Jill,  forced  upon  Congress  by  the  votes  of 
the  Silver  States,  is  one  example;  another  is  the  anti-national 
and  degrading  homage  paid  to  the  Irish  vote. 

The  truth  is  that  the  system  of  party  and  (cabinet  govern- 
ment, with  all  the  political  philosophy  Avhi(;h  it  has  generated, 
is  the  peculiar  growth  of  the  political  situation  in  England 
consequent  upon  the  lie  volution  of  1G88.  Even  in  tlie  time 
of  Charles  II.,  though  there  were  Tories  and  Whigs,  there 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  party  organisation;  what  was  a 
cabinet  in  germ  was  dubbed  as  a  cabal.-  The  parties  for  a 
time  were  dynastic,  the  struggle  between  the  Stuart  and  Han- 
overian lines  having  been  transferred  from  the  field  of  battle 
to  the  political  field,  and  thus  each  of  them  had  a  bond,  moral 
after  its  fashion,  or  at  all  events  superseding  the  ordinary 
obligation  to  follow  conviction  on  particular  questions.  After- 
wards, when  the  dynastic  struggle  had  subsided,  the  parties, 
especially  that  of  the  great  Whig  houses,  were  closely  identi- 
fied with  family  connection,  and  with  the  struggles  of  different 
sections  of  the  aristocracy  for  power  and  place.  Tlie  players 
in  the  game  were  all  born  members  of  a  political  and  social 
circle,  owing  allegiance  to  its  interests  and  traditions.  The 
popular  element  was  very  small  and  the  scope  for  demagog- 
ism  very  narrow.  Cabal  and  corruption  there  might  be,  and 
there  were  on  a  scandalous  scale,  but  there  was  not  the  slight- 
est danger  of  Parliamentary  anarchy  or  of  revolution.  The 
country  Avas  in  the  hands  of  a  single  class,  that  of  the  landed 
aristocracy  and  gentry. 

Let  the  upholders  of  party  government  trace  the  course  of 
this  Trisli  Question.  Let  them  trace  the  process  by  which  a 
proud  and  mighty  nation  has  been  compelled  to  surrender  to  a 
contemptible  conspiracy,  and  dragged  to  the  brink,  not  only 
of  disniemberment,  but  of  self-degradation  so  deep  as  that  of 
allowing  Ireland  with  a  Parliament  of  her  oAvn  to  send  eighty 
members  to  the  British  Parliament  as  a  garrison  of  coercion 


I 

'A 

H 

I 
I 


Ill  evi'i'y 
ipon  the 
its  will, 
votes  oi' 
•national 

govern- 
Mievated, 
England 
the  time 
gs,  there 
I  at  was  a 
ies  for  a 
md  Han- 
of  battle 
id,  moral 
ordinary 
.     After- 
)  parties, 
y  identi- 
d  iff  e  rent 
e  players 
nd  social 
ns.     The 
lemagog- 
be,  and 
le  slight- 
)n.     The 
le  landed 

oiirse  of 
which  a 
ader  to  a 
not  only 
s  that  of 
eighty 
coercion 


IllK    I'OM'IICAI.   CRISIS    IN    KNfiLANl). 


lOil 


for  tiie  ])urpose  of  combating  IJritish  i)olicy  in  the  Irish  inter- 
est and  keeping  the  subservient  allies  of  the  Irish  in  power. 

A  petty  rebellion  broke  out  in  Ireland,  the  last  of  a  series 
since  the  Union  all  ecpially  weak.  Had  it  taken  the  field,  it 
would  have  endeil  like  that  of  Smitli  O'Brien,  in  a  cabbage 
garden.  Instead  of  taking  the  field,  it  chose  Parliament  as  the 
scene  of  its  operations,  used  votes  in  place  of  pikes,  and  tried 
to  wreck  the  House  of  Commons  by  obstruction,  while  its 
agrarian  wing,  whicli  alone  was  strong,  entered  on  a  campaign 
of  organised  outrage  in  Ireland.  Had  the  House  of  Commons 
not  been  faction-stricken  and  caucus-ridden,  the  attempt  to 
wreck  it  by  obstruction  would  have  been  at  once  put  down,  if 
necessary  by  the  expulsion  of  the  conspirators.  The  Liberal 
government  did  its  duty  as  far  as  a  party  government  can.  It 
procured  the  necessary  powers  for  the  Irish  executiv'e,  and 
had  it  been  ])atriotically  supported,  or  even  treated  with  for- 
bearance, it  would  in  time  have  suppressed  rebellion,  leaving 
such  agrarian  cp;estions  as  needed  settlement  to  be  settled  by 
remedial  legislation.  But  the  Conservative  party,  then  in  op- 
position, had  for  many  years  been  led  on  the  principle  enun- 
ciated in  an  article  entitled  "  Elijah's  Mantle,"  which  appeared 
in  the  Fortnightltj  Review  on  tlie  occasion  of  the  unveiling  of 
a  statue  of  Lord  IJeaconsfield : 

"  Po.ssibly  the  character  of  Lord  lieaconsfield  was  also,  to  some  extent, 
imperfectly  appreciated  by  Lord  Salisbm-y,  to  whom,  for  some  reason  or 
other,  an  unknown  master  of  the  ceremonies  had  reserved  the  very 
secondary  function  of  moving  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Sir  Stafford  Northcote 
for  having  unveiled  the  statue.  Speaking  to  the  delegates  of  the  various 
Conservative  associations  on  the  eve  of  the  ceremony.  Lord  Salisbury 
condemned  in  forcible  language  '  the  temptation '  which,  he  said,  '  was 
strong  to  many  politicians  to  attempt  to  gain  the  victory  by  bringing  into 
the  lobby  men  whose  principles  were  divergent,  and  whose  combined 
forces  therefore  could  not  lead  to  any  wholesome  victory.'  Excellent 
moralizing,  very  suitable  to  the  digestions  of  the  country  delegates,  but 
one  of  tliose  puritanical  theories  which  party  leaders  are  prone  to  preach 
on  a  platform,  which  has  never  guided  for  any  length  of  time  the  action 
of  politicians  in  the  Ilou.se  of  Connnons,  and  which,  whenever  apparently 
piU,  into  practice.  Invariably  results  in  weak  and  inane  proceedings. 
Discriminations  between  wholesome  and  unwholesome  victories  are  idle 


106 


(iUESTIONS   UF   THE   J)AY. 


i!' 


and  unpractical.  Obtain  tiii'  victory,  know  how  to  follow  it  up,  leave  the 
whok'sonieness  or  unwliolesonicness  to  critics.  Lord  Salisbury,  wlicii  he 
used  the  words  quoted  above,  must  have  for<^otten  that  a  few  liours  later 
he  was  ^^oing  to  take  part  in  unveiling  the  statue  of  a  statesman  whose 
whole  political  life  was  absolutely  at  variance  with  Lord  Salisbury's 
maxim.  The  condemnation  of  a  particular  method  of  gaining  political 
victories  was  in  reality  a  condemnation  of  the  political  career  of  the  Earl 
of  Beaconstield."     Fortnujhtln  Review,  May,  188.3.1 

The  conscious  heir  of  Elijah's  mantle  had  a  precedent,  at 
once  exact  and  memorable,  tor  the  design  whicli  he  now  formed 
and  induced  his  party  to  adopt,  in  the  very  nuuncuvre  by  which 
Elijah  himself  had  originally  climbed  to  ])ower.  In  1840  the 
Ministry  of  Robert  Peel  was  thrown  out,  his  party  was  broken 
up,  and  tlie  way  was  cleared  for  the  rise  of  Mr.  Disraeli  to 
leadership  by  a  coalition  of  the  Protectionist  Conservatives 
with  the  Whigs,  lladicals,  and  Irish  against  an  Irish  Coercion 
Bill.  By  this,  and  a  series  of  applications  of  the  same  strat- 
egy, continued  for  thirty  years,  the  character  of  the  Conserva- 
tive party,  once  the  party  at  all  events  of  honour,  had  been 
reconstructed  on  strategical  principles,  and  was  ready  for 
Elisha's  manipulation.  As  in  1846,  the  Conservatives  virtually 
coalesced  with  the  rebel  Irisli,  and  by  the  united  vote  the  Lib- 
eral government  was  thrown  out,  the  author  of  the  scheme, 
when  the  division  was  announced,  jumping  upon  the  benches 
and  waving  his  handkerchief  in  frantic  joy.  Of  the  Conserva- 
tive party,  the  head  was  a  marquess  with  everything  to  lift  him 
above  the  vile  and  vulgar  influences  of  faction.  Yet  he  was 
too  much  under  the  yoke  of  party  to  say,  when  he  was  ap- 
proached Avith  a  strategical  proposal,  that  while  he  was  a 
Conservative  and  would  gladly  see  power  in  Conservative 
hands,  he  was  above  all  things  an  English  nobleman,  and 
would  never  sanction  an  attenipt  to  overthrow  the  Queen's 
Government  Avhen  it  Avas  struggling  Avith  rebellion.  Then 
followed  the  abandonment  of  the  Act  for  the  protection  of  life 
and  property  in  Ireland,  and  the  Maamtrasna  debate  with  the 
speeches  of  Lord  Randoph  Churchill  and  Sir  Michael  Hieks- 

1  See  Lord  Malmesbury's  Memoirs,  i.,  424. 


cave  the 
when  ho 
urs  hitor 
II  whoso 
lisbiiry's 
political 
the  Karl 

cleiit,  at 
t'onnod 
y  which 
840  the 
I  broken 
iraeli  to 
rvatives 
Coercion 
lie  strat- 
onserva- 
lacl  been 
patly  for 
rirtually 
le  Lib- 
soheme, 
jenches 
onserva- 
ift  him 
he  was 
was  ap- 
was  a 
ervative 
kan,  and 
Queen's 
Then 
n  of  life 
tvith  the 
Hicks- 


TJIK    rOMTICAL   CIMSIS    IN    KNtlLAND. 


107 


lieach,  condemned  even  by  tlic  most  honotirahlc  organs  of 
their  own  par^v  Let  us  be  just  and  rememher  the  sliare 
which  the  Conservative  party  as  well  as  tlu'  Ghidstonian 
l)arty  has  had  in  bringing  all  this  disaster  and  disgrace  on  the 
country. 

A  dissolution  of  Parliament  ensued.  Ui»  to  this  time  the; 
Liberal  leader  liad  treated  the  Irish  movenuMit  as  rebellion, 
had  denounced  its  leader  as  "wading  through  rapine  to  dis- 
membernumt,"  had  himself  aniu)unced  the  arrest  of  I'arnell  to 
an  applauding  multitude  at  Guild  Hall,  had  imprisomnl  him 
aiul  scores  of  his  followers  without  trial  umh-r  tlu'  Crimes  Act, 
had  been  willing  to  part  with  three  nunnbers  of  the  Cabinet 
rather  than  that  the  Crimes  Act  sliould  not  be  renewed.  He 
went  to  the  country  asking  for  a  nuijority  which  would  en.able 
him  to  settle  the  Irish  questicm  independently  of  Air.  Parnell 
and  his  followers.  This  the  Irish  prevented  by  voting  with 
the  Conservatives,  exemplifying  thereby  the  fell  power  of 
unscrupulous  minorities  under  the  party  system.  Finding 
then  that  he  had  lost  power,  and  that  lie  could  only  regain 
it  by  aid  of  the  Irish  vote,  the  Liberal  leader  at  one*'  threw 
himself  into  the  arms  of  the  rebels.  He  who  had  been  half 
a  century  in  public  life,  liad  been  often  as  Cabinet  Minister 
resi)onsible  for  Irish  measures,  and  had  himself  disestab- 
lished the  Irish  Church,  pretended  that  up  to  this  time  he  had 
been  ignorant  of  the  Irish  question,  ignorant  of  the  leading 
facts  of  Irish  history,  and  that  a  new  liglit  had  now  dawned 
upon  his  mind.  He  declared  that  when  lu;  threw  Parnell  and 
his  followers  into  gaol  he  had  not  understood  what  Mr.  Par- 
nell's  objects  were.  He  put  forth  for  the  edification  of  the 
faithful  a  history  of  the  previous  workings  of  his  own  mind, 
showing  that  it  had  long  been  tending  towards  Home  Rule; 
an  avowal  which  implied  that  he  had  been  all  the  time  commit- 
ting the  nation,  and  allowing  his  Home  Secretary  to  rise  at 
his  side  night  after  night  to  pledge  himself,  to  a  policy  which 
in  his  heart  he  at  least  suspected  to  be  wrong.  In  concert 
with  the  rebel  leaders,  now  transformed  from  inmates  of  his 
gaols  into  his  privy  counsellors  and  his  masters,  he  framed  a 


KtM 


<irKSTI()NS   OF    rilK    DAY. 


1,1     I' 


iiu'iisiin'  virtually  lor  the  repeal  of  tlio  Union;  that  Union  of 
whicli  lie  luul  het'n  wont  to  s])eak  as  the  grand  aehievenient  of 
Pitt,  the  on(^  effectual  guarantee  of  peuee  between  religio\is 
factions  in  Ireland,  hut  whieh  he  now  denounced  as  a  niaster- 
l»iec(^  of  fraud  and  ini(iuity,  using  in  his  transports  of  rhetori- 
cal fury  even  coarser  terms.  That  the  new  light  whlcdi  dawned 
upon  the  leader's  mind  at  the  moment  when  he  found  the 
I'ariudlite  vott;  indis[)ensal)le  to  him  should  have  dawned  at 
the  same  moment  on  the  minds  of  his  followers  passes  ordi- 
nary belief.  Uright,  who  did  not  s[)eak  at  random,  averred 
that  there  were  not  twenty^  members  of  the  liiberal  party  out- 
side the  Irish  section  really  in  favour  of  their  leader's  JJill, 
which  Avas  as  much  as  to  say  that  the  nuiss  vt)ted  under  the 
lash  of  party  against  their  (H)nseienees  tor  that  whieh  tliey 
nuist  have  known  was  ruinous  to  their  country.  So  miudi  for 
the  aphorism  that  i»arty  is  a  kind  of  patriotism.  Heaten  by 
the  vote  of  the  independent  section  of  his  followers,  and  mad- 
dened by  defeat,  the  Liberal  leader  now  broke  all  bounds  and 
gave  the  restraints  of  ])atriotisni  to  the  Avinds.  He  who  owed 
all  to  culture  and  the  support  of  the  cultivated,  ajjpealed  to 
the  lowest  and  the  worst  passions  of  the  multitude,  the  jealous 
hatred  of  the  "masses"  for  the  "classes,"  of  the  ignorant  lor 
those  better  educated  than  themselves.  He  recklessly  falsitiec: 
history  to  prove  that  intelligence  had  always  been  the  enemy 
of  justice.  He  fanned  the  cold  ashes  of  provincial  antipathy 
in  Scotland  and  Wales  as  Avell  as  in  Ireland.  To  inflame 
Irish  rebellion,  he  revived  and  e.xaggerated  the  evil  memories 
of  Irish  ^' 'story.  He  abetted  resistance  to  law  in  Ireland, 
bidding  an  excitable  and  savage  race  "  remember  ^litcliels- 
town."  Because  England  had  voted  against  him,  he,  the  son 
of  a  Liverpool  merchant,  bred  at  Eton  and  Oxford,  having  sat 
almost  all  his  life  for  English  constituencies,  renounced  the 
name  of  Englishman,  traduced  England  in  a  foreign  press,  wel- 
comed the  calumnies  of  her  foreign  assailants.  He  allied  him- 
self morally  Avith  declared  enemies  of  the  realm,  the  Fenians 
of  the  United  States.  A  Conservative  more  than  half  his 
life,  who,  if  the  place  had  been  open,  might,  as  some  thought, 


1 


TiiK  I'oi.iricAi-  cinsis  i\  knoland. 


11)1) 


J 11  ion  of 

llU'llt  of 

•cli^'ioiis 
iiuistcr- 
rlu'tori- 
(lawiied 
lUiul  the 
wucd  at 
jes  oi'cli- 
iivcrrod 
irty  out- 
I's  J'.ill, 
nder  tlie 
ieli  tliey 
mudi  for 
I'atou  by 
uid  mad- 
inds  and 
:lio  owed 
)ealed  to 
0  jealous 
orant  tor 
falsitiei: 
le  enemy 
ntipathy 
inflame 
iiomories 
I  reland, 
Uitchels- 
the  son 
iving  sat 
need  the 
ess,  wel- 
ied  him- 
Fenians 
half  his 
thought, 


have  heen  Iciiding  the  Conservative  paity.  he  put,  hiniscK  at 
the  lu!ad  of  revolutionary  radieaiisui  and  dallied  with  all  the 
spirits  of  contiscatiou  and  destru('ti<tn.  lie  who  had  uitheld 
(!huroh  estahlisiiment  on  the  hijuhest  principles,  held  out  dis- 
establishment as  a  l)rib(!  to  get  votes  for  his  Irish  |)oliey.  At 
last,  after  solemnly  pledging  himself  never  to  eonseut  to  the 
retention  of  an  Irish  representation  in  the  Uritish  I'arliaiiieut 
when  Ireland  had  a  Parliament  of  her  own,  lu^  eoueeited  with 
his  Irish  eon  federates  a  seluMue  for  tlu;  retention  of  eighty 
Irish  members  in  their  joint  interest.  The  Lords  iiaving 
rejeeted  a  Jiill  from  a  leading  provision  of  which  members  of 
the  Cabin<;t  in  that  House  allowed  it  to  l>e  seen  in  debate  that 
they  dissented,  he  now  threatens  them  with  destruction.  Ihit 
as  he  knows  that  an  appeal  from  their  verdict  to  the  nation  on 
the  simjih!  issn(^  of  Home  Ilule  would  I'csult  in  his  defeat,  he 
jjuts  off  his  appeal  till  he  shall  have  had  time  to  inflame  and 
confuse  the  mind  of  the  people  by  a  number  of  revolutionary 
proposals,  hoj)ing  thus  to  force  through  his  Irish  measure  on 
false  issues.  This  policy  is  in  effe(!t  avowed  by  his  i)artisans 
without  shame.  How  much  of  this  treatment  do  the  upholders 
of  party  government  think  that  any  (!ounti'y  can  bear? 

Tlu!  pi-esent  situation  also  betrays  the  tendem-y  to  demagogic 
despotism  inherent  in  the  system  of  universal  suffrage  with 
large  and  ignorant  masses.  Incapable  of  self-guidance,  the 
masses  blindly  follow  a  leader  about  whom  many  of  them 
know  nothing  but  his  name,  Imt  who  they  havi^  been  taught  to 
believe  is  the  man  of  the  peoi)le.  The  result  is  a  state  of 
things  far  from  identieal  with  genuine  liberty.  "Old  Hick- 
ory," the  idol  of  the  American  ])oi)ula(u',  iu  the  hour  of  his 
ascendancy  was  enabltMl  to  tramph;  on  real  freedom  in  the 
United  States  mueh  as  a  "  G.  ().  M."  is  now  enabled  to  trample 
on  real  freedom  in  Great  liritain.  Ameriean  admirers  of  Mr. 
Gladstone,  looking  on  at  the  scene,  admit  that  he  has  hardly 
any  supporters  among  the  upper  or  middle  classes,  that  is,  in 
the  classes  of  intelligence,  the  influence  of  which  it  thus  ap- 
pears may  be  eliminated  from  government  when  the  unin- 
formed multitude  fliids  a  man  after  its  heart. 


110 


QUESTIONS   OK  THE    DAY. 


i   ' 


?ii      ' 


As  it  is  in  national,  so  it  is  in  municipal  affairs.  Here,  also, 
for  large  (lonstituencies,  tlie  elective  system  seems  to  break 
clown.  In  former  ages  the  city  was  a  social  and  political 
unit;  the  citizens  knew  each  other,  they  met  in  the  town  hall 
or  in  tlieir  guilds;  tlie  great  merchants,  who  now  live  apart  in 
suburban  villas,  lived  within  the  walls  in  daily  intercourse 
with  their  fellow-citizens,  exercised  their  natural  leadership, 
sought  and  held  municipal  ottice.  A  city  now  lias  no  unity. 
It  is  merely  a  densely  [jcophnl  district  requiring  a  special  ad- 
ministration. There  is  no  nuitiud  intelligiqice.  A  man  does 
not  know  his  next-door  neiglibour.  Sometimes  in  London  lie 
does  not  know  his  next-door  neighbour's  name.  Conference 
for  tlie  purpose  of  an  elective  choice  is  no  longer  possible.  In 
the  case  of  sucli  a  city  as  London  or  New  York,  the  very  idea 
of  it  is  absurd.  Some  one  there  must  be,  as  in  tlie  case  of  a 
political  constituency,  to  d(!signate  the  candidates  and  com- 
bine the  votes.  Who  is  it  to  be?  The  answer  is,  the  ward 
politician,  who  designates  himself,  or  is  designated  by  Tam- 
many as  the  candidate,  and  organises  the  constituency  or  has 
Tammany  to  organise;  it  for  him.  He,  like  the  professional 
politician  of  the  lai-ger  sphere,  into  whom  in  fact  he  will  pres- 
ently develop,  devotes  himself  to  the  calling  in  which  he 
finds  his  interest,  an  interest  too  often  like  that  which  was 
found  in  the  munici[)al  affairs  of  New  York  by  William 
Tweed.  He  has  his  organisation  always  on  foot.  If  in  an 
access  of  municipal  patriotism  you  Jittempt  to  oust  him,  re- 
sponding to  the  cry  which  everlastingly  goes  up  for  the  election 
of  better  men,  you  iind  yourself  an  amateur  opposed  to  a  ju'o- 
fessional,  a  casual  interloper  contending  with  the  regular 
master  of  the  field.  He  knows  all  about  the  constituency, 
especially  the  more  (corruptible  or  gullible  i)art  of  it,  while 
you  know  nothing.  His  forces  are  always  on  foot.  Yours 
have  to  be  set  on  foot  with  infinite  trouble  and  no  small  cost. 
It  is  hardly  possible  even  to  start  a  movement  for  the  improve- 
ment of  elections.  The  great  merchants  will  have  nothing  to 
do  with  munioipal  reform;  they  cannot  afford  to  leave  their 
business,  they  utterly  refuse  themsidves  to  hold  the  otliee.s, 


TIIK    VOLITICAL   CIUSIS    IX    KN(iLANI). 


Ill 


re,  also, 
o  break 
political 
i\vu  hall 
apart  in 
srcourse 
;lership, 
3  unity, 
cial  ad- 
lan  does 
ndon  he 
[iference 
l)le.     In 
erv  idea 
ase  of  a 
ud  com- 
;he  ward 
by  1\uu- 
y  or  has 
"essional 
ill  pres- 
hicli    he 
licli  was 
William 
f  in  an 
lim,  re- 
eleetion 
;o  a  i)ro- 
regular 
ituency, 
t,  while 
Yours 
ill  cost, 
niprove- 
thing  to 
ve  tlieir 
ottiees. 


they  shrink  with  aversion  from  an  acrimonious  and  often  dirty 
struggle.      When    tlie  (!orru[)tion  or    misgov'^ernmeut  becomes 
insufferable,  as   it  did  at  >«'ew  York  in  the  time  of  Tweed, 
there  is  a  spasm  of   reform.     This   passes    away,    you   slide 
back  into  the  old  hands,  and  city  government  runs  once  more 
in   its  groove.      \Ye    see  wliat  has  happened  in    New  York, 
wliere,  not  many  years  after  the  exposure  and  overthrow  of 
Tweed,  there  wiu"e  scandals  of  tin;  same  kind,  thougli  in  magni- 
tude less  portentous.      Men  of  tlie  class  of  ward  politicians,  if 
they  are  not  paid,  will  find  some  way  of  paying  tliemselves. 
If  tliere  is  not  peculation   there  will   be   jobbery.      Always 
there  will  be  waste  arising  from  want  of  skill,  foresight,  or 
system,  and  from    the  general  character  of   the  government, 
wliich  is  political,  wlien  for  municipalities  it  ought  to  be  scien- 
tific.    The   first  object  of  aldermen  or  city  councillors  is  to 
secure  their  own  re-election.     In  the  Middle  Ages  municipal 
government  had  to  do  witli  franchises,  witli  trade  rules,  witli 
the  defence  of  city  liberties  against  royal  or  feudal  rapacity. 
It  had  little  or  nothing  to  do  with  sanitary  matters  or  educa- 
tion, and  not  much   to  do  with  police.     The  department  of 
eilucation,  if  it  is  a  municipal  affair,  Avill  be  found  to  lapse 
into  the  same  hands  as  the  rest.     Hence  philosophic  observers 
of  American  institutions  tell  you,  pjhI  every  one  on  the  conti- 
nent  repeats,    that   the    great   problem    is    city    government. 
American  and  Canadian  cities  are  wtdl  governed  in  proportion 
as  the  administration  is  not  elective,  but  has  by  the  good  sense 
of  the  people  been  made  over  to  skilled  officers  or  standing 
commissions.     The  best  governed  (lity  of  all  is  AVashington, 
which,  being  in  a  Federal  district,  is  in  the  hands  of  three  com- 
missioners appointed,  like  other  Federal  officers,  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  the    United  States  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate. 
There  is  a  city  de))t,  the  bequest  of  a  former  regime.     But 
it  is  being  reduced,  and  everybody  seems  satisfied  with  the 
administration;  indeed,  this  is  one  of  the  attractions  to  resi- 
dence at  Washington.     In  face  of  all  this  experieiu'e  and  of 
the  nu)r;il  to  Avhich  it  points,  the  British  I'arliament  bestows 
on  London,  a  province  of  brick  and  nu)rtar  without  the  slight- 


T 


112 


liUESTIONS   0¥   THE    DAY. 


est  unity  or  power  of  eollective  choice,  an  elective  govern- 
ment. Already  the  London  Council  seems  to  be  highly  dei)ui- 
gogic,  and  likely  to  repel  residence  as  much  as  Washington 
attracts  it.  Already  it  seems  to  be  a  paradise  of  municipal 
agitators ;  the  city  will  be  lucky  if  it  does  not  presently  become 
a  paradise  of  Tweeds,  lleally  good  men  may  come  forward 
and  be  elected  at  first,  but  experience  shows  that  they  will 
tire  and  that  the  future  belongs  to  the  ward  politician. 

The  upshot  is  that  if  by  government  is  meant  anything  pos- 
sessed of  authority  or  controlling  power.  Great  Britain  and 
the  Empire  are  likely  to  be  Avithout  a  governnunit.  This  is  a 
case  in  which  the  politician  most  averse  to  speculative  arclii- 
tecture  and  with  least  in  him  of  Sieves  must  admit  that  it  is 
time  to  look  over  the  building  and  see  wliat  repairs  it  needs. 
If  the  late  Conservative  government  could  have  relied  u])on  its 
men,  this  is  what  it  might  liave  done.  But  the  task  was  re- 
nounced when  tlie  l*rime  JMinister  took  tlie  Foreign  Office, 
and  instead  of  giving  his  mind  to  political  reconstruction 
gave  it  to  diplomatic  mysteries.  AVhat  do  the  masses,  wliose 
votes  decide  the  fate  of  an  empire,  care  for  diplonuicy? 
What  do  they  care  even  for  finance?  The  chief  effect  of  Mr. 
Goschen's  brilliant  achievements  as  Chancellor  of  the  Ex- 
chequer in  the  mortal  struggle  which  followed,  was  probably  to 
turn  ag;)inst  INlr.  Goschen's  cause  a  number  of  people  with 
small  incomes,  whose  dividends  he  had  reduced  by  his  con- 
version of  the  funds. 

There  are  those  who  think  no  autliority  necessary.  Anar- 
chists, of  course,  think  this,  though  it  may  be  i)resumed  that 
an  anarchist,  if  you  broke  his  head  or  stole  his  purse,  would, 
provisionally,  and  all  chimeras  reserved,  ap])eal  to  the  poliee. 
But  the  extreme  theory  of  self-government  comes  pretty  nearly 
to  the  same  thing.  Its  practical  issue,  as  we  have  seen,  is  the 
government  of  the  caucus,  the  "boss,"  and  William  Tweed, 
its  tendency  is  to  clironic  revolution.  Let  government  be  so 
ordered,  if  possible,  that  our  increased  enlightenment,  our 
advances  in  civilisation, our  quickened  sense  of  public  interests, 
the  elevation  of  our  aims  and  hopes,  all,  in  short,  that  makes 


THE   POLITICAL   CRISIS   IX    KN(iLAxM). 


ii;) 


US  more  "worthy  oi'  the  name  of  a  community  than  were  nations 
in  the  earlier  stage  of  evohition,  may  tell  on  its  character; 
without  a  government  we  can  hardly  do.  The  aim  of  the  mod- 
erate Liberal  is  a  government  with  real  authority,  national, 
not  partisan,  raised  abov(^  the  passions  and  delusions  of  tlie 
hour,  stable  enough  to  produce  confidence,  yet  responsible  and 
o])en  to  the  inliiience  of  opinion,  the  free  expression  of  which 
is  the  one  clear  gain  of  all  these  revolutions,  (Government  of 
the  people,  Lincoln  said,  was  never  to  perish  from  the  earth. 
It  was  perishing  when  Lincoln  spoke,  and  the  government  of 
the  "  boss  "  was  taking  its  place. 

What  is  this  "jjeople,"  the  worship  of  which  has  succeeded 
to  the  worshi[»  of  kings,  and  is  too  often  not  less  abject  or 
sid)versive  of  political  virtue?  On  the  lips  of  demagogues  it 
means  tlie  masses  without  the  classes,  that  is,  without  the  edu- 
cation and  intelligence.  In  the  minds  of  the  Jacobins  it  was 
a  deity:  they  called  it  tlie  divine  people.  In  the  minds  of 
most  of  us  it  is  a  vague  impersonation  of  the  community  ab- 
stracted from  individual  follies,  cupidities,  and  infirmities. 
Nothing  answers  to  this  fancy.  Let  us  have  done  with  fig- 
ments in  which  we  can  no  longer  afford  to  indulge.  Ignorance 
a  million  times  multiplied  does  not  make  knowledge,  nor  are 
politics  so  different  from  other  subjects  that  without  knowl- 
edge, and  under  the  influence  of  passion,  political  questions 
are  likely  to  be  settled  aright.  A  man  no  more  forfeits  free- 
dom by  availing  himself  of  the  guidance  of  statesmanship  than 
he  does  by  consulting  a  physician  or  engineer. 

Few,  even  if  they  desire  it,  would  deem  it  possible  to  restore 
hereditary  monarchy  as  a  political  power.  All  things  serve 
their  purjjose  and  have  their  day.  Hereditary  monarchy 
served  a  purpose  which  nothing  else  could  ser/v>;  and  appar- 
ently it  has  had  its  day.  The  new  world,  the  leading  shoot 
and  the  index  of  tendency,  rejects  it.  In  Europe,  it  can  hardly 
be  said  to  live  otherwise  than  in  form  and  name  except  in 
Russia,  and  in  Germany,  where,  owing  to  the  circumstaiu'cs  of 
federation,  the  part  ])layed  in  it  by  the  monarch  ])ersonally 
and  the  military  character  of  the  Empire,  the  Emperor  retains 


T 


I 


II* 


QUKSriONS   OF   TIIK    DAY. 


i  'i 


power.  France,  once  its  grandest  seat,  has  to  all  appearances 
(letinitively  abandoned  it.  In  Spain,  formerly  so  intensely 
loyal,  it  was  for  a  time  overthrown,  and  appears  now  to  be 
regarded  as  a  stop  gap  and  a  respite.  In  England,  though  it 
has  lost  all  power,  even  the  power  of  naming  its  own  house- 
hold, wliieli  was  denied  it  by  the  h)yal  Peel,  it  has  not  lost 
hold  on  sentiment,  particularly  in  the  rural  districts.  A  man 
of  ability,  courage,  and  commanding  cliaracter  on  the  throne, 
coming  forward  at  a  crisis  like  the  present,  might  appeal  with 
etfect  to  the  heart  of  a  nation.  But  there  is  no  use  in  looking 
for  such  qualities  in  kings  at  the  present  day.  Kings  in  the 
Middle  Ages  had  to  exert  themselves  in  order  to  keep  their 
crowns  upon  their  heads,  and  Avere  trained  more  or  less  in 
the  school  of  practical  duty,  in  spite  of  wliich  tliey  often  suc- 
cumbed to  the  temptations  of  a  Court.  ]>ut  a  modern  king  is 
nursed  in  luxury  and  flattery,  without  the  former  correctives, 
responsibility,  and  need  of  exertion.  He  is  protected  by  an 
invisible  fence  from  contact  with  rude  realities.  Knowing 
that  he  will  not  be  allowed  to  govern,  but  only  to  hold  levees 
and  lay  first  stones,  he  has  no  inducement  to  fit  himself  for 
government.  Public  duty  can  be  little  more  than  a  name  to 
him.  You  have  no  right  to  expect  of  him  more  than  that  he 
will  be  a  respectable  and  harmless  sybarite,  and  you  have  not 
much  reason  to  complain  if  he  is  a  George  IV.  Ask  a  Minis- 
ter of  any  Court  how  often  lie  has  found  tlie  Court  willing  to 
sacrifice  its  personal  convenience  or  even  its  fancies  to  the 
public  service.  ■  Think  how,  during  the  last  two  centuries,  Brit- 
ish royalty  has  discharged  the  very  easy,  gracious,  and  useful 
duty  of  visiting  Ireland.  Not  one  man  in  twenty,  or  perhaps 
in  a  hundred,  will  work  hard  or  practise  self-denial  unless  he 
is  compelled. 

The  House  of  Lords  is  now  the  only  hereditary  chamber 
left  in  Europe,  though  in  some  others  there  lingers  an  heredi- 
tary element.  It  is  the  last  leaf  on  that  tree,  and  it  has  hung 
so  long  because  its  power  has  been  so  small  and  its  Order, 
having  no  social  privileges  so  offensive  as  those  of  the  French 
Noblesse,   has,   compared  with   the    French   Noblesse,   given 


Tin-:    POLITICAL   CHISIS    IN    KX(iLAXI). 


IB 


little  umbmgo.     At  this  juncture  destiny  has  been  kind  to  it. 
It  has  the  honour  of  standing  between  the  nation  and  disnieui- 
berment,  and    it  will  receive  the  sup^jort  of  wise  friends  of 
union,  whatever  they  may  think  of  it  as  an  institution  for  the 
future.     Nor   does    freedom  suffer  more  disparagement  from 
the  interposition  of  an  hereditary  Peerage  than  from  the  un- 
controlled conviction  of  a  dictator.     The  despot  of  the  Closure 
has  received  a  check.     Law  in  its  resistance!  to  lawless  vio- 
lence has  found  for  tlie  moment  a  bulwark  in  the  House  of 
Lords.     It  is  pleasant,  too,  while  the  House  of  Commons  is 
cringing  to  the  caucus  and  its  idol,  to  see  something  like  inde- 
pendence elsewhere.     Yet  few,  looking  at  the  course  which 
things  have  been  taking  in  Europe,  can  believe  that  a  privi- 
leged order  is  destined  to  be  the  sheet  anchor  of  the  State  in 
the  future,  or  even  that  it  will  long  be  allowed  to  exist.     What 
has  been  said  of  hereditary  kingship  is  true  also  of  an  heredi- 
tary Peerage.     It  is  not  an  object  of  rational  hatred;  .c  may 
be  an  object  of  historical  gratitude.     It  was  an  organising 
force,  perhaps  the  only  available  force  of  the  kind,  at  a  time 
Avhen,  there  being  no  central  administration  strong  enough  to 
hold  society  together,  the  only  mode  of  iireserving  ord(;r  was 
territorial  delegation.      Nor  could  anything  else  well   have 
curbed  the  lawless  aggrandisement  of  kings.     In  those  days 
the  l^aron  was  local  ruler,  judge,  and  captain.     His  life  was 
one  of  exertion  and  of  peril.     Historians  even  think  that  the 
lives  of  the  nobility  were  shortened  by  their  troubles  as  well 
as  l)y  the  sword.     IJut  there   is  nothing  now  to  prevent  an 
hereditary  Peer  from  sinking  into  sybaritism,  and  into  sybarit- 
ism,  for  the  most  part  decient  and  qualified,   but  sometinu^s 
unqualified   and   scandalous,    hereditary   Peers   sink.       Thev 
cannot    be    got   even   to   attend   in   their    own   house.     The 
number  of  Peers  present  at  important  debates  hardly  ecpuils 
that   of  a  dinner-party,   though   during   the   session,    which 
is   also   the    season,    there    must    be    hundreds    of   them    in 
town.     Their  wise  leaders  have  always  been  lecturing  tluMu 
on  this   subject;  but   in   vain.     Nor   can   it  be   denicMl  that 
the.  House  of  Lords,  besides  representing  a.  i)rivileged  Order 


1  I 


In 


M 


116 


QUESTIONS   OF   THK   DAY. 


in  an  age  when  privilege  i.s  condemned,  represents  too  ex- 
clusively a  special  interest,  that  of  the  pro]>rietor.s  of  land. 
This  disqualifies  it  from  acting  as  an  impartial  court  of 
legislative  revision.  In  fact  it  has  never  played  that  part, 
but  always  the  part  of  an  organ  of  the  landed  interest  indis- 
criminately op])osed  to  change.  Delay,  by  whatever  opposi- 
tion caused,  always  affords  time  for  reconsideration;  but  in 
no  other  sense  can  it  be  said  that  the  House  of  Lords  has  given 
expression  to  the  sober  second  thought  of  the  nation.  It  can- 
not claim  and  it  does  not  possess  the  national  confidence  on 
that  ground.  INIoreover,  the  authority  of  the  Peers  rests  on 
their  entailed  estates  ;  a  landless  Peerage  would  be  weak 
indeed  ;  and  entailed  estates  are  visibly  threatened  by  the 
adv.ance  of  social  and  economical  democracy.  That  the  House 
of  Lords  will  have  to  be  mended  or  ended  is  the  general  con- 
viction, alike  of  those  who  look  forward  to  the  revolution  with 
glee,  and  of  those  who  tremble  f^t  the  thought  of  being  left 
with  a  caucus-ridden  and  faction-stricken  House  of  Commons. 
Is  the  bi-cameral  system  to  be  retained?  Its  existence  is  an 
accident  of  British  history,  arising  out  of  the  division  of  the 
Barons  into  the  greater,  Avho  sat  in  the  Great  Council,  and  the 
lesser  Barons,  Avho  did  not,  and  who  formed  a  gentry  which 
cast  in  its  lot  with  the  Commons,  while  the  Clergy  drew  apart 
to  their  own  Convocation,  preferring  to  be  taxed  there.  In 
the  French  States-General  and  in  other  jNIeditBval  Parliaments, 
there  was  a  chamber  for  each  (3rder.  Chance,  hoAvever,  often 
chooses  well.  The  weakest  point  of  the  bi-cameral  system  is 
that,  to  form  the  Senate,  it  is  necessary  to  take  the  experience 
and  the  mature  wisdom  out  of  the  jiopular  house,  which 
needs  their  control,  and  to  put  them  into  a  house  by  them- 
selves where  they  are  in  danger  of  being  discredited  as  the 
experience  and  wisdom  of  greybeards  who  are  behind  the  age, 
and  estranged  from  the  feelings  and  wishes  of  the  people. 
We  have  seen  the  rock  upon  which  Cromwell's  experiment 
split.  Again,  there  is  always  danger  of  a  dead-lock.  In  the 
L^nited  States,  where  the  Senate  is  really  co-ordinate  with 
the  House  of  Representatives,  as  often  as  the  majorities  of  the 


m 


■ 


■■MVHHHI 


nts  too  ex- 
n-s  of  land, 
il   court  of 
i  that  part, 
erest  indis- 
ver  opposi- 
ion;   but  ill 
Is  has  given 
)n.     It  can- 
iifidence  on 
rs  rests  on 
d  be  weak 
lied  by  tlie 
;  the  House 
eneral  con- 
lution  witli 
being  left 
Commons, 
fence  is  an 
iion  of  the 
3il,  and  the 
iitry  which 
drew  apart 
there.     In 
irliaments, 
ever,  often 
I  system  is 
experience 
ise,   which 
!  by  them- 
ted  as  the 
id  the  age, 
lie  people, 
xperiment 
f:.     In  the 
nate  with 
ties  of  the 


TIIK   POLITICAL   CIUSlS    IN   ENGLAND. 

two  Houses  belong  to  different  parties,  dead-lock  ensues, 
and  legislation  on  important  matters  is  in  abeyance.  Tliere  is 
also  danger  of  diminishing  the  sense  of  responsibility  in  the 
loAver  House,  members  of  which  will  give  a  popular  vote  for 
a  measure  which  they  disapprove,  trusting  tliat  the  measure 
Avill  be  thrown  out  by  the  Senate.  Tliis  has  notoriously  hap- 
pened in  the  United  States,  and  is  happening  now  in  England, 
where  it  is  known  that  not  a  few  of  those  who  voted  for  Mv. 
Gladstone's  Bill  condemned  it  in  private,  and  would  scarcely 
have  been  able  to  stifle  conscience  had  they  not  felt  sure 
that  the  measure  would  be  thrown  out  by  the  House  of 
Lords.  It  would  be  easy,  Avitliout  a  second  chamber,  to  pro- 
vide safeguards  against  legislative  precipitancy  by  regulating 
the  procedure,  or  by  giving  a  suspensive  veto  to  a  certain 
proportion  of  the  House.  But  the  bi-cameral  system  is  in 
possession.  It  is  in  possession  not  only  of  all  the  constitu- 
tional laAVs  and  forms,  and  of  tlie  Palace  at  Westminster,  but 
of  the  national  mind,  and  Lincoln's  advice  not  to  swap  horses 
when  crossing  a  stream  has  double  force  when  the  stream  is  so 
heady. 

How  to  reorganise  the  House  of  Lords,  however,  is  a  (pies- 
tion  the  solution  of  which  must  be  left  to  those  who,  believino- 
in  the  bi-cameral  system,  have  deeply  studied  the  problem  of 
construction.  A  partition  between  tlie  hereditary  and  tlie  life 
principle  does  not  seem  likely  to  be  successful,  even  if  public 
opinion  were  to  allow  the  hereditary  principle  to  be  retained. 
The  new  cloth  would  fret  the  old  garment.  Tlie  two  elements 
would  hardly  amalgamate,  and  there  would  be  a  continual  and 
dangerous  contrast  between  their  votes.  As  often  as  a  popu- 
lar measure  Avas  thrown  out  by  heredit;iry  vot(>s,  the  cry  of 
hereditary  legislation  would  again  be  raised.  What  is  wanted 
is  a  settlement  in  which  the  mind  of  the  nation  may  repose, 
not  a  mere  rectihcation  of  collisions.  There  might  be  some- 
thing to  be  said  for  election  by  the  House  of  Commons,  or,  to 
put  it  in  constitutional  phrase,  designation  by  the  vote  of  the 
House  of  Commons  for  appointment  by  tlie  Crown.  This 
would  be  likely  to  keep  the  two  Houses  in  tolerable  harmony. 


:|  i 


118 


qi:ksti<)ns  of  thk  day 


I't!' 


i  li 


« 


It  mij^lit  1)0  combined  witli  lupiiibersliii)  of  riglit  tor  Ministers 
or  PX-iMinisters  of  State,  and  others  lioldiiig  or  having  held 
higli  posts  or  commands.  There  would  of  course  be  provi- 
sions for  removal  in  case  of  intirmity  or  non-attendanc'.  But 
the  problem,  it  must  be  repeated,  is  one  for  the  bi-ca.neralist 
to  solve. 

Another  problem  to  be  solved  is  that  of  getting  the  Com- 
mons to  consent  to  any  reform  of  the  House  of  Lords.  The 
Commons  -would  feel,  evidently  they  do  feel,  that  in  reform- 
ing and  tluu'i'by  strengthening  the  House  of  Lords  they  were 
])arting  with  i;ower.  It  wcnild  be  difficult  to  devise  a  Bill 
which  in  their  present  mood  they  would  pass.  The  question 
arises  whether  the  House  of  Lords  can  possibly  do  anything 
to  reform  itself  by  resolution,  as  it  abolished  proxies;  or  by 
understanding,  without  formal  resolution,  as  it  excludes  its  lay 
members  from  voting  on  legal  questions,  which  in  the  O'Con- 
nell  case  some  of  them  were  inclined,  and,  it  must  be  said,  had 
great  tem})tation  to  do.  Could  they,  not  legally,  yet  by  moral 
force  reduce  themselves  practically  to  something  like  a  Senate 
Avhich  would  command  the  respect  at  least  of  the  anti-revolu- 
tionary portion  of  the  country,  or,  at  all  events,  rid  themselves 
of  scandals  ? 

Still,  if  we  take  institutions  as  they  are,  and  look  in  this 
spirit  at  the  case  of  the  House  of  Commons,  the  objects  in 
view  will  be  to  redeem  it  from  the  condition  of  a  voting 
nnudiine  worked  by  the  caucus,  to  })revent  it  from  becoming, 
as  viohmt  men  try  to  make  it,  a  mere  organ  of  revolution,  and 
to  restore  to  it  the  character  of  a  council  of  the  nation.  The 
only  guarantee  for  independence,  saving  witli  heroic  souls,  is 
a  certain  security  of  tenure.  Let  each  member  hold  for  the 
term  of  seven  ye^rs  certain,  or  whatever  the  term  is  to  be,  from 
the  day  of  his  election,  unless  he  takes  office  under  the  Crown; 
in  Avhich  case,  perhaps,  a  sentiment  rooted,  though  rather  obso- 
lete, would  still  require  him  to  go  to  his  constituents  for  re- 
election. It  would  be  found  that  the  House,  to  which  many 
men  are  elected  late  in  life,  changed  fully  as  fast  as  national 
opinion,  especially  if  the  killing  length  of  the  sessions  and  the 


Till-:    POLITICAL    CRISIS    IN    EN(iLANI). 


119 


nie 


killing  lateness  of  the  hours  are  maintained.  IJut  lu  would 
always  have  in  it  a  certain  number  of  men  tolerably  free  to 
vote  according  to  tlieir  convictions.  Its  existence  would  be 
continuous,  and  there  would  not  l)e,  as  there  now  is,  an  anoma- 
lous interval  between  dissolution  and  re-election,  when,  the 
supreme  power  being  now  vested  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
that  ])ower  is  for  a  time  in  abeyance. 

Such  a  change  would  involve  the  abandonnuMit  of  the  pre- 
rogative, vested  nominally  in  the  (Jrown,  really  in  tlu;  party 
leader,  of  penal  dissolution.  This  is  the  relic  of  a  time  when 
government  was  really  in  the  Crown  and  Parliament  was  called 
to  advise  the  Crown  and  grant  taxes.  It  became  irrational 
when  supreme  power  vested  in  Parliament.  Still  it  was  till 
lately  exercised  with  some  mt^asure  and  in  accordance  with 
some  principle  lodged  in  the  breasts  of  hereditary  or  trained 
statesmen.  It  is  now  iised  as  a  card  in  the  hands  of  a 
leader  of  faction,  who  dissolves  Parliament  to  bring  on  an 
election,  when  his  local  Avire-pullers  tell  him  that  the  chances 
are  in  his  favour.  Thus  the  tenure  of  a  mend)er  of  Parlia- 
ment is  not  for  a  legal  term,  but  during  the  pleasure  of  a  leader 
of  a  dominant  faction,  and  he  votes  always  under  peril  of  dis- 
solution as  well  as  under  the  dictation  of  the  caucus.  The 
abuse  of  this  prerogative  in  the  colonies,  where  politicians  are 
totally  unrestrained  by  unwritten  princi})le  or  tradition,  shows 
what  may  be  expected  in  England.  On  the  last  occasion  in 
Canada,  the  Dominion  Parliament  was  dissolved  on  a  false 
})retext  which  was  exposed  upon  the  spot,  simply  because  the 
j)arty  leader  thought  that  the  wind  at  that  moment  was  in  his 
favour.  A  middle  course  woi;ld  be  to  leave  the  prerogative  of 
dissolution,  but  provide  that  it  shall  be  exercised  only  on  the 
advice  of  the  Privy  Council,  a  body  the  composition  of  which, 
by  the  way,  pretty  well  fulfils  the  ideal  of  a  Senate. 

There  would  lie  an  end  also  of  general  elections.  These, 
again,  are  a  survival,  and  in  surviving  have  totally  changed 
their  nature.  They  were  originally  a  summons  to  the  people 
to  send  up  representatives  of  their  counties  and  boroughs  to 
inform  the  Crown  about  local  needs,  and  vote  the  subsidies. 


!     I 


120 


QUESTIONS   OK   TIIK    DAY. 


i:i    I 


Eacli  of  tlioiu  is  now  an  eiiorinoiis  t'iictioii  tight,  the  prizes  of 
wliich  are  tho  otticjt's  of  State  and  tlie  control  of  the  national 
policy.  Ea(!h  of  them  is  a  civil  war  without  arms,  and  excites 
the  same  anti-social  and  anti-national  })assions  which  civil 
war  itself  cxcitt!s,  sometimes  witli  results  hardly  less  grave. 
A  false  and  dangerous  stimulus  is  given  to  innovation,  he- 
cause  each  of  the  parties,  esi)ecially  the  party  of  movement, 
has  to  allure  support  by  promises  Avhich  in  the  excitement  of 
the  game  beconm  reckless,  as  well  as  by  denunciation  of  its 
opponent.  The  Newcastle  programme,  drawn  up  to  gain 
votes,  raises  issues  whiedi  together  would  be  enough  to  bring 
on  revolution.  In  America,  civil  war  ensued  upon  a  presi- 
dential election,  which  corresponds  to  a  general  election  in 
England,  and  was  its  natui'al  result.  'No  country  can  bear 
forever  these  convulsions,  wliich  grow  more  violent  as  the 
suffrage  is  exteiuled,  and  more  frequent  as  the  exercise  of 
the  prerogative  of  dissohition  becomes  more  unrestrained. 

The  plebiscite,  where  it  can  be  used,  as  it  well  might  be  in 
the  case  of  any  amendment  to  the  constitution,  has  the  im- 
mense advantage  of  submitting  a  single  and  definite  question 
to  the  vote,  clear  of  all  alien  issues,  and  as  clear  as  possible 
of  personal  and  local  influence,  it  might  be  that  the  people 
would  decide  in  favour  of  woman  suffrage;  but  they  could  not 
be  worried  or  coaxed  into  voting  for  it  as  some  individual 
members  of  a  legislature  are;  nor  would  they,  like  party 
leaders,  succumb  to  the  fear  of  offending  and  estranging  a 
coming  vote. 

A  parliament  which  is  sovereign,  having  uidimited  power  of 
legislation  on  all  subjects,  has  over  a  ])arliament  bound  by  a 
written  constitution,  like  the  American  Congress,  the  advaJi- 
tage  of  a  greater  freedom  of  adaptation  and  national  develop- 
ment; though  it  would  not  be  necessary  to  copy  the  extreme 
rigidity  of  the  American  safeguards.  IJut  the  present  course 
of  events  in  England  seems  to  indicate  that  in  a  democratic 
republic  a  written  constitution  may  be  indispensable.  With- 
out it  there  may  be  a  perpetual  danger  of  a  revolutionary  exer- 
cise of  the  legislative  power  by  any  ephemeral  faction  in  the 


TIIK   roLITICAL   CRISIS   IN   KNCJLAM). 


121 


iiioiiit'iit  of  its  ascendancy.  For  sonu'tliiiiijf  of  tlu^  kind  the 
radical  "biiglo"  is  now  being  scunded,  and  if  this  [)rosi)t'ct  is 
ph'asant  for  politi'jal  sportsmen  evt-ry  man  of  sense  will  know 
what  is  in  store  for  the  nation. 

To  reaseend  the  slope  of  democratic  concession  is  not  less 
ditticult,  under  tin;  elective  system  with  the  parties  bidding 
against  each  other  for  votes,  than  the  descent  is  easy.  To 
very  extended  male  snffrage  yon  have  already  come.  To  uni- 
versal male  suffrage,  with  one  man,  one  vote,  you  are  visi- 
bly coming.  To  universal  suffrage,  male  and  female,  you  are 
very  likcdy  to  come.  Witli  universal  suffrage,  male  and 
female,  and  without  a  written  constitution,  or  any  check 
whatever  except  the  "throne,"  upon  the  exercise  of  sovereign 
power  by  the  "  will "  of  such  a  "  people,"  you  may  look  forward 
to  interesting  times.  In  the  end,  perhaps,  by  a  convulsive 
effort  of  society  to  escape  from  confusion,  the  truncheon  may 
revert  to  the  Protector's  hand.  lUit  in  the  meantime  what 
may  happen  to  a  highly  commercial  nation,  most  sensitively 
organised,  in  which  a  moment  of  confusion  means  widespread 
distress?  It  is  surely  irrational  to  assert  that  any  man  has  a 
right  to  a  vote,  that  is,  to  a  share  of  political  power,  whether  he 
is  capable  or  whether  he  is  incapable  of  using  it  for  the  general 
good  and  his  own.  It  has  been  truly  said  that  if  such  a  right 
exists,  it  must  exist  in  every  human  being,  in  the  Hottentot  as 
well  as  in  the  civilised  man.  To  fix  a  standard  of  age  is  to  fix 
a  standard  of  fitness,  and  to  fix  a  standard  of  fitness  is  to  bar 
ignorance  and  irresponsibility  as  well  as  nonage.  The  right 
which  every  one  has  is  that  of  qualifying  himself  for  the  exercise 
of  political  power,  if  he  can.  Audiences  of  workingmen,  how- 
ever democratic,  seemed  never  to  resent  the  assertion  that 
political  power  was  a  trust,  and  that  a  man  ought  to  qualify 
himself  and  give  the  State  some  guarantee  for  its  exercise.  A 
property  qualification  as  evidence  of  a  stake  in  the  country  may 
be  obsolete,  or  at  least  pi-actically  no  longer  feasible,  though 
there  is  surely  still  some  sense  in  the  axiom  that  representa- 
tion and  taxation  should  go  together,  while  the  experience  of 
American  and  colonial  democracy  at  least  seems  to  show  that 


it     ! 


122 


QUKS'I'T(>NS   OF    TlIK    DAY. 


m  I 


,  ,,  i 


unless  ropirsontiitioii  and  taxation  do  go  togftlier,  expenditure 
is  lilcely  to  be  live.  lUit  idoperty  (uialificatiou  as  a  test  of 
industry,  I'rugality,  and  responsibility  (um  never  be  obsolett; 
till  eoninumisni  reigns  and  property  is  no  more.  Still  less 
can  it  be  said  by  any  one  but  a  Jaeobin  that  an  edueational 
(pialitieation  is  obsolete,  or  that  while  on  every  subject  but 
[xtlities,  ignorance  is  fatal,  a  man  is  tit  to  decide  by  his  vote 
till-  (piestion  ol  Home  liule  who  hardly  knows  on  which  side 
of  England  Ireland  lies.  If  it  is  our  duty  to  educate  our  nuis- 
ters,  it  is  the  duty  of  our  masters  to  get  themselves  educated, 
and  to  give  proof  that  they  have  had  schooling  suflicient  to 
be  capable  of  umlerstanding  at  least  what  the  political  ques- 
tions mean.  Xor  is  there  any  reason,  except  the  tyrannical 
exigencies  of  i)arty,  why  the  suffrage  should  be  thrust  by  a 
self-acting  system  of  registration  upon  the  man  who  does  not 
care  enough  for  it  or  for  public  (pu'stions  to  take  the  trouble 
of  putting  himself  u])on  the  Register.  An  educational  qualifi- 
cation, which  there  are  simple  methods  of  ascertaining,  and 
personal  application  for  the  vote  as  a  guarantee  for  a  spark  of 
civic  duty  are  surely  no  more  than  the  connnonwealth  has  a 
right  to  refjuire. 

After  all,  what  is  a  vote?  That  is  a  question  which  socialis- 
tic radicalism,  if  it  goes  to  the  length  of  dismemberment  and 
rapine,  may  force  people  to  ask  themselv(>s  in  earnest.  Is 
the  right  of  nuijorities  divine?  Are  people  bound  in  con- 
science to  allow  themselves  to  be  voted  to  perdition  when  the 
real  force  is  on  their  side  and  they  might  save  themselves,  if 
they  chose,  by  the  strong  hand?  Xobody  pretends  to  believe 
that  a  majdi'ity  is  infallible;  or  even  that  it  is  a  very  strong 
giuiraiitee  for  wisdom,  truth,  and  justice.  If  any  one  did,  the 
history  ./i'  opinion  would  rise  up  in  judgment  against  him. 
By  agreeing  to  count  heads,  men  avoided  decision  by  force,  the 
only  arbitrator  in  that  primitive  state  of  things  of  which 
the  Polish  Uberum  veto  was  a  relic.  Counting  heads  was  not 
as  weighing  brains;  still  it  was  an  invaluable  invention, 
and  communities  owe  it,  if  not  invariable  wisdom,  unbroken 
peace,  freedom  at  least  from  physical  violence.     Decision  by 


■ 


THK    POLrnCAL    CUISIS    IN    i:N(iLAMJ. 


128 


(!Ount  of  heads  is  an  institution  as  worthy  of  profonnil  ros[)eot, 
us  sacred,  if  you  will,  as  utility  can  make  it.  lUit  utility 
cannot  <,nvc  a  tith^  higiier  than  its(df,  and  if  in  nine  hinidrt'd 
and  ninety-nine  cases  out  of  a  thousand  it  is  right  for  tliose 
who  think  they  have  the  real  force  ui)on  their  side  to  yield  for 
the  sak(!  of  peace  and  order  t(j  Llie  more  numerous  yet  weaker 
party,  in  the  tlumsandth  (tase  it  may  not  he  ri.nht.  A  vote  is, 
in  a  vast  number  of  instances,  an  artifiiual  jjower  which  strenj^fth 
conceiles  to  weakness,  and  which  places  weiikiu^ss  politically 
on  a  level  with  strength.  If  \veakni!ss  al)uses  the  artificial 
])o\ver  beyond  a  certain  limit,  strength  would  a])[)ear  to  be 
morally  at  liberty  to  assert  itself.  People  are  not  bound  to 
f(dd  their  arms  in  tanu^  submission  when  they  can  prevent  the 
cruel  indulgence  of  class  hatred,  public;  ra[)ine,  or  the  dismem- 
berment of  tlu;  nation,  any  more  than  they  are  bound  to  foh 
their  arms  in  tame  submission  when  the  tyi'anny  of  a  desi)ot 
becomes  insufferable.  There  are  international  situations, 
though  few,  out  of  which  the  (mlv  exit  is  war.  There  are 
domestic  situations,  far  fewer  still,  out  of  whicdi,  as  Mirabeau 
saw,  the  only  exit  is  civil  war  or  the  dis])la,y  of  a  determina- 
tion to  face  civil  war  rather  than  suffer  the  extremity  of 
wrong.  A  majority,  conscious  that  its  power  is  artificial,  and 
that  the  real  strength  is  on  the  other  side,  will  almost  always 
decline  the  conflict  and  refrain  from  further  aggression.  If 
it  does  not,  the  national  destiny  at  all  events  will  be  decided, 
not  by  demagogic  apjieals  to  passion  and  the  love  of  plunder, 
or  by  the  craft  of  Old  Parliamentary  Hands,  but  by  the  genu- 
ine force  and  manhood  of  the  nation. 


■    Mumit.TT-TW^FK^mim 


^i^""!i^^"ff 


if      .1-     . 


% 
^ 


THE  EMPIRE. 


!U 


.  i » 


li 


w 


THE   EMPIRE. 


The  name  Empire  stirs  in  the  British  heart  a  sentiment  of 
pride  which  the  writer  tliorouglily  shares,  but  which,  unless  it 
is  kept  within  the  bounds  of  fact  and  policy,  may  be  the  pre- 
cursor of  a  fall.  When  the  House  of  Commons  has  passed  a  bill 
for  the  severance  of  the  British  Islands  from  each  other,  to 
discuss  the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  remote  dependen- 
cies can  hardly  be  deemed  an  insult  to  the  national  honour. 

Freeman  did  us  a  service  in  making  us  think  what  we  meant 
by  "Empire."  The  vague  use  of  the  name  is  practically 
delusive  and  perilous.  British  Empire  in  India  is  empire  in 
thi  true  sense  of  the  term,  since  Hindustan  is  governed  with 
imperial  sway.  So,  in  their  way,  are  the  military  dependen- 
cies such  as  Malta  and  Gibraltar.  But  the  self-governed  colo- 
nies are  not  empire  at  all.  The  reasons  for  retaining  the  three 
classes  of  possessions  are  totally  different,  as  are  the  rules  of 
dealing  with  them.  The  West  India  Islands,  again,  a  set  of 
extinct  slave  jilantations,  are  a  co  ""  by  themselves.  Xo  plan 
or  systematic  policy  has  governed  t  .is  motley  accumulation  of 
possessions.  England  has  had  no  Will  of  Beter  the  Great. 
The  only  pervading  agency,  besides  the  aggressive  energy  of 
the  race,  fruitful  of  splendid  ndventurers,  has  been  the  nuiri- 
time  superiority  which  enabled  and  induced  England,  while  she 
had  not  the  means  of  putting  a  great  land  force  on  European 
battle-fields,  to  extend  her  acquisitions  by  sea  at  the  expense 
of  less  maritime  rivals.  Cases  essentially  diftVrcMit,  common 
sense  requires  to  be  differently  treated,  and  as  to  all  cases,  com- 
mon sense  says  that  change  of  circumstance  ought  to  be  taken 
into  account.  But  in  approaching  the  (iiu^stion  of  Emjjire 
from  a  rational  ]>oint  of  view,  and  essaying  to  test  the  value 

127 


128 


QUKSTIONH   OF   THE    DAY. 


Ml 


of  its  several  elenieuts,  we  are  met  at  once  by  the  cry  of 
''prestige."  Give  up  anything,  we  are  told,  and  you  ruin  the 
prestige  of  that  Empire  on  which  the  sun  never  sets.  What  is 
prestige?  Etymologically,  a  conjuring  trick.  Actually,  a 
sham  force.  Is  it  possible  that  there  can  be  anything  really 
valuable  in  a  sham  ?  Will  not  your  enemy  see  through  it  as 
well  as  yourself  ?  Wooden  guns  may  be  of  use  till  it  is  found 
out  that  they  are  wooden,  after  wiiich  they  are  hardly  worth 
tlefending.  Dependencies  widely  scattered  which  you  have 
no  ade(|uate  force  to  guard  must  be  military  weakness,  of 
which  your  enemy  cannot  fail  to  be  aware.  Your  enemy,  in 
fact,  is  aware  of  it,  and  acts  in  all  his  dealings  with  you  upon 
:  ■  I  knowledge  that  you  are  vulnerable  in  all  parts  of  the  globe. 
Li'  '  deems  herself  the  luippy  nation  that  has  no  frontier. 
She  i,  a  frontier  in  India  of  vast  extent,  menaced,  as  is  sup- 
posed, by  the  greatest  military  power  in  the  world,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  neighbourhood,  on  the  other  side,  of  China, 
Avhich  may  some  day  become  military.  In  Canada  she  has 
a  frontier  of  three  thousand  miles  perfectly  open  to  the  attack 
of  a  nation  of  sixty-five  millions,  which  the  other  day  had  a 
million  of  men  in  arms,  and  can  at  my  moment  throw  an  irre- 
sistibh;  force  across  the  line.  Tiie  primacy  of  the  sea  remains 
to  her.  Supremacy  is  no  longer  hers,  as  it  was  at  the  time 
Avhen  the  navies  of  France  and  Spain  had  fallen  into  decrepi- 
tude and  that  of  Russia  was  but  just  born;  or  again,  Avhen 
Duncan  had  crushed  the  navy  of  Holland  at  Camperdown,  and 
when  Nelson  had  crushed  the  navies  of  France  and  Spain  at 
Ti-afalgar.  Steam,  too,  has  changed  the  aspect  of  naval  affairs. 
Hoche  would  now  be  sure  of  his  landing  in  ]^antry  Bay.  Nor, 
till  the  fearful  experiment  of  a  naval  war  with  ironclads  has 
been  tried,  can  we  tell  how  far  the  pre-eminence  of  the  British 
sailor  will  be  affected  l\y  the  change  from  the  Victory  to  the 
turret  and  the  ram.  A  Frenchman,  though  inferior  to  a  Briton 
in  close  action  or  in  boarding,  may  behind  his  iron  wall  show 
as  much  intelligence  in  handling  a  machine. 

There  is  surely  no  disparagement  in  saying  that  England's 
real    strength  was    always    in   herself.      Jt  was  in  her  race 


TlIK    E^1PII{E. 


129 


of  men,  her  position  good  for  commerce  witli  botli  liemi- 
spheres,  her  coal  and  iron,  the  spirit  of  her  free  institutions. 
Opponents  of  territorial  aggrandisement  are  always  taxed 
with  insularity.  What  is  it  that  makes  British  puUcy  insu- 
lar ?  Cromwell's  policy  was  not  insular,  nor  was  that  of  the 
statesmen  of  Elizabeth.  AVhat  compelled  England  to  stand 
aloof,  lending  no  help  but  protocols,  while  Italy  was  strug- 
gling for  independence  ?  What  would  compel  her  to  stand 
aloof  if  Eussia  and  France  should  set  ou  (lermany  and  over- 
turn the  balance  of  power  in  Europe  witli  the  ultimate  humili- 
ation of  Great  Britain  herself  in  view?  What  but  those 
dispersed  possessions  -.hich  she  knows  herself  to  be  unable 
to  defend  ? 

Thirty  years  ago  the  question  arose  of  ceding  the  Ionian 
Islands  to  Greece.     They  were  useless  to  England  as  posses- 
sions.    Their  people,  though  well  treated,  were  fractious,  and 
were    always    giving  troubl.'.     Not   only  did   they    bring  no 
strength,  but  in  case  of   wai'  with  a  Mediterranean  Power, 
either  they  must  have  been  abandoned  with  disgrace,  or  a  force 
which  could  not  have  been  spared  must  have  been  shut  up  in 
them  and  would  ])robably  have  b(;en  lust.     Yet  the  (;ry  was 
raised  at  once  tliat  cession  would  be  a  betrayal  of  weakness, 
and  would  be  fatal  to  Imperial  prestige.     The  Islands  Avere 
ceded,  nevertheless,  and  by  Lord  Talmerston,  the  Minister  of 
aggrandisement,  whoso  ambition  it  was  to  make  the  name  of 
Englishman  as  formidable  as  that  of  Koman  had  been  of  old. 
Did  Great  Britain  thereby  lose  a  particle  of  real  strength  or 
of  genuine  reputation?     Did  she  not  rid  herself  of  weakness 
and  gain  reputation  for  wisdom?     Of  tlie  ].rescnt  generation, 
perluips  few  are  conscious  that  I'highuid  was  ever  possessed  of 
the  Ionian  Islands,  any  more  than  they  know  that  the  King 
of  England  was  once  King  of  Corsica,  and  for  good  reasons 
resigned  that  Crown. 

Spanish  historians  begin  the  reign  of  Philip  TI.  with  the 
resounding  roll  of  the  kingdoms,  provinces,  colonies,  and  for- 
tresses of  whi(!h  he  was  lord  in  all  i)arts  of  the  globe.  "He 
possessed   in   I'hu'ope   the   kingdoins  of  Castile,  Aragon,  and 


ino 


(QUESTIONS   OK   THE    DAY, 


iii!' 


Navarre,  those  of  Naples  and  Sicily,  Milan,  Sardinia,  Koussil- 
lo'i,  the  Balearic  Islands,  the  Low  Countries,  and  Franche 
Comte ;  on  the  western  coast  of  Africa  he  held  the  Canaries, 
( 'ape  Yerd,  Oran,  and  Tunis ;  in  Asia  he  held  the  Philippines 
and  a  part  of  the  ^loluccas ;  in  the  New  World  he  held  the 
innnense  kingdoms  of  Mexico,  Peru,  and  Chili,  and  the  pro- 
vinces conquered  in  the  last  years  of  Charles  V.,  besides  Cuba, 
llispaniola,  and  other  islands  and  possessions.  His  marriage 
with  the  Queen  of  England  had  placed  in  his  hands  the  power 
and  resources  of  that  kingdom.  So  that  it  might  well  be  said 
that  the  sun  never  set  in  the  dominions  of  the  King  of  Spain, 
and  that  at  the  least  movement  of  tliat  nation  the  whole  world 
trembled."  ^Ve  now  know  what  relation  all  these  possessions 
and  titles  bore  to  real  strength  and  to  the  sources  of  a  genuine 
prosperity.  How  does  the  refusal  to  examine  rationally  the 
Imperial  policy  of  (ireat  Uritain  on  the  ground  that  you  detract 
from  her  prestige,  differ  from  the  blind  pride  that  went  before 
t^  o  fall  of  Spain  '.'  Suppose  some  bold  man  at  the  Council 
Board  cf  Philip  II.  had  said  that  Spain  in  grasjjing  the  globe 
was  losing  Spain,  would  he  not  have  forfeited  Iiis  head  ?  Yet 
would  not  his  voice  have  been  that  of  true  patriotism  and  real 
greatness  ?  Spain  was  at  the  height  of  her  '•  prestige  "  when 
Drake,  seeing  her  impotence,  went  into  Cadiz  and  singed  the 
Spaniard's  beard.  The  policy  of  real  strength  must  be  the 
patriotic  policy;  the  policy  of  real  weakness,  however  colossal, 
must  l)e  that  which  a  true  patriot  would  discard.  This  will 
not  be  a  mere  truism  till  it  is  accepted  as  the  truth. 


The  British  Empire  in  India  is  an  Empire  in  the  true  sense 
of  the  word,  and  the  nobles:  the  world  has  seen,  though  the 
Koman  Empire  had  the  honour  of  being  the  mould  in  which 
modern  Europe  Avas  cast.  Never  had  there  been  such  an 
attempt  to  make  conquest  the  servant  of  civilisation.  About 
keei)ing  India  there  is  no  question.  England  has  a  real  duty 
there,  she  has  undertaken  a  great  work  and  stands  pledged 
before  the  world  to  perform  it.  She  has  vast  interests  and  in- 
vestments.    Her  departure  would  consign  Hindustan  to  the 


THE    KMIMRE. 


m 


sanguinary  and  plundering  anarchy  from  Avliicli  her  advent 
rescued  it.  Tlie  Hindu  and  the  MaJioniedan,  between  wliom 
slie  with  ditiiculty  keeps  the  p.nice,  would  again  grapple  in 
murderous  strife,  while  Mahrattas  and  Pindarees  would  re- 
commence their  raids.  The  ''cultivated  ))aboo/'  who,  owing 
his  being  to  the  Em])ire,  sometimes  rails  .  gainst  it,  would  be 
the  first  to  perish,  crushed  like  an  egg-shell  amidst  the  war- 
ring elements  which  its  withdrawal  would  let  loose. 

Xo  moral  compunction  need  be  felt  in  retaining  this  con- 
quest.    It  is  a  monument  not  of  British  rapacity  but  of  British 
superiority,  especially  at  sea.     England  was  only  one  of  four 
competitors  for  the  prize.     Portugal  came  first,  but  she  was 
too  small  to  retain  so  distant  an  Empire,  and  at  the  critical 
moment  she  fell  into  the  paralysing  grasp  oi  Spai„.     Holland 
had,  as  has  l)een  remarked,  the  advantage  of  undivided  devotion 
to  the  aims  of  commerce,  while  Eiigland  was  divided  between 
those  of  commerce  and  those  of  territorial  aristocracy  ;  but  she, 
again,  was  too  small,  and  she  also  was  crippled  at  "the  critical 
moment,   being  attacked   by   France,   who   thus   unwittingly 
played  the  game  of  England.     France  iierself  Avas  tlie  most 
formidable  rival,  and  by  the  hand  of  Dupleix  slie  hud  all  but 
grasped  the  prize.     But  being  less  maritime  than  England,  she 
was  less  capable  of  securing  the  sea  base  essential  to  the  ten- 
ure of  an  Empire  formed,  unlike  i)receding  Empires,  unless  we 
except  the  Carthaginian  and  Spanish,  by  extension  not  from  a 
territorial  centre,  but  from  a  sea  base.     The  navy  of  France 
once  overpowered,  her  access  by  sea  once  barred,  her  military 
force  was  useless.     Her   government   also   was  corrupt,   was 
swayed  by  harlots,  was  weak  yet  despotic,  and  meddled  mis- 
chievously with  the  French   East  India  Company  while  the 
British  East  India  Company  had  political  power  to  back  it  and 
a  comparatively  free  hand.^     The  British  had  also  the  great 
advantage  over  Catholic  powers  of  religious  toleration.     The 
Portuguese  brought  the   Inquisition  with  them   to   Goa  and 
proclaimed  a  Avar  of  extermination   against  paganism.     The 


1  See  Sir  Alfred  Lyall's  The  Rise  of  the  British  Dominion  in  India. 


mm 


mmmmm^^mmmmi^^mmmm 


132 


QUKSTIOXS    OK    rilK    DAY 


religion  of  tlie  Eiisflishmau  was  political.  If  he  persecuted 
Papists  or  Dissenters,  it  was  on  ])olitical  grounds.  He  was 
willing,  like  the  Konian,  to  respect  the  religions  or  supersti- 
tions of  other  races  so  long  as  they  did  not  rebel  against  his 
rule.  He  carried  this  so  far  as  to  own  Juggernaut  and  swear 
by  the  sun,  moon,  and  earth  to  the  observance  of  a  treaty.  Far 
from  seeking  to  convert  the  heathen  by  force,  he  looked,  in 
the  early  days  of  the  Empire,  with  little  complacency  even  on 
voluntary  conversion.  AVhen  to  these  advantages  are  added 
the  qualities  of  the  race,  the  schooling  of  its  institutions,  and 
the  appearance  on  the  scene  of  such  men  as  Clive,  Hastings, 
and  W(dlesley,  British  dominion  in  India  is  seen  to  be  no 
accident. 

Still  less  can  the  Empire  be  said  to  be  the  fruit  of  a  settled 
policy  of  aggrandisement.  An  act  of  Parliament  in  1703  de- 
clared that  "to  pursue  schemes  of  conquest  and  extension  of 
dominion  in  India  an;  measures  reimgnant  to  the  wish,  the 
honour,  and  the  policy  of  this  nation."  Both  on  the  part  of 
the  government  and  on  that  of  the  Company  there  was  a  desire 
to  restrain  extension  and  keep  out  of  native  embroilments 
which  sometimes  went  the  length  of  pusillanimity  and  de- 
sertion of  allies.  The  pioneers  of  British  lordship  over  India 
were  Clive  and  Hastings.  But  the  idea  of  lordship  dates 
only  from  the  proconsulate  of  AVellesley,  who,  after  his  Impe- 
rial achievements,  wrote  to  his  chief  in  England  that  he  did  not 
know  whether  he  would  be  i)raised  or  hanged  for  what  h^,  had 
done.  The  invasion  of  Scinde  by  the  hot-headed  Xapier  was 
an  aggression,  and  was  generally  condemned.  Against  the 
annexation  of  Oude  protests  were  raised,  but  it  was  justified 
by  the  necessity  of  putting  an  end  to  the  misgovernment  of 
the  native  dynasty,  which  became  insufferable  and  the  responsi- 
bility for  which  rested  on  the  protecting  power.  With  these 
exceptions,  it  may  be  said  that  from  the  repulse  of  Surajah 
Dowlan's  attack  on  Calcutta  to  the  repulse  of  the  Sikh  inva- 
sion, which  was  totally  iniprovoked,  British  Empire  in  India 
has  been  acquired  by  defensive  war.  By  no  moderate  or  timo- 
rous counsels  could  the  march  of  destiny  be  stayed.     Threat- 


TlIK    EMl'IllE. 


i;}3 


ened  by  the  French  and  Dutch  as  well  as  by  th(>  anav(!hy 
around  it,  the  Company  could  not  helj)  taking  arms.  In  the 
chaos  of  devastation,  plunder,  and  massacre  which  followed 
the  fall  of  the  Mogul  Emi)ire,  a  power  at  once  of  force  and  of 
order  could  not  help  gaining  ground.  The  fragments  of  the 
shattered  structure  were  sure  to  gravitate  towards  the  only 
centre  of  reorganisation.  No  other  power  was  left  save  those 
of  the  Mahrattas,  not  rulers,  but  raiders,  with  the  fell  Pin- 
darees  in  their  train,  of  the  Sultans  of  Mysore,  mere  barbaric 
conquerors,  and  of  the  militant  sect  of  Sikhs  beyond  the 
Sutlej,  who  wo'ild  have  waged  against  the  Mahomedans  a  war 
of  extermination.  Our  title  has  been  force,  but  it  has  not  been 
rapine,  which  was  the  chief  title  of  the  chief  native  dynasties 
and  powers. 

No  national  feeling  has  been  trampled  on.  Hindustan  has 
never  been  a  nation.  It  is  a  vast  expanse  of  social  tissue  of 
which  the  cell  is  the  village  community,  while  the  pervading 
influences  are  religion  and  caste.  The  great  movements  have 
been  religious  and  not  political:  Buddhism,  which  asserted 
spiritual  equality  against  caste,  Vislinuism,  a  liberal  and 
philanthropic  reform  of  Hinduism  and  Sikhism,  a  Hindu 
schism  which  gave  birth  to  a  military  sect.  Government  had 
always  been  sheer  despotism.  For  centuries  it  had  been  the 
despotism  of  conquerors  who  descended  from  the  mountains  of 
the  north  upon  the  languid  po})ulation  of  the  plains,  and  would 
probably  have  repeated  their  inroads  if  the  British  had  not 
come  ui)on  the  scene.  Conquest  might  also  have  resumed  its 
desolating  march  from  the  mountain  home  of  the  Mahratta, 
who  was  already  levying  his  bhu^kmail  far  and  Avide,  or  from 
the  table-land  of  Mysore.  The  ]\toguls  were  foreigners  as  well 
as  the  British.  Their  court  and  government  were  foreign, 
they  were  the  heads  of  a  dominant  race,  alien  to  the  Hindu 
in  blood  and  religion,  and  sometimes  persecuting,  for  though 
Akbar  might  be  tolerant,  not  so  v/as  Aurungzebe.  Caste  itself 
was  probably  the  result  of  the  conquest  in  remote  antiquity 
by  an  Aryan  race  of  the  pre-Aryan  races,  whose  remains  are 
found  under  various  names  —  Bheels,  Kols,  Sonds,  Meenas  — 


134 


tiUESTIONS   OF   THE    DAY. 


I  I 


ill  the  corners  and  crannies  of  Hindustan,  ;vnd  wlio  have  no 
connection  or  t'cUowship  with  cither  Hindu  or  Mahoniedan, 
wiiile  the  IJritish  have  brought  them  hiw,  h.inuinity,  and  tlio 
rudiments  ol'  civilisation.  AVliat  domination  can  be  more 
oppressive  tlian  caste  ?  Wliat  insolence  of  the  haughtiest  oi 
coiupierors  can  match  the  self-exaltation  of  the  lirahmin  in  the 
sacred  books  of  the  Hindus  ?  ^Vhat  degradation  of  the  most 
despised  of  subject  races  can  match  the  degradation  of  the 
Sudra? 

Between  the  second  and  third  visits  of  Clive  to  India, 
there  was  a  period  of  scandalous  intrigue  and  corruption, 
attended  with  lobbery  and  oppression  of  the  natives.  At 
that  time  the  Company's  servants,  being  very  poorly  paid, 
were  tempted  to  pay  themselves  by  foul  means,  while  the 
political  power,  which  by  force  of  circumstances  they  had  irregu- 
larly acquired,  being  yet  unrecognised,  was  not  cou})led  with 
responsi])ility.  Clive  a})plied  the  sure  antidote  to  corruption 
by  giving  good  and  regular  pay.  He  cou])led  responsibility 
with  power  by  obtaining  a  legal  grant  of  the  province  from 
the  Emperor  at  Delhi.  The  memorable  proconsulate  of  War- 
ren Hastings,  though  beneficent,  and  felt  by  the  natives  to  be 
beneficent,  on  the  whole,  as  well  as  marked  by  consummate 
genius  for  government  and  diidomacy,  was  not  untainted  by 
contact  with  oriental  statecraft,  or  l)y  the  cravings  of  a  com- 
mercial comi)any  for  gain  which  Hastings  was  compelled  to 
satisfy.  But  the  crimes  ascribed  to  Hastings  and  Impey 
are  the  ravings  of  Burke,  inspired  by  generous  but  riotous 
fancy,  combined  with  the  malignity  of  Francis.  Thanks  to 
Sir  James  Ste])hen,'  we  kiunv  that  the  judicial  murder  of 
Xuncomar  is  a  fiction.  Thanks  to  Sir  John  Strachey,- we  know 
that  the  Rohilla  charge  was  far  less  grave  than  it  was  believed 
to  be ;  that  the  Ilohillas,  instead  of  being  an  agricultural  peo- 
ple with  a  tinge  of  poetry,  were  a  body  of  Afghan  freebooters 
with  no  calling  but  that  of  arms  \vho  had  imposed  their  yoke 

1  The  Story  of  yiincomar  and  the  Impeachment  of  Sir  Elijah  Impey. 
By  Sir  James  Fltzjames  Stephen,  K.  C.  S.  I.,  2  vols. 

^  Hastings  and  the  liuhilla  War.    By  Sir  John  Strachey,  G.  C.  S.  I. 


TIIK    EMl'IHK. 


188 


on  tho  Hindu  population,  that  they  wore  not  exterminated,  and 
that  llastm-s  reproved  inste;id  of  encouraging  the  atrocities  of 
lus  native  ally.     It  is  scandalous  that  such  a  tissue  of  false- 
hoods as  Maeaulay's  -Essay  on  Hastings "  should  be  still  in 
everybody's  hand,  should  be  read  in  India,  and  be  use.l  in 
scliools.     That  he  flung  the  head  of  Hastings  to  his  enemies 
probably  under  the  sinister  influence  of  Dundas,  is  one  of  the 
worst  blots  on  tlie  character  of  Pitt.    From  the  time  when  the 
Company  ceased  to  be  commercial,  and  as  a  political  power 
was   brought   under   luiperial   control,  crime  ceased,  though 
from  Ignorance  of  the  lan.l  and  people,  blunders,  notably  hi 
land  settlements  and  in  tJu^  judicial  department,  continued  to 
be  made. 

The  conquest   of  India  was  no  accident,  yet  was  it  most 
marvellous.     The  native  armies  enormously  outnumbered  the 
British  ;  Plassey  was  won  l)y  four  thousand  men  against  sixty 
thousand;  the  arms  were  equal;   the  natives  had  sometimes 
been  trained  ])y  European  olHcers  ;  the  P,ritish  soldier  had  to 
flght  and  march,  sometimes  to  make  forced  marches  in  pur- 
suit of  a  nimble  enemy,  beneath  the  Indian  sun,  without  the 
palliatives  which  he  has  now.     Most  Englishmen  still  know 
little  of   the  achievements  or  the  heroes.     They  have  heard 
the  names  of  Clive  and  Lake,  Wellington  and  Havelock,  but 
not  those  of  Pattinson  and  Pottinger.     That  story  remains  yet 
to  be  worthily  told.     The  grandest  scene  perhaps  is  the  last 
the  struggle  with   the    Sikhs.     Nothing   can   appeal   to   the 
imagination  more  than  the  night  of  Ferozeshah,  with  Lord 
Hardmge,  who,  nobly  loyal  to  duty,  had  sunk  the  Governor- 
General  111  the  soldier,   moving  over  the  field   to   brace  his 
troops   for   the   renewal  of  the  mortal  conflict  on  the  mor- 
row.    A  striking  part  of   the  history  is  the  devotion  of  the 
Sepoys,  which  seems  to  sh^-  ^imt  the  Englishman  is  not  so 
utterly   incapable,    as  is  supposed,  of   winning  the  hearts  of 
other  races.     Sikhs  and  Goorkhas  received,  after  a  tou-h  con- 
flict with  them,  as  worthy  brethren  in  arms,  became  the  most 
faithful  soldiers  of  the  Empire,  and  helped  to  save  it  in  the 
Mutiny. 


.1 


h\ 


I'M 


QUESTIONS   OK   THE    DAY. 


m\ 


Grout  have  been  the  feuts  of  war ;  fully  as  fifreat  have  heen 
the  feats  of  eivilisatioii,  siuih  as  were  pert'ormcd  aiiioug  the 
lUieels  by  Outrain,  amoii,^'  the  ]\Iairs  by  Dixuii,  iinioiig  the 
Khoiids,  steej)ed  in  liuinaii  saoriiice,  by  Mael'herson ;  above 
all,  by  John  Lawrence  in  the  Funjaub.  The  devout  b(dief  of 
sueli  a  man  as  John  Lawrence  in  tlie  goodness  of  his  work, 
was  strong  proof  that  the  work  was  \  He  could  hardly 
have  thought  as  he  did  tliat  the  ±^..i^nve  was  uplield  and 
blessed  by  God,  if  it  had  been  a  kingdom  of  the  devil.  In 
Lawrence,  too,  and  in  his  compeers,  we  have  a  type  with 
which  the  world  can  hardly  afford  to  part,  of  the  public  ser- 
vant whose  character  has  been  formed  by  duty,  not  by  party 
or  quest  of  votes.  We  might  prize  the  Indian  civil  service,  if 
it  were  for  this  alone. 

To  the  conqnered  the  Empire  lias  given  peace,  peace  un- 
broken, saving  by  the  Mutiny,  for  forty  years,  under  wliich 
populatioTi  has  so  increased  that  the  Empire  is  in  some  districts 
oppressed  by  the  results  of  its  own  beneficence.  It  has  given 
vast  growth  of  trade.  It  has  giver  railways,  canals,  and 
bridges,  the  fruits  of  a  public  expend'  not  less  liberal  than 
that  of  the  Mogul  Emperors,  and  ui.  .d  by  tlie  pride  and 
folly  which  built  a  nuiusoleum  over  a  tooth.  It  has  given 
facilities  of  distribution  whieli  mitigate  famine.  It  has  given 
education,  which,  if  not  widely  diffused,  is  diffused  enough 
to  open  the  leading  Hindu  minds  to  western  civilisation,  and 
of  a  stationary  to  make,  in  prospect  at  least,  a  progressive 
race.  It  has  given  medical  science  and  some  notion  of  sanitary 
reform.  It  has  given  redemi)tion  from  suttee,  human  sacrifice, 
female  infanticide,  slavery ;  the  hope  of  redemption  from  infant 
marriage,  if  philanthropy  will  be  circumspect;  and  perhaps  the 
hope  of  ultimate  redemption  from  caste,  which  seems  to  be 
yielding  in  some  measure  to  the  railway.  It  has  given  release 
from  the  cruelty,  the  corruption,  and  the  extortion  of  oriental 
despotism.  It  has  given  a  system  of  taxation  regular,  not 
predatory,  and  moderate  compared  Avith  that  of  the  Mogul  or 
witli  the  ]\rahratta  blackmail.  It  has  given  good  faith  as  the 
rule  of  statesmanship  in  i)lace  of  eastern  perfidy.     It  has  given, 


TIIK    KMriUE. 


i;J7 


abovo  all,  in  i)lace  of  lawless  power,  law,  tlio  realm  ol'  which 
advances  with  the  British  Ha;,',  with  the  Anj,'lo-Saxon  race. 
That  cannot  be  an  Empire  of  mere  force  whieli  in  a  population 
of  two  hundred  and  eighty  millions  rests  on  a  Uritish  army  of 
seventy  thousand  men.  .Metternich,  who  said  that  you  could 
do  anything  with  bayonets  but  sit  n\Mn  tlitnn,  would  lind  here 
no  exception  to  his  nde.  Ut'  the  civil  administration  it  may 
safely  be  said  that,  whether  it  is  the  cheapest  or  not,  the  most 
beneticcnt  or  not,  it  is  the  purest  in  the  world.  Its  purity  is 
secured  by  good  pay,  and  by  the  bracing  exigencies  o*:'  a  servi(!e 
always  arduous  and  seldom  free  from  \)rv\\.  Since  the  estidj- 
lishment  of  the  Empire  there  has  been  no  rising  against  British 
rule  except  in  the  wake  of  mutiny. 

What  is  the  condition  of  the  Hindu  peasant?  Some  re- 
formers say  that  he  is  the  most  miserable  of  mankind.  On 
the  other  hand,  Dr.  Bird  wood,  a  high  authority,  says,  "for 
leagues  and  leagues  round  the  cities  of  I'oona  and  Sattara 
there  stretch  t  ue  cultivated  fields.  .  .  .  Glad  with  the  dawn, 
the  men  come  forth  to  their  work,  and  glad  in  their  work  they 
stand  all  through  the  noontide,  singing  at  the  well,  or  shout- 
ing as  they  reap  or  plough  ;  and  when  the  stillness  and  the 
dew  of  evening  fall  upon  the  land  like  the  blessing  and  the 
peace  of  God,  the  merry-hearted  men  gather  with  their  cattle, 
in  long  winding  lanes  to  their  villages  again.  .  .  .  Thus  day 
follows  day  and  the  year  is  crowned  with  gladness."'  In  some 
districts,  evidently,  the  check  of  war  being  removed,  population, 
in  spite  of  child-marriage  and  hlth,  has  increased  too  fast,  and 
the  unwelcome  discovery  of  Malthus  is  once  more  confirmed. 
Everywhere  the  Hindu  peasant  has  little.  In  his  climate  he 
can  do  with  little,  perhaps  hardly  cares  for  more.  As  he  does 
not  and  cannot  work  hard,  his  production  cannot  be  large. 
His  harvest,  whatever  it  is,  he  reaps.  It  is  not  reaped,  nor 
is  he  butchered  or  tortured,  by  Mahrattas  or  Pindarees. 
Nothing  can  be  taken  from  him  or  be  done  to  him  except  by 
course  of  law.  » 

'  Industrial  Arts  of  India.  Quoted  by  Sir  R.  Templo  in  his  India  in 
1880,  p.  10.3. 


Jl     I    •  ■■■ 


^iff!" 


^aa^mmmm 


138 


QUKSTIONS   OF   TIIK    DAY. 


Of  the  progress  of  Christianity  in  India,  it  is  difficult  to 
speak.  The  government  of  tlie  Company  feared  to  en(^ourage 
tlie  missionary,  and  ahnost  disavowed  Christianity.  The 
Queen's  government  is  bohler.  It  has  discovered  tliat  the 
Brahmin  is  not  an  enemy  of  theological  discussion,  though  he 
is  jealously  tenacious  of  caste.  It  is  Christian  Avhih,  it  is 
stri(!th'  tolerant.  .Fohn  Lawrence  was  emphatically  both.  It 
would  seem  that  'oome  impression  has  been  made  on  the  Hin- 
dus, on  the  ]\lahomedans  none.  The  great  obstacle  to  the 
spread  of  Christianity  in  India  is  the  failure  of  belief  in  it  at 
liome.  Strange  to  say,  the  West  is  now  receiving  a  faith  from 
the  East ;  for  the  mind  of  philosophic  Europe,  perplexed  with 
theological  doubt,  seems  inclined  to  accept  something  like 
Buddhism  as  an  anodine,  if  not  as  a  creed. 

It  is  said,  and  it  would  not  be  hard  to  believe,  that  the 
natives  prefer  native  rule  with  all  its  evils  to  that  of  the 
stranger.  One  answer  is  that,  if  they  did,  there  would  proba- 
bly be  more  migration  to  the  native  States,  which  still  cover 
nearly  half  a  million  of  square  miles,  with  a  population  of 
fifty-five  millions,  proving  by  their  existence  that  the  rapacity 
of  the  conqueror  is  iiot  boundless.  The  rulers  of  all  these 
trust,  and,  since  the  recognition  of  ado])tion  and  the  restora- 
tion of  ]\Iysore  to  its  native  dynasty,  have  had  the  best  reason 
to  trust,  the  good  faith  of  the  Empire.  When  Russian  inva- 
sion threatens,  they  all  come  forward  with  offers  of  aid.  Their 
subjects  perhaps  may  have  some  reason  to  question  the  benefi- 
cence of  a  protectorate  which  guarantees  misgovernment,  till 
it  passes  all  bounds,  against  the  rough  eastern  remedy  of  dy- 
nastic revolution.  Still  the  average  may  be  an  improvement, 
since  eastern  misgovernment  did  not  seldom  ])ass  all  bounds. 

The  press,  native  as  well  as  European,  is  free;  free  enough, 
at  all  events,  to  criticise  even  with  violence  the  acts  of  govern- 
ment. Lord  Hastings,  as  Crovernor-General,  declared  freedom 
of  publication  "  the  natural  right  of  his  fellf)w-subjects,  to  be 
narrowed  only  by.  urgent  cause  assigned,"  affirming  that  "it  was 
salutary  for  supreme  authority,  even  when  most  pure,  to  look 
to  the  control   of   public  opinion."      The  Hindu  who  in  an 


; 


THE    EMPIRE. 


139 


\ 


American  periodical  denounces  the  tyranny  of  tlie  Rritisli  in 
India,  shows  by  that  very  act  and  by  the  freedom  of  his 
hinguage  that  the  tyranny  is  iv'  cxat-ie.^ 

We  must  not  gdoss  over  the  hitieous  ]\Iutiny  or  its  still 
more  hideous  repression.  A  mutiny,  it  seems,  it  was,  and 
nothing  more,  liaving  its  sources  in  the  insolence  of  a  pam- 
pered soldiery,  paucity  of  European  officers,  consequent  laxity 
of  discipline,  and,  at  last,  that  suspicion  of  an  assault  on  caste 
wliich  had  caused  the  Vellore  and  other  mutinies  before  it. 
Its  horrors  cancelled  many  a  glorious  page  of  the  liistory, 
while  it  added  sucli  pages  as  those  of  the  defence  of  Lucknow 
and  the  capture  of  the  vast  and  strongly  walled  Delhi  by  an 
army  of  three  thousand  men.  The  fiendish  passions  of  a 
dominant  race,  rage  mingling  with  panic,  were  excited  to  the 
highest  pitch.     Lord  Elgin  was  there ;  in  his  diary  lie  says: 

"  Tt  is  a  terrible  business,  however,  this  living  amongst  inferior  races. 
I  have  seldom  from  man  or  woman,  since  I  came  to  the  East,  heard  a 
sentence  which  was  reconcilable  with  the  liypothesis  that  Christianity 
liad  ever  come  into  the  world.  Detestation,  contempt,  ferocity,  ven- 
geance, whether  Chinamen  or  Indians  be  the  object.  There  are  some 
three  or  four  hundred  servants  in  this  house.  When  one  first  passes  by 
their  sahiamiixj,  one  feels  a  little  awkward.  Hut  the  feeling  soon  wears 
off,  and  one  moves  among  them  with  perfect  indifference,  treating  them 
not  as  dogs,  because  in  that  case  one  would  whistle  to  them  and  pat  them, 
but  as  macliines  witli  wiiicii  one  can  havo  no  communion  or  sympathy. 
Of  course,  tiiose  who  can  speak  the  language  are  somewhat  more  en  raj> 
port  with  the  natives,  but  very  slightly  so,  I  take  it.  When  tiie  passions 
of  fear  and  hatred  are  engrafti'd  on  tl.is  indifference,  the  result  is  fright- 
ful ;  an  absolute  callousness  as  to  the  sufferings  of  the  objects  of  those 
passions,  which  nuist  be  witnessed  to  be  understood  and  believed." 

The  next  entry  is  : 

"...  tells  me  that  yesterday  at  dinner  the  fact  that  government  had 
removed  some  commissioners,  wlio,  not  content  with  hanging  all  the 
rebels  they  could  lay  their  hands  on,  had  been  insulting  tiiem  by  destroy- 
ing their  caste,  telling  them  thai   after  death  they  should  be  cast  to  the 

1  See  "English  Rule  in  India,"  by  Ann-ita  Lai  Roy,  in  tlie  X„i-th  Anwri- 
can  lievieio,  April,  1880. 


«npn 


pi 


140 


QUESTIONS   OF  THE   DAY. 


dogs  to  be  devoured,  etc.,  was  mentioned.  A  reverend  gentleman  could 
not  understand  the  conduct  of  government ;  could  not  see  that  there  was 
any  impropriety  in  torturing  men's  souls ;  seemed  to  think  that  a  good 
deal  might  be  said  in  favour  of  bodily  torture  as  well !     These  are  your 


teachers,  O  Israel ! 
ing !  "  1 


Imagine  what  the  pupils  become  under  such  lead- 


But  the  terrorism  of  this  clergyman  and  his  compeers,  as  well 
as  that  of  sentimentalists  in  England,  and  the  atrocities  of 
butchers  like  Hodson  of  Hodson's  Horse,  were  in  some 
measure  redeemed  by  the  mixture  of  clemency  with  firmness 
in  Canning  and  Lord  Lawrence. 

Of  Lord  Elgin's  words,  part  Avas  ue  only  of  the  period  of 
the  Mutiny;  part  remains  true.  British  dominion  in  India  is 
and  ever  must  be  that  of  the  stranger.  Between  the  ruling 
and  the  subject  race  a  great  gulf  is  fixed.  The  Moguls  came 
from  abroad,  but  they  made  India  their  home.  The  English- 
man, incapable  of  acclimatisation,  can  only  be  a  sojourner. 
He  is  more  so  than  ever,  since  he  is  no  longer  severed  by  a 
six  months'  voyage  from  his  own  coi  ntry.  His  rule  is  feared, 
respected,  perhaps  regarded  with  gn  titude ;  but  it  can  never 
be  loved.  Nothing,  says  a  writer  oi;  India,  is  sooner  forgotten 
than  a  Britiali  triumph,  or  longer  remembered  than  a  British 
reverse.  It  is  implied  that  what  the  people  remember  longest 
is  that  which  pleased  them  most.  Association  in  government 
and  the  judiciary  has  probably  been  carried  nearly  as  far  as  it 
can  be  without  abdication.  There  it  must  stop.  Social  fusion 
there  appears  to  be  none.  It  would  be  barred  by  caste  on  the 
one  side,  as  Avell  as  by  pride  on  the  other.  Professor  jVEonier 
Williams  wondered  why  certain  Bandits  always  called  on  him 
very  early  in  the  morning.  He  found  that  they  wanted  time 
for  purification  after  contact  with  the  unclean.  Nor  can  it  be 
expected  that  the  demeanour  of  the  lower  members,  at  all 
events,  of  the  dominant  race  towards  the  subject  race  should 
be  free  from  haughtiness.  It  has  probably  not  improved 
since  the  personal  connection  of  the  European  with  India  has 


1  iMters:  and  Journals  of  James,  Eighth  Earl  of  Elgin. 
Theodore  Walrond,  pp.  199,  200. 


Edited  by 


THE   EMrillE. 


141 


i 


been  loosened.  Ottieials  of  the  old  school  whose  time  had 
been  passed  in  India,  hoAvever  strong  their  prejudices,  never 
spoke  of  the  natives,  at  least  of  those  of  the  higher  class, 
with  disrespect.  Nor  can  we  suppose  that  an  iniportetl  civili- 
sation will  equal  in  value  or  vitality  one  of  natural  growth. 
Whatever  there  was  of  peculiarly  native  excellence  could 
hardly  fail  to  suffer  in  the  process.  Manchester  goods  there 
may  be  in  plenty ;  but  where  these  fill  the  market  there  will 
no  longer  be  the  products,  some  of  them  marvellous,  of  native 
taste  and  skill;  there  will  no  longer  be  the  joy  of  the  native 
workman  over  his  exquisite  work.  IJuildings  there  may  be 
of  utility,  better  than  mosques  or  mausoleums ;  but  there  will 
be  no  Pearl  Mos(pie  or  Taj  Mahal.  Perhaps  to  the  Oriental, 
the  pageantry  of  his  native  dynasty  made  up  in  some  measure 
for  oppression. 

The  process  of  lifting  a  race  not  more  than  half  civilised 
to  a  high  plane  of  civilisation,  is  costly  as  well  as  difficidt. 
India,  though  g(»rgeous,  is  poor.  She  is  poor  because  the 
power  of  work  and  the  rate  of  production  are  low.  Yet  the 
administration  is  expected  to  come  up  to  the  standard  and 
fulfil  the  ideals  of  the  wealthiest  of  European  nations.  How 
can  it  disi)euse  with  the  salt  tax,  which  no  doubt  is  oppres- 
sive, or  with  the  opium  duty,  which  scandalises,  though  per- 
haps it  is  only  the  spirit  duty  of  Hindustan?  Hard,  too,  it 
must  be  to  infuse  the  western  spirit  of  justice  and  probity  into 
native  policemen  and  ofiicials  of  the  low  class.  Home  opinion 
exacts  of  the  Indian  government  an  administration  up  to  a 
mark  higher  than  has  been  reached  by  half  the  countries  of 
Europe,  while  home  philantliropy  demands  of  it  the  abandon- 
ment of  its  revenue  from  opium. 

As  soon  as  the  Company  became  military  and  political,  it 
was  of  necessity  brought  under  the  control  of  the  Home  (lov- 
ernment.  An  empire  could  not  be  left  outside  the  Enq)ire 
witli  separate  powers  of  peace  and  war.  Tliis  was  the  first 
step.  The  second  was  to  divest  the  Company  entirely  of  the 
commercial  character  which  vitiated  and  enfeebled  political 
action.     The  Mutiny  brought  the  end  of  the  Company's  rule. 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE   DAY. 


m\ 


I 


^ 


The  army  on  which  its  authority  rested  had  gone  to  pieces 
and  the  Empire  passed  to  the  Crown.  Yet  the  incorporation 
of  a  vast  and  despotic  Empire  with  a  free  commonwealth  Avas 
regarded  witii  misgiving  botli  by  some  who  feared  tlie  influ- 
ence of  the  Empire  on  tlie  commonwealth,  and  by  some  who 
feared  the  influence  of  the  commonwealth  on  the  Empire. 

The  Comi)any  discouraged  the  settlement  of  Europeans  in 
India.  By  the  Queen's  government  it  is  encouraged.  Besides 
being  an  Empire,  India  is  now  a  considerable  British  colony, 
though  the  settlers  are  birds  of  passage.  It  will  be  more 
clearly  seen  in  time  how  the  presence  of  a  European  commu- 
nity with  its  Magna  Charta  will  consist  with  the  administration 
of  an  Empire  necessarily  autocratic.  Community  of  danger  is 
a  strong  curb  on  «lissention,  yet  it  may  not  always  prevail. 

Wliat  does  the  Indian  Emi)ire  bring  to  Great  Britain  ?  Xot 
tribute,  except  in  tlie  shape  of  the  pensions  and  savings  of  the 
civil  servants.  It  brings  a  large  trade,  though  no  monopoly, 
England  having  opened  the  ports  of  India  to  the  world.  Of 
military  force  it  brings  so  much  as  is  indicated  by  that  some- 
what theatrical  appearance  of  a  Sikh  corps  in  the  jMediterra- 
nean  which  bespoke  lack  of  British  troops  rather  than  the 
availability  of  Sepoys  for  European  wars ;  and  by  the  employ- 
ment the  other  day  of  a  Sikh  corps  in  Egypt.  No  one  supposes 
that  the  Sepoys  generally  could  be  used  on  western  fields.  A 
British  army  of  seventy  thousand  is  maintained  by  India,  but 
in  case  of  war  could  not  be  withdrawn.  The  material  value  of 
the  possession  is,  after  all,  secondary  to  its  moral  value  as  a 
field  of  achievement,  which,  though  the  days  of  romantic 
enterprise  as  well  as  those  of  fabulous  gains  are  over,  is  still, 
for  a  young  man  of  capacity  and  courage,  about  the  finest  in 
the  world.  The  comi)etitive  system  has  thrown  it  open  to  all, 
not  Avithout  some  risk,  perhaps,  to  the  nerve  and  muscle  as 
Avell  as  to  the  corporate  unity  of  the  service,  yet,  it  seems,  with 
good  results ;  so  at  least  thought  John  Lawrence.  The  place 
of  family  or  social  connection  as  a  bond  of  corporate  unity  has 
perhaps  been  supplied  by  })artnership  in  responsibility  and 
possible   peril.     On  the  debit   side  of   the  material   account 


■1 


THE   EMPIRE. 


141! 


, 


must  be  set  clown  the  danger  and  difficulty  of  maintaining  so 
distant  a  jjossession  in  time  of  maritime  war;  enmity  with 
llussia  and  the  Crimean  war ;  the  necessity  of  occupying 
Egypt  at  the  risk  of  end)roilment  with  France;  the  general 
effect  of  this  vast  liability  on  British  diplomacy,  and  on  the 
influence  of  England  in  her  own  circle  of  nations.  AVliat  is 
the  real  danger  on  the  side  of  llussia,  apart  from  mere  guard- 
room talk,  it  is  for  those  who  have  read  the  genuini^  AVill  of 
Peter  the  Great  to  say.  In  the  game  of  Empire,  liussia  has 
the  great  advantage  of  keeping  her  own  counsels.  The  exten- 
sion of  her  Asiatic  dominions  has  been  as  natural  as  the 
extension  of  our  own ;  and  there  seems  no  reason  wliy,  each 
Empire  having  reached  its  limit,  the  two  should  not  rest  ami- 
cably side  by  side.  From  subduing  and  annexing  barbarous 
tribes,  it  is  a  wide  step  to  invading  a  civilised  power.  Our  fatal 
expedition  to  Afghanistan  in  1840  is  a  warning  against  rushing 
to  meet  inuiginary  danger.  Russia  will  be  unfriendly  and  will 
no  doubt  menace  the  Indian  Empire  by  way  of  diversion  as 
long  as  England  persists  in  barring  her  way  to  an  open  sea. 
But  why  should  England  persist  in  barring  Russia's  way  to  an 
open  sea  ?  Why  should  Russia  be  more  dangerous  to  Englaml 
in  the  Mediterranean  than  the  other  ^Mediterranean  powers  '.' 
Why  should  she  not  rather,  if  England  can  keep  on  good  terms 
with  her,  help  to  balance  those  powers  ?  It  is  for  statesmen, 
not  for  a  student,  to  say. 

What  may  be  fermenting  in  the  dark  depths  of  the  Hindu 
mind,  few,  it  seems,  pretend  to  tell.  At  times  there  is  a  ruf- 
fling of  the  surface  which  bespeaks  some  agitation  below.  Yet 
danger  of  a  serious  kind  from  internal  insurrection  thert; 
appears  to  be  none  so  long  as  the  army  is  faithful  and  while 
the  people  remain  so  intersected  by  differences  of  race,  reli- 
gion, and  language,  so  totally  disunited,  and  so  incapable  of 
organising  rebellion  as  they  are.  The  uniting  influence  of  the 
Empire  itself  is,  perhaps,  so  far  as  things  on  the  S[)ot  are  con- 
cerned, the  greatest,  though  a  very  remote  danger.  There  is 
now  no  dynasty  or  standard  of  any  kind  round  which  insur- 
rection on  a  large  scale  could  rally,  and  the  government  will 


144 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE   DAY. 


111      ' 


Jl 


IS! 

h 


take  care  never  to  tread  on  caste ;  if  it  is  left  alone,  it  will 
take  care  to  keep  rash  hands  off  the  Zenana.  The  Mahonie- 
dans,  whom  we  thrust  from  power,  no  doubt  are  sullen ;  but 
they  are  a  small  minority ;  they  are  hated,  as  constant  broils 
show,  by  the  Hindu ;  and  sullenness  is  not  insurrection.  The 
cloud  of  Wahabi  fanaticism  seems  to  have  passed  away. 

A  greater  danger,  and  one  far  more  imminent  than  Ilussian 
invasion  or  Hindu  insurrection,  is  lU'itish  democracy,  if  it 
meddles  with  Indian  government,  as  meddle  with  Indian 
government  it  almost  certainly  Avill,  indeed  is  already  begin- 
ning to  do;  while  Hindu  politicians  are  joining  hands  with  it 
by  presenting  themselves  as  candidates  for  Itadical  constitu- 
encies in  England.  The  shadow  cast  some  years  ago  by 
demagogic  Vice-Koyalty  has  been  lingering  since.  That  a 
dependent  Empire  should  be  governed  on  demagogic  princi- 
ples is  impossible,  and  tlie  impossibility  cannot  fail  soon  to 
appear.  A  conquest,  however  clement  and  beneficent  the  con- 
queror, is  a  conquest,  and  if  it  is  to  be  held  at  all,  it  must  be 
held  as  it  was  Avon. 

"  There  are,  of  course,"  says  Sir  Edwin  Arnold,  in  pleading 
for  the  retention  of  India,  "  many  collateral  considerations 
which  ought  to  move  the  popular  mind ;  such  as  commercial 
benefit,  colonial  advantage,  and  national  prestige ;  but  these 
are  weak  in  comparison  with  the  force  which  ought  to  be 
exercised  upon  the  general  imagination  by  the  sublime  duty 
laid  upon  Great  Britain,  if  ever  any  duty  was  sublime,  by  the 
visible  decree  of  Providence  itself."  The  clearest  of  the 
inducements  to  retain  India,  perhaps,  is  the  duty. 


»> 


Egypt,  occui)ied  by  Great  liritain,  may  be  regarded  as  an 
annex  to  India,  to  which  Egypt  controls,  or  is  thought  to  con- 
trol, the  present  access.  As  a  })ossession  in  itself,  its  value  is 
partly  a  tradition  of  the  past,  like  that  of  Kome,  once  the  capi- 
tal of  a  Mediterranean  Empire  rather  than  of  Italy,  that 
of  Constantinople,  once  the  link  between  the  Empires  of  the 
east  and  west,  or  that  of  Cyprus,  once  in  a  peo])led  angle  of 
those  waters.     In  the  infancy  of  agriculture,  the  mud  of  the 


THK    KMriUK. 


im 


Nile,  whi'^h  pvoducod  without  liuman  effort,  was  priceless. 
Egypt,  however,  like  niiulustun,  is  a  field  not  only  of  ambi- 
tion or  profit,  but  of  beneficent  aehieveiuent.  Ijnpartial 
Americans  have  borne  the  strongest  testimony  to  tlie  improve- 
ment made  by  liritish  rule  in  the  condition  of  the  Egyptian 
people.  For  the  first  time  since  the  Pharaohs,  the  Fellalieen 
see  the  face  of  Justice.  Tlie  price  is  the  jealous  enmity  of 
France,  who,  for  some  reason,  imagines  that  Egypt  is  hers. 

British  Emi)ire  has  been  won  by  the  great  adventurers  of 
whom  Clive  was  a  type.  Nor  is  the  breed  extinct.  Gordon 
was  a  specimen  of  it,  as  luuler  a  religious  guise  and  in  the 
missionary  sphere  was  Livingstone.  Unlil^e  the  Spanish 
adventurers,  who  concjuered  and  wasted  JNIexico  and  l*eru, 
these  men  are  organisers  and  pioneers  of  civilisation,  owing 
their  ascendancy  not  to  the  arquebus,  but  to  character  and 
mind.  There  may  be  fresh  fields  for  them  in  Africa,  and  pos- 
sibly, when  the  Turkish  Empire  conies  to  its  end,  in  the  pro- 
vinces now  subject  to  its  rule.  They  may  redeem  by  their 
exploits  in  distant  oceans  the  reign  of  political  degeneracy 
which  seems  to  have  set  in  at  home.  But  they  will  do  well  to 
remember  Khartoum,  and  trust  to  themselves  alone. 


the 

of 

the 


As  to  the  military  dependencies,  such  as  Malta  and  Gib- 
raltar, all  that  a  civilian  can  have  to  say  is  that  their  occupa- 
tion and  retention  ought  surely  to  be  regulated  by  sound 
military  reasons  and  not  by  empty  pride.  A  general  would 
not  be  thought  great  who  persisted  in  holding  a  useless  and 
untenable  post  because  he  had  once  occupied  it.  The  coaling 
stations  are  necessary  in  an  age  of  steam,  but  they  were  not 
necessary  before  the  age  of  steam,  and  it  would  be  folly  to 
cling  to  them  if  steam  were  superseded  by  some  new  motor. 
Weakness  can  never  be  shown  by  wisdom.  Nor  can  the  mem- 
ory of  any  glorious  exploit  be  cancelled  or  dimmed  by  abandon- 
ment of  the  spot  which  lia[)pened  to  be  its  scene.  We  are 
not  the  less  proud,  or  proud  with  a  less  reason,  of  the  defence 
of  Torres  Vedras   or  of  Hougoumont  because  the  lines   of 


im 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE    DAY. 


W    I 


Torres  Vedras  and  the  farm  of  Hougoiiniout  are  no  longer  in 
our  hands.  Elliot's  defence  of  Gibraltar  would  not  be  the  less 
memorable  or  the  less  inspiring  if  policy  had  led  the  British 
government  under  the  treaty  wliich  followed  to  restore 
Gibraltar  to  Spain. 

Is  it  the  policy  of  Great  Britain,  as  once  it  was,  to  dominate 
in  the  jNIediterrauean  ?  Is  such  a  policy  any  longer  possi- 
ble, since  the  growth  of  other  Mediterranean  navies,  French, 
Spanish,  and  Italian,  since  the  change  which  steam  has  made 
in  naval  warfare,  and  since  the  unitication  of  French  power 
effected  by  the  railway  and  the  telegraph  between  Brest  and 
Toulon  ?  In  case  of  war  with  France  and  Kussia  condnned, 
would  there  be  naval  forces  disposable  for  command  of  the 
Mediterranean  ?  What  is  the  practical  object  of  this  policy  ? 
Is  it  safe  access  to  the  Suez  Canal  ?  Could  that  route  be 
used  in  time  of  war  ?  Would  not  international  law  close  the 
Canal  against  belligerents  ?  Would  not  the  Canal  itself  be 
easily  obstructed  by  an  enemy  ?  Could  convoy  be  afforded 
for  trade  through  the  IVIediterranean  ?  AVould  not  it  be 
necessary  to  resort  to  the  route  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  ? 
In  that  case,  would  not  military  expenditure  be  wiser  at  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope  ?  If  Great  Britain  means  permanently 
to  hold  Egypt,  there  is  conclusive  reason  for  the  retention  of 
her  rule  over  the  Mediterranean.  But  does  she  intend  perma- 
nently to  hold  Egypt,  or  merely  to  accomplish  her  mission  of 
reform  and  then  depart  ? 

If  command  of  the  Mediterranean  is  to  be  retained,  no 
question  will  arise  about  the  retention  of  ^Malta.  INIalta,  it 
seems,  Avitli  the  requisite  works  and  with  a  sufficient  garrison, 
is  deemed  by  military  men  impregnable,  while  as  it  belongs 
by  nature  to  nobody,  geographically  or  ethnologically,  it  is 
an  invidious  possession,  and  by  its  occupation  no  enmity 
is  incurred.  Far  different  is  the  case  of  Gibraltar,  the  price 
of  retaining  which  is  the  perpetual  enmity  of  Spain.  The 
parallel  of  a  Spanish  flag  flying  on  the  Isle  of  Portland  is 
hackneyed,  but  it  is  just.  Great  Britain  poured  out  blood  and 
money  to  rescue  Spain  from  Napoleon.     Yet  the  feeling  of  the 


THK    EMPIRE. 


147 


it 


'. 


Spaniards  now  is  better  towards  France  than  towards  (Jreat 
Britain.  When  Cobden  expressed  to  a  Spanish  friend  his 
surprise  at  this,  tlie  Si»aniard's  answer  was,  "  We  have  got  rid 
of  tlie  French,  of  you  we  have  not  got  rid.''  Tlie  sight  of  a 
foreign  flag  on  his  fortress  can  hardly  be  made  more  agreeable 
to  the  Spaniard  by  the  recollection  that  England  took  Gib- 
raltar, not  in  international  war,  but  when  she  was  acting  as  the 
ally  of  her  candidate  for  the  Crown  of  Spaiii.  Again  and 
again  in  the  days  of  her  decrepitude,  Spain,  passionately 
desiring  to  recover  h^r  great  fortress,  dragged  her  half-par- 
alysed lindjs  to  the  attack.  Nothing  else  led  her  to  join  the 
league  against  Great  Britain  at  the  time  of  the  American  war; 
for  the  colonists  were  her  enemies  in  America,  and  she  was  as  far 
as  possible  from  seeking  their  aggrandisement  or  sympathising 
with  their  republican  aspirations.  Gibraltar  alone  it  was  that 
sent  the  Spanish  fleet  to  join  the  combined  arnuunent  by  which 
the  British  flag  was  chased  down  the  Channel.  Up  to  the  last 
and  greatest  of  the  three  sieges,  the  cession  of  Gibraltar  as  a 
post  more  dangerous  than  profitable  was  always  in  the  thoughts 
of  British  statesmen.  It  was  contemplated  by  Stanhope,  by 
Shelburne,  even  by  Chatham.  But  Elliot's  famous  defence, 
coming  as  it  did  with  Rodney's  victory  to  redeem  the  humili- 
ation of  defeat  in  America,  gave  the  rock  such  a  hold  on  Eng- 
lish sentiment  that  thenceforth  those  who  talked  of  ceding  it 
spoke  with  a  halter  round  their  necks.  Shelburne  mooted 
the  question  in  negotiating  for  peace  with  America;  but 
he  at  once  drew  upon  him  the  denunciation  of  Fox,  who 
on  that  single  occasion  acted  the  i)art  of  patriot.  A  recital  of 
Fox's  arguments  and  those  of  Burke,  who  followed  in  the 
same  strain,  is  enough  to  show  how  circumstances  and  the 
objects  of  policy  have  changed.  "A  sagacious  ^linistry," 
said  Fox,  "Avould  always  cmjdoy  Gibraltar  in  dividing  France 
from  France,  Spain  from  Spain,  and  the  one  nation  from  the 
other."  This  possession  it  was,  according  to  Fox,  which  gave 
us  respect  in  the  eyes  of  nations,  and  the  means  of  obliging 
them  by  protection.  "If  we  gave  it  up  to  Spain,  the  ^Nledi- 
terranean  would  become  a  pool  which  they  could  navigate  at 


J! 


148 


QUESTIONS   OF   THK    DAY. 


tlu'ii'  plcasuro  and  witliout  control.  As  the  States  of  Europe 
bordering  on  the  Mediterranean  wouhl  no  longer  lo(jk  to  Eng- 
land for  the  free  navigation  of  the  sea,  it  would  no  longer  be 
in  her  power  to  be  useful,  and  we  could  expect  no  alliances." 
It  is  due  to  Fox  and  Ikuke  to  remember  that  Gibraltar,  if  it 
was  not  the  sole  title  of  England  to  the  respect  of  nations,  or 
her  only  hope  of  obtaining  allies,  was  the  only  13ritish 
stronghold  in  the  Mediterranean,  Minorca  having  been  lost, 
and  Malta  being  not  yet  ours.  The  (piestion  was  again 
mooted  thirty  years  ago,  when  the  change  in  the  military 
value  of  Gibraltar,  owing  to  steam  and  the  improvements 
of  artillery,  was  just  beginning  to  appear,  and  when  the 
cession  would  have  thoroughly  Avon  the  heart  of  Spain. 
But  discussion  was  still  branded  as  treason.  Now  a  naval 
Avriter  in  the  Fortnighthj  Review  proclaims  the  military  deca- 
dence of  the  fortress,  Avhich  he  says  can  no  longer  shelter 
a  fleet  lying  under  it;  while  as  a  mere  post  by  itself  it  Avonld 
be  Avorthless,  and  its  garrison  woiild  be  wasted,  since  it  does 
not,  as  most  Englishmen  fondly  believe,  command  the  strait. 
Nor  does  it  any  longer  retain  its  equivocal  value  as  a  depot 
of  contraband  trade.  Ai)parently  it  does  nothing  which  is 
not  better  done  by  IMalta  without  offence  to  anybody's  feelings 
or  flag.  When  it  comes  to  a  question  of  bargain  with  Spain, 
we  have  to  remember  that  during  the  last  quarter  of  a  century 
the  post  has  been  losing  strength  and  value,  and  that  of  this 
the  Spaniards  must  be  aware.  We  are  told  that  they  have  a 
plan  of  siege  ready,  and  are  confident  of  success.  An  ex- 
change for  Ceuta  is  proposed  and  seems  natural.  But  Ceuta 
Avould  be  of  use,  like  Malta,  only  for  the  purpose  of  command- 
ing the  Mediterranean.  Another  suggestion  is  that  Spain 
should  cede  to  England  the  Canaries  as  a  field  for  emigration. 
That  England  is  becoming  over-crowded,  and  needs  an  outlet 
for  i)opulation  fully  as  much  as  a  fortress,  is  too  certain.  But 
after  all  the  greatest  object,  not  merely  of  sentiment  but  of 
policy,  is  the  friendship  of  Spain,  who  is  now  taking  her  place 
again  anujng  the  nations. 

Heligoland  has  been  ceded  at  last.     The  retention  of  it 


THE    EMPTTIE. 


140 


after  the  fall  of  the  Napoleonic  Emi)ii'(!  and  the  continental 
system  on  which  its  value  as  a  post  depended,  was  an  instance 
of  the  tcMideney  to  eling  to  everything  on  whicli  the  Hag  lias 
once  been  set  up,  however  useh'ss  it  may  have  l)econi(>.  Fortu- 
nately tlu'  power  to  which  Heligoland  belonged  was  friendly, 
or  cession  miglit  have  been  attended  with  disgrace. 

To  come  to  the  colonial  (lei)endencies.  It  is  of  colonial 
de[)en(lencies  that  ..  e  speak,  not  of  colonies,  the  value  of  which 
no  man  contests  any  more  than  the  necessity  of  migration. 
Greece  had  colonies  which  were  not  dependencies  and  were 
bound  to  the  mother  country  only  by  a  filial  ti(^  England 
herself  was  a  colony  of  Friesland  or  some  district  of  North 
Clermaiiy,  though  she  was  not  under  the  I'^risian  Colonial  ()tU(!e. 
The  founders  of  New  England  and  other  British  colonies  were 
as  lit  for  independent  self-government  as  any  Greek,  and  iiule- 
pendent  they  would  have  been  from  the  beginning,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  twin  superstitions  :  Discovery  wliicli  made  a 
European  king  sovereign  over  every  sliore  discovered  by  his 
subjects;  and  Personal  Allegiance  whi(t]i  made  the  emigrant 
indefeasibly  a  subject  of  the  realm  in  whi(!]i  he  had  been  born. 
To  these  beliefs  is  traceable  the  relation  of  colonial  dependence 
with  its  natural  consequences,  incessant  friction,  rupture 
when  the  colony  grew  strong,  and  the  American  Revolution. 
There  is  nothing  of  which  an  Englishman  has  nu)re  reason  to 
be  proud  than  the  colonies;  there  are  few  things  of  which 
he  has  less  reason  to  be  proud  than  the  Colonial  Office. 

To  the  colonial  dependencies  so  large  a  measure  of  self- 
government  has,  after  a  long  course  of  altercation,  ending  in 
Canada  with  a  rebellion,  been  conceded,  and  to  such  a  shadow 
has  the  supremacy  of  the  Imperial  Kingdom  over  them  been 
reduced,  that  the  other  day  a  colonial  govfn'uor,  to  pay  a  com- 
pliment to  his  cohmy,  denied  that  it  was  a  dei)endency  at  all. 
But  a  conununity  which  receives  a  governor  from  an  Impe- 
rial country,  whose  constitution  is  imposed  upon  it  by  the 
Act  of  an  Imperial  Parliament,  which  has  not  the  power  of 
amending  its  constitution,  which  has  not  the  power  of  peace 


160 


QLKSTIONS   OF  TllK    DAY. 


iii 


and  war,  of  making  trcatios,  o:  jf  supivnio  justice,  play  with 
language  as  you  will,  is  a  dependency.  It  has  and  can  have 
no  })la('e  among  the  nations. 

Of  what  use,  then,  are  colonial  dependencies  now  to  tlie 
Imperial  country?  This  is  a  tlistinct  and  reasonable  (pu'stion 
a^iart  from  the  qiu^stion  of  sentiment,  which  nobody  would 
wish  to  disregard.  Fiscally,  the  colonies  have  gone  out  of  the 
Empire.  They  have  asserted  and  have  freely  used  the  power 
of  levying  not  only  duties,  but  protective  duties,  on  liritish 
goods.  A  Canadian  politician,  who  poses  as  the  organ  of 
Canadian  loyalty  in  England,  in  Canada  receives  credit  as  the 
autlior  of  a  protective  <luty  for  the  exclusion  of  liritish  iron. 
Then^  is  sometliing  almost  humiliating  in  the  position  of  Great 
Britain,  bound  as  she  is  to  protect  the  trade  of  colonies  which 
are  waging  a  tariff  war  against  her.  If  they  were  inde- 
pendent she  might  negotiate  commercial  treaties  with  them, 
or  supposing  she  thought  tit  to  ado})t  that  policy,  force  tlieir 
ports  oi)en  by  retaliation.  Formerly  the  colonies  were  prized 
for  the  monopoly  of  their  trade  and  markets,  the  right  of  the 
motlier  country  to  which  was,  as  we  knoAv,  asserted  by  Chat- 
ham in  emphatic  terms.  Trade,  we  are  still  told,  follows  the 
flag.  Trade  follows  profit  wherever  it  is  to  be  found.  Colo- 
nies, before  they  have  manufactures,  import  from  the  mother 
country,  not  because  she  is  their  mother,  but  because  she  makes 
the  articles  they  want.  How  can  trade  follow  tlie  flag  when 
the  flag  no  longer  makes  it  free?  When  colonists  propose  an 
Imperial  zollverein,  the  answer  is,  that  tlie  colonial  trade 
which  the  zollverein  would  foster  is  small  compared  with  the 
foreign  and  Indian  trade  Avhich  it  would  impair.  The  returns 
show  that  for  the  five  years  18.SO-00  England's  imports  from 
foreign  countries  rveraged  77.1  p"r  eei  *  of  her  total  imports, 
whilst  her  imports  from  the  li  es  ineluding  India  averaged 
22.9  per  cent.     Her  exp(  ,.ii-eign  cor'itries  amounted  to 

70.5  per  cent  of  her  who  i-xport  trade,  aud  her  exports  to 
the  colonies  to  29.5.  It  is  n^  t  tr'  as  often  alleged,  that  her 
trade  with  the  colonies  is  advancing  very  much  faster  than 
her  trade  with  foreign  countries.     For  the  five  yeai     1850-60 


1 


P 


TiiK  EMriinc. 


151 


her  imports  from  .'iiid  rxports  to  rorcij^Mi  oouiitrics  iivcragfd 
77. ~»  and  77.1.  per  cent  rcspi'ctivtdy  of  lu-r  total  import  and 
export  trade;  and  her  imports  from  and  exi)ortb  to  the  colonies 
L'L'.o  and  -S.*.)  respectively.  Nor,  in  spite  of  the  security 
ap[iarently  afforded  by  Imperial  jurisdiction,  does  British 
capital  seem  to  Hnd  a  ii(dd  for  iuvestuu'ut  more  in  the  colonies 
than  in  ton  ign  countries.  Whether  investors  under  the  flag 
are  exempt  from  hjss,  the  stockholders  of  Australian  banks, 
and  of  Canadian  railways,  those  of  the  Chignecto  Kail  way 
among  others,  can  tell.  The  Chignecto  case  is  notable  because 
political  connection  was  probably  part  of  the  inducement. 

J>ut  the  colonies,  we  are  told,  though  they  lay  protective 
duties  on  the  mother  c(mntry's  goods,  do  not  discriminate 
against  her.  That  there  was  to  be  no  discrimination  against 
the  mother  country  was  the  cry  raised  by  Canadian  Pro- 
tectionists when  they  wished  to  stave  off  Commercial  Union 
with  the  United  States.  Commercial  Union  would  have  done 
Great  Britain  no  harm.  It  wouhl  have  added  to  the  value  of 
her  .f()r>0,00(),000of  investments  nmcli  more  than  it  took  away 
from  the  amount  of  her  exports.  But  the  fact  seems  to  be 
that  Canada  does  discriminate  against  the  mother  country  in 
favour  of  the  United  States  by  her  tariff  as  a  whole,  if  not  on 
specific  articles,  to  the  amount  of  at  least  4  per  cent  in  the 
aggregate.^ 


'  The  Toronto  GJnho  gives  <a  table  compiled  from  the  official  returns, 
which  discloses  the  actual  ad  valorem  paid  in  1802,  in  cases  where  specitie 
or  mixed  specific  and  ad  valorem  duties  are  imposed.  It  appears  that 
specific  duties  are  aimed  at  cheap  goods,  to  which  the  protected  Canadian 
industries  are  most  hostile,  and,  British  goods  being  cheap,  they  suffer. 


Iron  rivets  or  bolts  from  Ori'at  Uritiiiri  CA 

Iron  rivots  or  bolts  from  I'nitod  Stiitcs  4'2 

Sew  iM»r  niiicliint's  from  ( Jrcat  Britain ...  40 

Scwini.'  macliines  from  Vnitod  States. . .  SSJ 

Nails  and  spikes,  averaire 4(1 

l.'ailway  ilsli  jilates,  (ireat  liritaiii 41 

Kailway  tish  plates.  I'nited  States :i(ij 

IioUed  iron  or  steel  anpK's,  Great  IJritaln  4.')J 

Itolled  iron  or  steel  anfrles,  I'nited  States  'iltj 

Iron  or  steel  .serews,  (ireat  H"itain tU 

Iron  or  steel  serews,  I'nited  States :}7 

Skates  from  Great  Britain  and   United 

States 48 

Skates  from  Germnnv 02 


Bar  iron  fi'om  Great  Hritain ;(>3 

Bar  iron  from  I'Mited  States '274 

Boiler  iron  from  Great  Britain 41 

Boiler  iron  fron\  I'nited  States 'iMj 

Cast  iron  vessels  from  Great  Britain  . ..  H2 

Cast  iron  vessels  from  I'nited  Slates. . .  iiO 

('ah  iron  jiipe  from  (!reat  Britain Tfl 

Cast  iron  pipe  from  I'nited  siaies 4!?| 

Cut  taeks  an<l  brads  from  (ireat  Britain  1:W| 

C'nt  tacks  an<l  luads  from  I'nited  States  3it 
Cut  taeks  and  brads,  over  1(1  oz.  per  M, 

(ireat  Britain 4.3J 

Cut  taeks  and  brads,  over  Ifi  oz.  per  M, 

I'nited  States SOJ 


-S^fSPWI 


■H«PI 


152 


QUKsrioxs  iiv  Till-:  day. 


That  the  colonies  are  sourcos  of  militaiy  strength,  or  coiihl 
lu'lp  Knghuul  in  time  of  war,  few  would  maintain.  They  are 
always  being  exhorted  to  arm  themselves,  which  they  will  not 
do  so  long  as  they  feel  that  they  have  a  claim  npon  Great 
IJritain  for  protection.  Australia  sent  a  regiment  to  Suakini, 
but  it  seems  she  will  not  do  the  like  again.  Canada  dis- 
tinctly declined  to  follow  the  example.  Conservative  journals 
being  most  em[)hatie  in  protesting,  to  avert  suspicion,  that 
there  was  no  intention  r  f  the  kind.     She  sent  a  party  of  Voya- 


Wniii;,'lit  iniii  tutn'S,  (Jivat  Hritiiin  aiul 

I'nitcil  Stall's T)!! 

Wile  I'l'iii'iiif,'  (l)ai-lH'(l)  from  iircat  Britain  40 

Wire  fi'iii-iiifr  (liarlicilltViiiufiiiti'il  States  4s 
Wire  t'fiiciiif,'  ^lliicktliorii)  t'roiu  I'liiliMl 

States :'.! 

Wire    lelicilif'   (H<><'l^tl>*»'»)    *■'"""    *''''"" 

many  ir> 

Wnii  irlit  iri)ii  or  steel  nuts,  bolts,  (ireat 

I'.ritain M 

Wriniirlit    iron     or    steel     nnts,     tiolts, 

riiilcil  States 41 

Steelinyiits,  slalis,  etc.,  (ireal   liritain..  :il» 

Steel  inu'ols,  slal)S,  etc.,   I'nileil  States  •.'."> 

('lioiipintr  axes •!■' 

Picks,  sledL'cs,  etc.,  (ireat  IJrilaiii Jii'i 

Picks.  sleili.'es.  I'tc,   I'nilcd  Slates lis 

Stcrcdtvpe  lilales,  avi'rafre  rate IV.> 

I'laleil  (Mitlerv  from  (ireat  I'.ritain Thi', 

Plated  cntlerV  from  Tniti-d  Slates 4:ig 

Lead  pipe  from  (ireat  liritain 4tl 

Lead  pipe  from  rnited  Slates "Js 

1,1'ad  shot  from  (iriat  I'.ritain 40    | 

l-ead  shot  from  I'nitcd  States '-".J     j 

Show  cases  from  <  ireat  I'.ritain "•'     i 

Show  cases  from  Tniteil  States Wi 

(.'otton  shirts,  from  (treat  ISritain  (per 

cent) J'' 

Colloli  shirts  from  Cnitecl  States 44 

Colloii  sliirls  from  otlu'r  eonntrio II 

Cotton  stockiiiL's  from  (ireat  l.rii  in...  il 

Ciitton  sliM'kiiiL's  fmm  I'nited  Stai  •>  ..  41 

Cotton  stockimrs  from  other  ciiniilies  4:i 

Winceys  from  (ireat  Kritain ;<*J  i      Statt 

CniVs  from  (iri'at  I'.ritain Cr.'-i  i  K 

Cnlfs  from  rnited  States 4-1     W 

<  nil's  tiom  other  eoiintrii's (i'.ij  i  \V 

I.liien  sliirts 41    !  Ci 

(ilass  hollies   ;i-.i  ;  Cc 

Waterproid' eliilhiiiL' ''4       SI 

'.'  aiiil  :l  pront'i'd  forks 4."i,\     SI 

4  and  li  proiiL'i'd  forks,  (Ireat  Kritain...  M^     U 

4  and  li  pronL''eil  forks.  Iniled  Stales.  . .  .V.'    ,  II 

Hoes  from  (ireat  liritain  W    ,  .\l 

I  Iocs  from  I'ldted  States ^7       .\1 

(iardeii  rakes ri0.i     \V 

Scvthes  from  (ireat  liritain 4!i.i     \V 

Scylhes  IVom  rnited  Slates 4'.?     \V 

Spadi's  and  shovel    from  (inat  liritain     III     \ 
Spades  and  shovels  I'nim    I'ldled  Slates      I'-.J      \ 

A \les  from  (ireat  Urilain CI       \ 

.\.\les  from  I'nited  Statos 441 


Kire  ciiirines.  average 

Kor;:inL's  id' iron  and  steel,  (ireat  l.ritai 
Koruin^rsof  ircni  and  steel.  rnite<l  State 
Hoop  (II'  hand  iron  from  (ireat  l.ril.ain. 
Hoop  (ir  hand  iron  from  I'nileil  State 
Iron  in  slahs.  Mooms.  etc..  (Ireat  liiitai 
Iron  in  slahs.  Iilimms.  etc..  rnited  State 

Iron  hridires  from  (ireat  liritain 

Inui  hridj^'es  from  riiiled  Slates 

Pi;.'' ami  scrap  Iron,  (ireat  liritain 

I'iL' and  scrap  iron,  rnited  Stales 

lilalikets  from  (inat  liritain 

lilaiikets  from  fnllcd  Slates 

lilankets  from  other  connlries 

Cashmeres  from  (ireat  l.rilain 

Cashmeres  from  I'nited  Slates 

(  lollis  from  (Ireat  liritain 

(  lotlis  from  rnllcd  Slates   

(  loths  from  ( ii'i'Miany 

(dallnu's  from  (Ireat   lii'it.'dn 

CoallliL's  fi'olii  I'liited  Stales 

Coalings  frnm  iillier  eoiinlrles 

.Meltiiiis  from  Cleat  P.rilain   

Tweeds.  (Ileal  lii'llaiii  and  rnited  State 

Kelt  eliilh  from  Cleat  lirit.'dn 

I-'ilt  cliilh  from  rnited  Stales 

Horse  ciillar  elolli.  (ireat  liritain 

Klannels  from  (Ileal  liritain 

Flannels  from  rnited  Slates  

W'mijlen  sucks  fi'iini  (Inat  liiilain  .  ... 
Woollen  socks  from  I'liileil  Males.  . . . 

Woollen  siic'.s  from  (•■■rii  any 

Kiiillinv"- yarn.  (Iveal  ."    '  ainandrnite 


nitliiiL,'-  yarn  from  (iermany 

oolleii  cloaks  from  (.real  liritain 

oolieii  cloaks  from  rnited  Slates  .... 
lilts.  Vests,  etc.,  from  (Ireat  liritain  .. 
lilts,  vests,  etc..  from  I'nileil  Slates., 
ilrts,  drawers,  etc..  from  ( Ireat  liritain 
lirls,  draweis,  etc..  from  rnited  Mates 
orse  clothiim'.  shaped.  (Inal  liritain.. 
orsc  clolhllii:,  shaped,  rnited  Slates.. 

11  olher  cliilhliii.'.  (Ireat   liritain 

II  olher  I'lolhinir.  rnited  Sti.les 

oollell  carpets,  (ileal   lil'llalll   

oolleii  carpels,  rnited  Slates 

I'oollen  carpels,  olher  countries 

Iiii't'ar  from  ( ileal  liritain 

iiu'irar  from  I'  niled  States 

;iie(.'ar  from  1'' ranee 


Hi) 
«T 

■i' 

4'.' 
42 
87 
:{4 
'2.'4 

87 
31 
;t4 
2(1 
88 

2N 

82 
8ii 
27 
2!t 
8s 
82 
80 
2!) 
41 
84 
81 
8'.l 
8s 
41 

88 

:ir<. 
»^ 

29 
84 

80 

8s 
82 
42 
88 
82 
•Jl» 
87 
88 
■24 

m 

61 
81 


i 


II . .    -11 
tcs    '2>4 

itt'S  4'.' 

...  4-> 

...  «T 

...  iU 

...  '>ih 

. . .  .V. 

...    «; 
, . . .    «i 

. . . .     !)4 

. . . .    w 

;v.' 
mi 

'27 

8S 
tos  «'2 
HO 
!i9 
41 
!U 

;n 


41 


■d 


8:t 

af) 

S'-i 
'.'9 
;i4 
,  ;iO 
aiii  8H 
llrs  :V2 
.     42 

.   na 

.  32 
.  ■i'i 
.     37 

.  24 

.  fi5 

.  07 

.  81 


I 


TIIK    KMPi  {K. 


153 


geiir.s  at  British  cost.  Her  arming  a<jfaiust  France  would  be 
vetoed  by  the  French  Canadians  wlio  control  her  legislature, 
and  wliose  hearts  would  \h\  on  the  l-'rcnch  side.  The  French 
would  in  fact  refus<i  to  pay  for  any  British  armaments  what- 
ever. To  defend  tlie  tlii'ee  thousand  miles  of  open  frontier, 
including  a  chain  of  great  lakes,  the  colony  iias  an  army  of 
four  companies  of  regular  infantry,  two  S([uadrons  of  regu- 
hir  cavalry,  a  snuill  force  of  artillery,  and  a  militia  number- 
ing about  .'!<S,000,  of  which  about  half  arc  drilled  for  a  fort- 
night in  each  year. 

Emigration  returns  which  show  IT)!*, 000  to  the  Cnited  States 
against  27,000  to  the  North  American  colonies  are  a  conclusive 
answer  to  any  allegation  that  the  colonial  dependencies  are 
necessary  as  new  homes.  That  politit'al  connection  may  some- 
times misdirect  emigration,  those;  who  have  seen  the  Skye 
Crofter  settlements  in  ^[anitoba  will  be  iiudined  to  suspect. 
There  are  now  nearly  a  million  of  Canadians  in  tlu;  United 
States.  The  object  of  tlie  emigrant  in  leaving  his  home  is  to 
better  his  condition,  and  he  goes  wliert;  this  will  most  surely 
be  done.  If  he  feeds  any  otlicr  attracrtion,  it  is  to  the  place 
whither  his  friends  and  relatives  have  gone  before  him. 

To  the  colony,  wliat  is  the  use  of  dependence?  Does  it 
really  give  militar}-  protection'.'  Could  (rreat  liritain,  in  case 
of  war  Avith  a  maritime  ])i>\ver,  afford  fleets  and  armies  for  her 
distant  possessions?  From  Canada,  we  are  told  plaiidy,  she 
would  have  at  once  to  withdraw.  So  says  Lord  Sherbrooke, 
who  tells  us  that  Lord  Fabuerston  agreed  with  him;  and  it  is 
understtiod  that  the  War  Office  is  of  much  the  same  mind. 
Yet  protection  nuiy  fairly  be  (h'luainhvl,  since  it  is  through 
the  connection  witli  (Jreat  Britain,  and  tin'  liability  to  ho. 
involved  as  dependencies  in  her  quarnds,  that  the  colonies  are 
in  danger  of  attack.  Australia  and  Canada  the  other  day 
might  have  been  involved  in  a  war  Itetween  Great  liritain  and 
Fnince  abont  Siam.  They  may  any  day  be  inv(dvcd  in  a 
qmirrtd  abont  Afghanistan,  Egypt,  or  some  African  territory 
in  whicli  they  have  not  the  renu)test  interest.  Their  trade 
may   be   cut  u]),  possibly  they  may  be  exposed   to  invasion. 


^ 


154 


QUESTKJNS   OF    lllK    DAY. 


VMl 


m 


which,  us  militia  never  stand  'lyain.st  icguhivs,  they  would 
hardly  be  prepared  to  meet.  The  sole  danger  of  Canada  arises 
from  the  connection.  Since  the  extinction  of  slavery  the 
people  of  the  United  States  have  had  no  thought  of  territorial 
aggrandisement;  they  havi'  shrunk  even  from  natural  exten- 
sion. Canada,  were  she  indei)eiulent,  might  sleep  in  perfect 
safety  ''luider  the  gigantic;  shadow  of  her  rai)acious  neigh- 
bour." Nobody  can  doubt  tliis  wlio  knows  the  American 
people.  AVhile  Canada  is  exposed  to  (hmger  by  the  connei;- 
tion,  (Jreat  l')ritain  hardly  dares  to  stand  erect  when  she  deals 
with  the  Anu'rican  Kepublic,  l)ecause  her  North  Anun'ican 
dependencies  are  a  jdedge  in  the  adversary's  hands.  In  abnost 
all  negotiations  the  im[)otence  of  (Jreat  IJritain  on  the  Anu'ri- 
can continent  has  been  felt.  Tn  eacdi  dispute  aboJit  boundaries, 
Canada  has  been  obliged  to  give  Avay.  She  has  complained, 
but  what  else  could  she  expect?  IJritish  diplomacy  has  done 
its  best,  but  diplonmcy  is  little  Avithout  cannon. 

Conuuercially  the  colonies  nuiy  be  thought  to  have  an 
advantage  in  a  special  facility  of  borrowing,  though  Spain, 
Turkey,  ^Mexico,  the  Argentine;  l{<'public,  have  been  able  to 
borrow  from  Knglaml  on  a  liberal  scale,  liut  it  may  be 
doid)ted  whether  facility  of  borrowing,  if  it  is  apparently  a 
blessing,  is  not  really  a  curse  in  disguise. 

Is  any  i)()litical  advantage  derived  by  the  colonies  from 
dependence?  Is  it  possible  that  a  salutary  tutela{./3  should  be 
exercised  by  a  democracy  in  I'^uroiie  over  a  democu-acy  in 
America  or  at  the  antipodes,  its  eipial  in  intelligence,  its  ecpial 
in  power  of  stdf-goveruiuent,  and  placed  in  circumstances 
widely  different?  The  idea  is  ludicrous.  What  does  one 
Knglishman  in  ten  thousand  know  or  care  about  Australian 
affairs;  what  does  rarlitiinent  know  or  care  about  them?  Does 
not  a  colonial  question  clear  the  House?  The  Constitution 
imposed  by  Parlianuuit  on  Cauiida  twenty  years  ago  has  dis- 
closed serious  defe(;ts.  The  Senate,  especially,  has  proved  a 
dead  failure  or  worse.  Vet  the  Constitution  is  ])ractically 
riveted  on  the  Colony  because  Varliament  (!ould  never  be  got  to 
attend  to  anuMubuents.    Thus  the  political  development  of  the 


I 


TIIK    KMPJKE. 


155 


n 


Colony,  instead  of  being  aided  li)y  the  supposed  tutelage,  is 
impeded  in  the  most  imi)oitant  respeet.  All  the  nuichineiy 
of  liritish  rarliamentary  government  the  colonies  in  common 
with  many  independent  nations  have.  The  si>irit  of  liritish 
statesmanship  you  cannot  impart,  unless  you  send  out  IJritish 
statesmen  instinct  with  it  in  virtue  of  their  peculiar  training 
and  traditions.  The  game  of  colonial  faction  will  not  give  birth 
to  it;  perhaps  its  life  may  not  be  long  in  the  mother  country 
herself.  Whether  the  standard  of  political  morality  in  a  colony 
is  raised  by  tlu^  connection,  recent  disclosures  in  Canada  too 
clearly  show,  thougli  the  government  having  barred  the  door 
against  inquiry,  only  a  part,  probably,  of  the  truth  has  come 
to  light.  Any  one  of  those  discilosures  would  have  been  the 
ruin  of  a  politician  in  the  United  Statt's.  Mr.  Edward  Jilake 
complains  of  "lowered  standards  of  jjublic  virtue,  deathlike 
apathy  of  public  opinion,  debaiuihed  constituencies,  and 
increased  dependence  on  the  public  chest."  Government  has 
been  unblushingly  corrui)t.  Subsidies  to  railways  and  local 
Avorks  luive  been  notoriously  used  for  the  purpose  of  influ- 
encing elections.  No  I'resident  of  the  United  States,  as  a 
candidate  for  re-election,  would  have  dared  to  assend)le  the 
protected  manufa(!turers  in  the  parlour  of  a  hotel,  assess  them 
to  his  election  fund,  aiul  i)ledge  to  them  the  fiscal  ])olicy  of 
the  country. 

A  Governor  is  now  politically  a  cipher,  lie  holds  a  petty 
court,  and  bids  chami)agne  flow  under  his  roof,  receives 
civic  addresses,  and  makes  flattering  replies;  but  he  has  lost 
all  power,  not  only  of  initiation,  but  of  salutary  control.  His 
name  serves  only  to  cloak  and  dignify  the  acts  of  colonial 
politicians.  It  makes  the  people  put  up  with  things  against 
which  public  stdf-respect  even  at  a  low  ebb  might  revolt.  Tarli- 
anu'ut  in  Canada  was  dissolved  the  other  day  for  the  conve- 
nience of  the  Minister,  who  wanted  to  snai)  a  verdict,  on  the 
pretence  that  a  i)opular  mandate  was  re(piired  for  negotiations 
respecting  the  tariff  which  were  on  foot  with  the  goverinuent 
of  the  United  States.  The  preteu(H*  was  false,  and  the  false- 
hood was  at  oncH'  exposed  by  the  American  Secretary  of  State, 


l.-)() 


QUESTION'S   OF   'I'HK    DAV. 


wlio  declared  tliivt  no  negotiations  whatever  were  on  foot.  In 
the  fraud  thus  })raetised  on  the  i)eo})le,  the  representative  of 
the  Crown,  wlio  can  liardly  liave  faiksd  to  know  the  trutli, 
was  constrained  constitutionally  to  bear  a  part.  In  the  noted 
case  of  the  raeilie  Railway  scandals,  while  public  morality 
was  struggling,  perhaps  for  the  last  time,  with  corruption, 
the  weight  of  the  Governor-General's  authority  was  actually 
(tast  into  the  wrong  scale.  J>y  the  advice  of  the  accused  Min- 
ister:5,  wliich  he  deemed  it  his  constitutional  duty  to  take,  he 
transferred  the  iu(iuiry  fi'om  Parliament,  which  was  seised  of 
it,  to  a  Hoyal  Commission  a[)pointe(l  by  the  ]\[inisters  them- 
selves, whose  object  manifestly  was  to  ev'ade  justice,  as  they 
would  ])robably  have  succeeded  in  doing  had  not  public  in  ''g- 
nation  been  too  strong. 

Xor  does  the  political  connection  form  anything  in  the  way 
of  social  character  which  a  man  of  sense  would  value,  or  from 
which  a  man  of  sense  would  not  turn  away.  There  is  no  need 
of  using  harsh  words  in  order  to  suggest  to  what  colonial 
worship  of  a  coronet  must  lead.  The  tendency  at  present  is  to 
revive  the  system  of  colonial  titles.  Anybody  can  guess  what 
titles  and  title-hunting  in  colonial  so(!ietv  must  beget.  The 
.accolade  does  not  confer  (ihivalry.  In  the  I'acitic  Ivailway 
scandal,  out  of  four  men  im])li('ated,  three  were  knights  at  the 
time,  the  fourth  was  afterwards  knighted,  and  as  a  knight  got 
into  other  scrapes  of  the  same  kind.  \  knight  pays  with  a 
place  in  a  government  de{)artnu'nt  a  jjrinter  who  has  stolen 
proofs  from  his  office  for  the  use  of  the  party  at  an  election. 
A  baronet  employs  without  shame,  for  a  political  purpose, 
private  letters,  the  pro])erty  of  other  persons,  which  he  cannot 
have  obtained  in  an  honourable  way.  Few  can  believe  it  })os- 
sible  to  plant  aristocracy  in  the  New  World.  Pitt  tried  it  and 
utterly  failed.  An  hereditary  ])eerage  is  (dearly  impossible 
without  entailed  estates;  you  would  have  a  marcpu'ss  black- 
ing shoes.  Even  a  baronetcy  is  a  temptation  to  provide  an 
estat<>  for  its  heirs  at  the  public  cost.  'I'he  tendency  of  the 
whole  system  is  to  breed  subjects  for  a  ct)lonial  Tlwu^keray. 
l>y  the  good  sense  of  the  Canadian  people  it  is  regarded  with 


TIIK    KMPIUK. 


1 


aversion,  and  if  it  depended  on  tlieir  vote,  it  would  come  to  an 
end.  As  to  any  intiueiu^e  ol'  titles  ov  of  the  ))olitieal  connec- 
tion generally  on  social  manners,  all  that  iieed  be  said  is  that 
the  manners  of  honest  industry  are  good  enough  if  they  are 
let  alone,  and  that  tlie  character  of  thi^  English  gentleman  is 
highly  susceptible  of  inntatit)n  on  its  bad  side. 

Xationality  exalts  and  saves.  To  the  s(df-respect  of  a  nation 
api)eals  are  siddom  made  wholly  in  vain.  Appeals  are  not  made 
in  vain  to  the  stdf-respect  of  tlie  peo[)le  of  tlie  United  States. 
Ameri(tans  outside  the  political  ring  are  and)itious  of  being 
great  citizens;  for  that  name  they  will  work  iiard,  and,  if  they 
have  wealth,  spend  it  freely.  The  natiiral  ambition  of  a  col- 
onist who  lias  made  a  fortune  is  to  get  a  title,  go  to  Court,  luive 
his  wife  presented,  and  gain  a  footing  in  th(>  aristocratic  society 
of  the  Imperial  countiy.  His  affections  and  aspirations  do  not 
centre  in  the  colony.  Not  seldom  he  leaves  it  during  a  great 
part  of  tlie  year,  sometimes  wholly,  for  London.  He  nuist,  if 
he  is  made  a  Teer.  In  public  muniticence,  the  de])endency, 
even  when  allowance  is  made  for  tlie  difference  of  wealth, 
will  not  bear  comparison  with  the  nation.  Deadlift  v'iforts 
may  be  made  to  cultivate  national  spirit  in  de[)endencies. 
Like  all  efforts  to  cultivate  artificial  sentiment,  they  will  be 
made  in  vain.  If  England  is  to  be  the  mother  of  fret;  nations, 
the  nations  must  be  free. 

To  repeat  the  words  of  an  old  and  long  forgotten  work, 
"The  great  migrations  by  whicli  the  earth  has  been  jx'opled 
have  at  the  same  time  lui folded  the  great  s(!enes  of  history, 
and  carried  man  through  the  suec!essive  ])hases  dl'  sociiil  and 
political  existence.  Old  England  has  failed  to  shake  off  feu- 
dalism; but  the  founders  of  New  England  left  it  behind,  and 
planted  a  realm  beyond  its  sway.  The  kntdl  of  privilege 
tolled  Avhen  they,  at  the  foundation  of  their  State,  bound 
themselves  in  a  voluntary  covenant  to  '  reivder  due  obedience 
to  just  and  equal  laws  framed  for  the  general  good.'  They 
from  the  iirst  renounced  the  Norman  law  of  primogeniture  in 
succession  to  hind,  and  returned  to  the  old  Saxon  law  of  just 
division,   under   the    nanu'  of   gavelkind.     When    hereditary 


158 


QUK.STKJNS  OF   TIIK   DAY. 


M' 


iiristucraoy  offcu'ed  itself  in  the  person  of  certain  Puritan 
J'eors,  who  wished  to  retain  tlieir  privilege  in  New  England, 
they  calmly  but  firmly  put  it  away.  From  the  State  Church 
they  were  lumted  and  persecuted  exiles;  and  if  they  did  not 
reach  at  a  bound  tiie  doctrine,  then  unknown,  of  perfect  reli- 
gious liberty,  they  readied  it,  and  then  embraced  it  without 
reserve,  while  intolerance  still  reigned  at  home.  By  the 
issue  of  their  enteri)rise,  victorious  though  chequered,  man 
has  undoubtedly  been  taught  that  lie  may  not  only  exist,  but 
prosper,  without  many  things  which  at  home  it  would  be 
treason  to  think  unnecessary  to  his  existence.  It  is  a  change, 
and  a  great  change;  one  to  b<'  regarded  neither  with  child- 
ish exultation  nor  with  childish,  fear,  but  witli  manly  rev- 
erence and  solicitude,  as  the  (.pening  of  a  new  page  in  the 
book  of  Providemie,  full  of  mighty  import  to  mankind.  Hut 
what,  in  the  course  of  time,  has  not  changed,  except  that 
essence  of  religion  and  morality  for  whicli  all  the  rest  was 
made?  The  grandest  forms  of  history  have  waxed  old  and 
passed  away.  The  Englisli  aristocracy  has  been  grand  and 
beneficent  in  its  hour,  but  why  should  it  think  that  it  is  the 
expiring  effort  of  creative  power,  and  the  last  birth  of  time? 
We  bear,  and  may  long  bear,  from  motives  higher  perhajis 
than  the  public  good,  the  decreiiitude  of  feudalism  here;  but 
why  are  we  bound,  or  how  can  we  hope,  to  propagate  it  in  a 
free  world?''  * 

The  case  of  Canada  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  those  of 
Australia  and  South  Africa.  Australia  lies  in  an  ocean  of 
her  own,  without  great  neighbours  nearer  than  China,  or  fear 
of  collision,  save  possibly  with  European  interlopers  in  her 
sphere.  South  Africa  has  no  neighbours  except  the  Poersand 
the  savages.  The  Canadian  Dominion,  as  a  glance  at  the  map 
—  the  physical  and  economical,  not  the  political  map  —  will 
sliow,  is  tlie  northern  rim,  broken  by  three  wide  gaps,  of  a 
continent  of  Avhicli  the  inhabitants  are  a  people  of  the  same 
race,  language,  religion,  and  institutions,  with  whom  its  peo- 


4 


The  Empire.  18(j;5,  pp.  143-4. 


TIIK    KMIMUK. 


m 


but 


pic,  severed  only  by  an  obsolete  quarrel,  are  rapidly  blend- 
ing, and  would  unite  if  nature  had  her  way.  In  the  United 
States  is  Canada's  natural  market  for  buying  as  well  as  selling, 
the  market  which  her  productions  are  always  struggling  to 
enter  through  every  opening  in  the  tariff  wall,  for  exclusion 
from  which  no  distant  market  either  in  Kiigland  or  (dsewhere 
can  compensate  her,  the  want  of  which  brings  on  her  coinmer- 
(!ial  atrophy  and  drives  the  flower  of  her  youth  by  thousands 
and  tens  of  thousands  over  the  liiu'.  Her  own  market,  as  a 
whole,  is  not  large,  and  it  is  broken  into  four,  between  which 
there  is  hardl}'  any  natural  trade,  and  little  has  been  forced 
even  by  the  most  stringent  system  of  protection.  The  demand 
for  aid  for  settlement  may  have  awakened  England  to  the 
fact  that  the  Canadian  Xorth-West  remains  unpeopled.  It 
remains  unpeopled  while  the  neighbouring  States  of  the  Union 
are  peopled,  because  it  is  cut  off  from  the  continent  to  which 
it  belongs  by  a  fiscal  and  ])()liti(^al  line. 

There  is  an  especial  danger  in  the  retention  of  Canada,  both 
to  the  Imperial  country  and  to  the  colony.  Canada,  British 
Canada  at  least  (and  Eng.ind  cannot  be  too  often  reminded 
that  there  is  a  French  Canada  as  well  as  a  British),  with  her 
Governor-General's  Court  and  her  mimic  aristocracy  of  Baro- 
nets and  Knights,  presents  herself  as  a  political  outpost  of 
monarchical  and  aristocratic  England  on  the  territory  of 
American  democracy.  In  this  spirit  her  fervent  loyalists  act, 
all  the  more  because  they  cannot  help  feeling  that  nature 
is  drawing  together  tlie  two  sections  of  the  English  race  on 
the  continent,  and  that  only  by  cultivating  antagonism  can 
the  attraction  be  countervailed.  Safe,  as  they  think,  under  the 
shield  of  England,  and  not  being  called  upon  even  to  pay  the 
expense  of  their  own  diplomacy,  they  indulge  in  a  spirited 
bearing  towards  the  United  States.  Thus  are  bred  disputes, 
of  one  of  which  arbitration  may  fail  to  disjjose.  At  the  last 
election  the  government  distinctly  ajipealed  to  anti-Ameri- 
can feeling,  and  its  headers  made  anti-American  speeches 
which  they  afterwards  tried  to  soften,  but  which  had  been 
faithfully  taken  down;  while  their  less  res})onsible  followers. 


¥\ 


■VI 


I*)', 


m 


\   ' 
\ 


IrtO 


qUKSTIONS   OF  'PI IK    DAY. 


going  greater  lengths,  insulted  the  American  name  and  Hag. 
Suppose,  to  us(!  the  illustration  once  more,  Scotland  were  an 
American  possession  and  an  outpost  of  American  Anglophobia. 
A  reunion  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  in  a  political  or  diplo- 
matic sense  there  can  hardly  be.  The  race  is  too  widely 
scattered,  the  circumstances  of  its  members  differ  too  widely, 
some  of  them  are  too  nuu'h  mixed  with  other  races,  for  any 
cond)ination  of  that  kind.  How  could  Great  IJritain  confede- 
rate, even  in  the  loosest  way,  with  the  United  States?  Where 
would  the  centre  of  suidi  a  union  be,  and  what  would  be  its 
objects?  If  the  object  were  merely  to  keej)  the  jjcace  among 
the  members  of  the  confederacy,  that  might  be  done  in  a 
simpler  way;  if  to  impose  the  will  of  tlie  confederac^y  upon 
the  world,  tlie  world  would  rise  against  the  confederacy.  This 
is  a  day-dream.  lUit  there  is  nothing  visionary  in  the  hope  of 
a  moral  reunion  of  the  race,  in  which  would  be  buried  the  old 
quarrel  with  all  its  miserable  traces,  including  that  subservi- 
ency to  a  people  alien  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  mission  of  law,  into 
which  partly  by  their  dissensions  both  sections  have  been 
brought.  England  was  bound,  after  the  American  Kevolution, 
to  keep  her  Hag  Hying  over  the  loyalists  who  had  settled  in 
Canada  as  well  as  over  the  French  Catholics  who  had  taken 
her  side.  This  duty  has  been  done  ;  and  if  Canada,  situated 
as  she  is  commercially  as  well  as  geographically,  and  with  a 
solid  French  nationality  in  the  midst  of  her,  is  capable  of  being 
and  desires  to  be  an  independent  nation,  from  American  aggres- 
sion, once  more,  she  has  nothing  to  fear.  The  Americans  have 
territory  enough ;  though  they  cannot  fail  to  see  tlie  advantages 
of  a  united  continent,  they  are  too  wise  to  incorporate  dis- 
affection. They  know"  tliat  if  they  wish  to  put  pressure  on 
Canada,  they  might  do  it  without  giving  England  a  pretext  for 
drawing  her  sword  by  stopping  the  bonding  system,  depriving 
Canada  of  winter  ports,  excluding  her  ))roducts  from  their  mar- 
kets, and  laying  a  hostile  hand  upon  her  railways,  including 
the  Canadian  I'acific,  wdiich,  though  Englishmen  seem  to  be 
unaware  of  the  fact,  runs  through  the  State  of  Maine.  Let 
England,  then,  fairly  weigh  the  advantages  and  disadvantages 


TllK    KMl'lKK. 


101 


of  this  possession  l)()tli  to  licrsi^lt'  and  to  the  dependency,  and 
let  her  not  be  beguiled  by  otti(dal  rei)orts  or  by  those  of  (iov- 
ernors-General  who  do  not  live  in  the  castle  of  trnth.  It  was 
to  such  sources  tliat  ICnglaud  and  her  government  continued 
to  trust  for  infornuition  while  the  current  of  events  was  draw- 
ing them  towards  the  American  Kevolution. 

Sentiment,  apart  from  utility,  nobody  would  disparage;  but 
apart  from  utility  it  cannot  long  subsist.  Nor  is  loyalty, 
however  loud,  or  even  sincere,  worth  much  unless  it  is  attested 
by  self-sacritice.  A  Canadian  Parliament,  a  Conservative 
Minister  leading  the  way,  voted  sympathy  witli  Home  Rule. 
This  was  done,  as  a  leading  ('onservative  confessed  on  the 
platform  the  other  day,  because,  an  election  being  near,  it 
was  necessary  to  capture  the  Irish  Catholic  vote.  Judge 
whether  these  men  are  likely  to  pour  out  their  blood  without 
stint  for  Jiritish  connection;  see  at  least,  first,  whether  they 
are  ready  to  [)oar  out  a  little  money  or  to  reduce  tlieir  duties 
on  your  goods.  "  Loyalty,"  said  Cobden,  "is  an  ironical  term 
to  apply  to  people  wlio  neither  pay  our  taxes  nor  obey  our  laws, 
nor  hold  themselves  liable  to  light  our  battles,  who  would 
repudiate  our  right  to  the  sovereignty  over  an  acre  of  their 
territory,  and  who  claim  the  right  of  im[)()sing  their  own 
customs  duties  even  to  the  exclusion  of  our  nuinufactures."  ^ 


1  Cobden  visited  Canada  and  the  United  States  more  than  once,  and 
when  the  Confederation  Act  was  on  tlie  stocks  wrote  as  follows  to  a 
friend:  "  I  cannot  see  what  substantial  interest  the  British  people  have 
in  the  connection  to  compensate  them  for  guaranteeini;  three  or  four 
millions  of  North  Americans  living  in  Canada  against  another  conunu- 
nity  of  Americans  living  in  their  neigliborhood.  We  are  told  indeed  of 
the  loyalty  of  the  Canadians,  but  this  is  an  ironical  term  to  ajjply  to 
people  who  neither  pay  our  taxes,  nor  obey  our  laws,  nor  hold  themselves 
liable  to  fight  our  battles,  who  would  repudiate  our  right  to  the  sover- 
eignty over  an  acre  of  their  territory,  and  who  claim  the  right  of  impos- 
ing their  own  customs  duties  even  to  the  exclusion  of  our  nuumfactures. 
We  are  two  peoples  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  anil  it  is  a  perilous  delu- 
sion to  both  parties  to  attempt  to  keep  up  a  sham  connection  and  depen- 
dence, which  will  snap  asunder  if  it  should  ever  be  put  to  the  strain  of 
stern  reality.     It  is  all  very  well  for  our  (\ickney  newspapers  to  talk  of 


1*52 


QIKSTIOXS   OK   THI-;    DAY 


Xotliiiig  can  lie  inoro  kindly  tliiiii  tlic  feel inj,' of  ordinary  Cana- 
dians, who  seek  no  titles  and  liav*'  no  railways  to  vend,  towards 
the  niotlun'  oonntry;  hut  it  does  not  prevent  them  from  think- 
ing,' of  their  own  interest  first,  or  from  freely  exehanging  the 
British  for  tin;  American  flag  whenever  tln'ir  interest  calls 
them  to  the  other  side  of  the  line.  Kvery  one  who  has  lived 
in  the  United  States  knows  that  then^  is  many  an  American 
of  tlui  better  class  whosi;  heart  has  turncMl  to  Old  England. 
The  affection  of  tlu'se  men  is  nndeniahly  genuine,  and  would 
perhaps  stand  as  severe  a  test  as  the  loyalty  of  the  dei)en- 
denoy.  That  the  love  of  colonists  other  than  those  whose 
special  interests  or  aspirations  are  bound  u[)  with  the  present 
system  would  be  loosened  by  the  dissolution  of  the  political 
tie,  there  is  not  the  slightest  reason  for  believing.  It  has  not 
been  lessened  by  the  reduction  of  the  ti(i  to  a  mere  thread; 
why  should  it  be  loosened  by  the  dissolution?  Race,  history, 
literature,  depend  not  on  [lolitical  connection.  The  CJovernor- 
(reneralship  as  a  channel  of  British  influence  on  the  Canadian 
mind  would  be  well  exchanged  for  the  free  importation  of 
British  books. 
This  question  of  the  relation  of  the  colonies  cannot  be  set 

defending;  Canada  at  all  hazards.  It  would  be  just  as  po.ssible  for  the 
United  States  to  sustain  Yorkshire  in  a  war  with  Kn<^land  as  for  us  to 
enable  Canada  to  contend  aj^ainst  the  I'nited  States.  It  is  simply  an 
impossibility.  Nor  must  we  forjiet  that  the  only  serious  danger  of  a 
([uarn^l  between  the  two  neighbors  arises  from  the  connection  of  Canada 
with  this  country.  In  my  opinion,  it  is  for  the  interest  of  both  that  we 
should,  as  speedily  as  possible,  sever  the  political  thread  by  which  we  are 
a.s  conununities  connected,  and  leave  the  individuals  on  both  sides  to 
cultivate  the  relations  of  conunerce  and  friendly  intercourse  as  with  other 
nations.  I  have  felt  an  interest  in  this  Confederation  scheme  because  I 
tliought  it  was  a  step  in  the  direction  of  an  amicable  separation.  I  am 
afraid  from  the  last  telegrams  that  thei'c  may  be  a  difficulty  either  in  your 
])r(wince  or  in  Lower  Canada  in  carrying  out  the  project.  Whatever  may 
be  the  wish  of  the  colonies  will  meet  with  the  concurrence  of  our  Gov- 
ernment and  Parliament.  We  have  recognized  their  right  to  control 
their  own  fate  even  to  the  point  of  asserting  their  independence  when- 
ever they  think  lit,  and  which  we  know  to  be  only  a  question  of  time."  — 
Morley's  Life  of  Cohden.  Vol.  II.,  pp.  47(»,  471. 


I 


TlIK    KMl'IUK. 


aside  as  unpractical.  It  may  at  any  mnniont  present  itself  in 
the  most  practical  form;  for  a  maritime  war  would  at  once 
reveal  the  inability  of  Knj;land  to  protect  her  distant  depen- 
dencies and  the  inability  of  the  dependencies  to  defend  their 
own  trade.  At  some  time  it  must  come,  for  nobody  believes 
that  Australia  and  Canada  can  forever  remain  in  a  static  of 
dependence.  Nobody  imagines  that  the  Aniciican  (colonies 
which  are  now  the  United  States,  even  if  there  had  been  no 
quarrel  with  (ieorge  111.,  could  have  remained  to  the  present 
day  dependencies  of  *  ireat  IJritain.  "There  is  a  period,"  said 
Lord  lilatchford,  "  in  the  life  of  distant  nations,  however  (doso 
their  original  connection,  at  which  each  must  i)ursue  its  own 
course,  whether  in  domestic  or  foreign  ])olitics,  unembarrassed 
by  the  other's  leading.  And  the  arrival  of  that  period  de- 
pends upon  growth.  Every  increase  of  colonial  wealth,  or 
number,  or  intelligence,  or  organisation,  is  in  one  sense  a  step 
towards  disintegration.  The  Confederation  of  Canada  was 
therefore  such  a  step."  The  opinion  of  Sir  G.  Cornewall 
Lewis  in  his  "Government  of  Dependencies,"  though,  like  all 
his  opinions,  cautiously  worded,  is  easy  to  read.  Even  Lord 
Beaconstield  told  Lord  Malniesbury  in  confidence  that  the 
colonies  would  be  independent  in  a  few  years,  nor  did  he 
shrink  from  saying  that  they  were  a  millstone  round  the  neck 
of  England  in  the  meantime.'  If  the  question  must  come,  then, 
why  not  face  it?  Because  British  governments  are  ephemeral, 
and  in  the  perpetual  faction  tight  liave  enough  to  do  to-day 
without  thinking  of  to-morrow.  Probably,  therefore,  the  end 
will  come  in  the  form  of  a  crash  or  shock  of  some  kind.  But 
discussion  will  at  least  teach  statesnumship  to  interpret  the 
event  and  deal  wisely  with  it  when  it  comes. 

The  West  India  Islands  are  lovely,  romantic,  steeped  in 
historic  memories.  But  as  a  British  possession  they  are  almost 
penal.  Profit  or  strength  from  them  Great  Britain  derives  no 
more.  In  case  of  a  maritime  war,  they  would  be  a  real  burden 
to  her.     But  she  is  bound  to  sustain  what  remains  of  a  white 

1  See  Lord  Mahiiesbiny's  Memnirs  of  nn  Ex-Minister.  Vol.  I.,  p.  344. 


m 


\(U 


(2i:i:srioNs  of  tiik  day. 


i  I 


nice,  aiitl  to  keep  ])eiU'('  iM'tween  the  nict's,  so  that  thorc  may 
l)c  no  inort'  .lamaica  niassacivs.  This  penalty  slie  pays  for 
her  .share  in  the  gains  ol'  shivery,  gains  wlii(!h  themselves  were 
losses,  for  the  West  Indian  slave-owners  eornipted  her  society 
anil  her  polities.  I'eace,  it  is  to  be  feared,  can  be  kept  between 
wliites  and  blacks  only  by  a  power  superior  t(t  both  of  them, 
and  it  would  be  probably  better  for  the  Islands  if  they  were 
dependencies  outright,  and  ruled  by  Imperial  governors,  jiro- 
vided  the  governors  were  strong  men  and  impartial,  not 
febrile  partisans  like  (Jovernor  Kyre.  Xegro  democracy,  after 
a  i)retty  long  trial  in  Haiti,  seems  to  be  a  total  failure,  even 
when  due  allowance  is  nuide  for  the  inauspicious  circum- 
stances of  its  birth.  The  Americans  do  not  want  to  incorpor- 
ate barl)arous  populations  which  would  send  corrupt  elements 
to  Congress,  nor  do  they  want  to  annex  islands  for  the  defence 
of  which  they  would  have  to  keep  a  large  fleet. 

There  is  an  imi)ressi()n  that  th^'  cpu'stion  of  the  colonial 
system  and  of  the  Km]»ire  generally  was  mooted  some  time  ago 
by  the  Manchester  school,  and  that  the  mercenary  ideas  of 
the  school  i)revailed  for  a  time,  but  were  presently  discarded, 
Avhile  Imperialism  resunu'd  its  generous  sway.  Opinion  is  a 
plant  not  only  of  slow,  but  of  fitful  growth.  The  Manchester 
movement,  as  it  is  styled,  swept  away  military  occupation. 
Before  that  time  there  had  been  large  bodies  of  British  troops 
in  the  colonies,  and,  as  a  consequence,  a  series  of  INIaori  and 
Kaffir  wars.  The  movement  got  rid  of  the  useless  and  trouble- 
some protectorate  of  the  Ionian  Islands.  It  gave  a  gene- 
ral impulse  to  colonial  emancipation,  Avliich  has  constantly 
advanced  since  that  time.  Almost  every  question  has  been  de- 
termined in  favour  of  colonial  self-government,  till  at  last  the 
colonies  stand  upon  the  brink  of  independence.  Canada  is 
now  even  claiming  diph»matic  independence  in  the  matter  of 
commercial  treaties,  Avhich  she  proposes  to  make  for  herself 
under  the  name  and  on  the  responsibility  of  the  British  For- 
eign Office.  She  has  half  emancipated  herself  judicially  from 
the  Privy  Council  by  the  creation  of  her  own  Supreme  (!ourt. 


TIIK    KMIMUK. 


m 


Sho  hof^iiis  to  be  rather  'cstlc'ss  under  the  military  eonimaiKl  of 
f,'onerals  sent  from  Kn^^huid.  At  this  point  there  is  a  natural 
reeoil,  as  tln-re  is  sure  to  \»'  at  any  partiui^,  however  inevita- 
ble, at  the  hreakiuji,'  of  any  tie,  familiar,  tlioii<,'h  it  may  he 
()l)solete.  iMoreover,  there  are  classes  whose  interests  and 
aspirations  uro  hound  n\\  with  the  system.  TImmm^  are  the 
circle  of  Clolonial  (rovernors  and  the  camlidates  for  Imperial 
titles.  Another  reactionary  influence  of  a  subtle  kind  is  i'elt. 
Home  Rulers  find  in  fervent  Im])erialism  a  set-otT  aijainst  their 
se|)aratism  at  home.  They  ]»romise  themselves  and  their 
(country  an  ampler  union  as  compensation  for  dismemberment. 
Hence  the  movement  in  favour  of  Itnperial  Federation.  On 
this  stibject  the  writer  can  only  repeat  what  he  has  .said  in 
another  work,  whicli,  being  on  a  s])ecial  (juestion,  may  not 
have  met  the  eye  of  the  njader  of  this  book.' 

"  It  was  probably  the  sight  of  the  tie  visibly  weakening  .and 
of  the  appronch  of  colonial  indejjendence  that  gave  birth, 
by  a  recoil,  to  Imperial  Federation.  Hut  the  movement  has 
been  strangely  reinforced  from  another  source.  Home  Kuh^rs, 
who  under  that  specious  name  would  surrender  Ireland  to 
the  Parnellites,  think  to  salve  their  own  patriotism  and  recon- 
cile the  nation  to  their  policy  by  saying  that  in  breaking  uj) 
the  United  Kingdom  they  are  but  providing  raw  materials  for 
a  far  ampler  and  grander  union.  In  the  case  of  the  late  Mv. 
Forster,  the  only  statesman  who  has  very  seriously  embraced 
the  project,  something  might  be  due  to  the  Nemesis  of  imagi- 
nati(m  in  the  breast  of  a  Quaker. 

"The  Imperial  Federationists  refuse  to  tell  us  their  plan. 
They  bid  o\ir  bosoms  dilate  with  trustful  enthusiasm  for 
arrangements  which  are  yet  to  be  revealed.  They  say  it  is  not 
yet  time  for  the  disclosure.  Not  yet  time,  when  the  last  strand 
of  political  conni'ction  is  worn  almost  to  the  last  thread,  and 
when  every  day  the  sentiment  o])i)osed  to  (ientralisation  is 
implanting  itself  more  deeply  in  colonial  hearts!  While  we 
are  bidden  to  wait  patiently  for  the  tide,  the  tide  is  running 

'  Canada  and  the  Canadian  (^ui'stion,  pp.  '21X5-309. 


Hi 


1(50 


QUKSTKJNS   OF   THK    DAY. 


r    '  I 


'   I 


stroiif^ly  tli«'  other  way.  Now  Xowfoundland  elaiins  tlie  right 
of  makiii.t,'  her  own  coinnicrcial  aj^reements  with  the  Unityd 
States  iiulo|)oii(h'iitly  of  other  colonies.  Disintegration,  surely, 
is  on  the  ])oint  of  being  eoniiilete. 

''At  least  we  inny  be  told  of  whom  the  Confederation  is  to 
(ionsist.  Art'  the  negroes  of  tlie  West  Indies  to  be  included? 
Is  Quashee  to  vote  on  Iini)erial  j)olicy?  liut  above  all,  what 
is  to  be  done  witli  India?  Is  it,  as  a  Colonial  Federationist  of 
thoroughgoing  deuKU'ratic  tendencies  demanded  the  other  day, 
to  be  taken  into  Federation  and  enfranchised?  If  it  is,  the 
Hindu  will  outvote  us  five  to  one,  and  what  he  will  do  with 
us  only  tliose  wlio  have  fatbomed  tlie  Oriental  mystery  can 
pretend  to  say.  Is  it  to  remain  a  dependency?  Jf  it  is,  to 
whom  is  it  to  belong.  To  a  Federation  of  democratic  commu- 
nities scattered  over  the  globe,  some  of  which,  like  Canada, 
have  no  interest  in  it  whatever?  Its  fate  as  an  Empire  would 
then  be  sealed,  if  it  is  not  sealed  already  by  the  progress  of 
democracy  in  Great  Britain.  Or  is  it  to  belong  to  England 
alone?  In  that  case  one  member  of  the  Confederacy  will  have 
an  Empire  apart  live  times  as  large  os  the  rest  of  the  Confed- 
eration, retpiiring  separate  armaments  and  a  diplomacy  of  its 
own.  How  would  the  American  Confederation  work  if  one 
State  held  South  America  as  an  Empin^?  Some  have  sug- 
gested that  Ilindustiin  should  be  represented  by  the  British 
residents  in  India  aloiu'.      If  it  were,  woe  to  the  Hindu! 

"Again,  the  object  of  tiu'  Association  surely  must  l)e  known. 
Every  Association  of  a  practical  kind  must  hav(»  a  definite 
object  to  hold  it  together.  The  objects  which  naturiilly  sug- 
gest themselves  are  common  armaments  and  a  common  tariff. 
Hut  Caiuidii,  ;is  we  have  seen,  refuses  to  contrilnite  to  common 
armaments,  and  Australia,  tiioiigh  she  sent  a  reginuuit  to  tlie 
Soudan,  now  apparently  repents  of  having  done  it.  (ireat 
Britain  is  a  war  power;  the  colonists.  lik<'  the  Americans, 
are  essentially  unmilitarv.  and  hei-e  would  b(^  the  l)eginning 
of  troubles.  .\s  to  tlie  tariff,  the  ('anadian  Brote(ttionists, 
who  make  use  of  Imperial  Federation  as  a  stalking-liorse  in 
their  struggle  against  free  trade  with  the   United  States,  are 


mm^M.^-JJerrsKz 


TIIK    KMl'IRK. 


ir,7 


always  oarolul  to  say  that  they  do  not  mean  to  resign  their 
right  of  hiying  protective  duties  on  Uritish  goods.  Victoria 
also  seems  wedded  to  Jier  Troteetive  system.  AVliat  rejuains 
but  improvement  of  postal  communication  and  a  Colonial 
Exhibition,  neitluM-  of  which  surely  calls  for  a  political  com- 
bination un])recedented  in  history'.' 

*'  Unprecedented  in  history  tlie  combination  would  be.  The 
Jvoman  Empire,  the  thouglit  of  which  and  of  its  Ciris  liovia- 
viis  sum,  is  always  hovering  before  our  minds,  was  vast,  but  it 
was  all  in  a  ring-fence.  Moreover,  it  had  its  worhl  to  itself, 
no  rival  power?  being  interposed  Itetwcen  Itome  and  her  Prov- 
ince's. It  wa.s  .ui  lCnipir(>  in  the  jn'oiier  sense  of  the  term. 
its  members  were  all  alike  in  strict  subordination  to  its 
head.  The  head  determined  the  ])<)licy  Avithout  ([uestion. 
and  danger  to  unity  from  divided  counsels  there  was  none. 
We  confuse  our  minds,  as  was  said  bel'ore,  by  an  improper  use 
of  the  term  Empire.  The  name  apjdics  to  India,  but  to  noth- 
ii»g  els(^  (connected  with  (Jreat  liritain  unless  it  be  the  for- 
tresses and  (Jrown  Colonies.  Our  self-governed  colonies  are 
not  members  of  an  Em})irc,  but  free  communities  virtually 
independent  of  the  mother  country,  wliich  for  the  purpose 
of  Confederation  would  b(!  called  u[)ou  to  resign  a  portion  of 
their  independence.  i)i  the  Spanish  Kmpire  it  is  needless  to 
speak.  Its  name  is  an  omen  of  disaster  and  a  warning  against 
the  blind  ambition  wliich  mistakes  cond)ination  lor  union  and 
colossal  weakness  i'or  power.  Afttn-  all,  the  iJoman  Empire 
itsidf  fell,  anil  partly  because  the  life  was  drawn  from  the 
members  to  tlie  head. 

" 'I'lu^  Acduean  League,  the  Swiss  IJund,  the  I'uioii  of  the 
Netherlands,  the  American  Union,  all  were  perfectly  natural 
combinations,  not  only  suggeste<l  but  commanded  by  a  common 
])eril.  In  three  out  of  the  lour  cases  the  communities  which 
entered  into  the  compact  were  kindred  in  all  respectii;  in  the 
case  of  the  Swiss  Hund  they  were  eipial.  In  the  c.ise  of  the 
Confederation  now  proposed,  they  would  l>e  neitht  r  kindred 
nori-qual;  and  faste*  .In-  people  ol  the  Uritish  Islands,  those 
of  self-governed  c(»lunies,   the   Hindu,   the    African,  and   the 


I' 


T" 

J 


Iv 


lfi8 


QlKsriUNS   (tF   Till-;    DAY. 


Ivattir  tdj^ctluT  with  \vli;it  Icgisljitivc  cjlamps  you  will,  you 
cannot  produce  the  unity  of  political  (iharacter  and  scntiintuit 
which  is  essential  to  community  of  counsels,  much  more;  to 
national  union. 

"Steam  and  teh-.i^raph,  we  are  told,  have  annihilated  dis- 
tance. They  have  not  annihilated  the  ]»arish  steei)l.'.  'I'hey 
have  not  carried  the  thou.Ljlits  of  the  ordinary  (utizen  beyond 
the  circle  of  his  own  life  and  work.  They  iiave  not  ([ualitied 
a  connnon  farmer,  ;  radesman,  ploughman,  or  artisan  to  direct 
the  ])olitics  of  a  world-wide  State.  How  much  does  an  ordi- 
nary Canadian  kiu)W  or  care  al)out  Australia,  an  ordinary  .Aus- 
tralian about  Canada,  or  an  ordinary  Kn_i,'lishman,  Scotchnum, 
or  Irishman  about  eitlier?  The  tetdint;-  of  all  the  colonists 
towards  the  motlier  country,  when  you  appeal  to  it,  is  thor- 
oughly kind,  as  is  that  of  the  mother  country  towards  the 
colonies.  15ut  Canadian  notions  of  British  p'olitics  are  hazy, 
and  still  nu»re  hazy  are  Hritish  notions  of  the  [lolitics  of 
('anada.  When  .lohn  Sandiield  Macilonald,  the  F'ip^e  Minis- 
ter of  Ontario,  died,  his  death  was  chronicded  sfv  British 
jo\irniils  as  tiiat  of  Sir  .John  A.  Macdonald,  the  Prime  Min- 
i.ster  of  tlie  Dominion. 

"The  different  IM-ovince.s  of  Canada  cannot  be  made  to  sink 
their  local  interests  in  that  of  the  Dominion.  How  much  less 
could  all  the  colonies  be  made  to  sink  their  local  interests  in 
that  of  the  Imperial  I"\'derati(m! 

"About  India  Knglishnmn  know  more,  because  their  inter- 
est in  it  is  so  great;  but  Canadians  know  nothing.  The 
framers  of  these  vast  political  schemes,  having  their  own  eyes 
tixed  on  the  [lolitical  firmament,  forget  that  the  eyes  of  men 
in  general  are  ti.xed  on  the  patli  tiiey  tread.  The  suffrage  of 
the  Federation  ought  to  be  limite(l  to  far-reaching  and  imagi- 
native minds. 

"  \  grand  idea  may  be  at  the  same  time  practical.  The  idea 
of  a  Cnited  Continent  of  Xorth  America,  securing  free  trade 
and  intercourse  over  a  vast  area,  with  external  safety  and 
interni'.l  peace,  is  no  less  practical  than  it  is  grand.  The 
benefits  of  such  a  union  would  be  always  present  to  the  mind 


TllK    KMl'lUK. 


1«)!» 


of  the  least  instructed  citizen.  The  sentiment  connected  with 
it  would  he  a  foundiitiou  un  which  the  political  aichitect  could 
build.  Iniperuil  Federation,  to  the  mass  of  the  peojjle  com- 
prised in  it,  would  be  a  mere  name  conveyin>,'  with  it  no 
definite  sense  of  benetit  on  which  anything  could  be  built. 

"To  press  this  receding  vision  a  little  closer,  what  would  be 
the  relation  of  the  Federal  (iovernnuMit  to  the  British  mon- 
archy? Would  the  same  Queen  be  sovereign  of  both?  Would 
she  have  two  sets  of  advisers?  Sui)pos(^  they  should  advise 
her  different  ways!  W(nild  slie  appoint,  as  she  does  now,  the 
heads  of  all  tlie  other  nuMubers  of  tht;  Federation?  It  would 
hardly  do  to  let  the  President  of  the  IJnited  States  appoint 
all  the  State  (lovernors.  How  would  the  Suiireme  Court  be 
constituted?  Sucli  an  authority  would  certainly  be  needed  to 
inter]»ret  the  ( Constitution,  and  the  British  monarcliy  would 
have  to  l)e  ;i  suitor  before  it.  How  would  the  decrees  of  the 
Federal  CJovernnuMit  be  enforced,  say,  in  ease  of  refusal  to  send 
the  war  contingent?  How.  again,  wcnild  the  riq)resentation 
in  the  Federal  I'arliiiinent  be  apportioned?  If  by  population, 
tiie  representation  of  the  iJritish  Islands  would  so  outnumber 
the  rest  that  the  rest  would  deem  their  representation  practi- 
call}'  a  nullity,  and  jealousy  and  cabals  would  at  once  arise. 
Tlu'  very  numl)er,  too.  would  be  a  ditliculty.  If  Great  Britain 
Iiad  memliers  in  proi)ortion  to  St.  Ihdena  and  I'Mji,  tlie  Parlia- 
ment would  hav(!  to  meet  on  Salisl)ury  Plain.  These  are  not 
(luestions  of  detail,  nor  do  they  attacli  only  to  a  particular 
scheme;  they  are  fundamental,  and  attach  to  every  scheme  that 
can  be  conceived, 

"Tlu^  Parliament  of  (Jreat  IWitain  nuist  eea.se  to  be  a  Sove- 
reign Power.  The  Impeiial  Congress  its(df  would  not  l)e  a 
Sovereign  Power.  Like  tlie  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
it  would  be  subject  to  the  l-'eih-ral  (.'onstitution,  and  would 
have  so  nuich  authority  oidy  as  that  Constitution  assigiu'd  it. 
The  Sovendgn  Power  would  be  the  ])eople  of  the  Empire  at 
large,  and  ;v  curious  Sovereign  they  would  be. 

"The  same  person  could  not  be  the  licad  at  once  of  a  Federa- 
^\i)U  and  of  one  of  the  communities  included  in  it,  any  more 


' 


170 


•  ilK^TlONS    Ol-'     rilK    DAV. 


'  I 


tluiu  the  same  i)eiv>oii  could  be  President  of  the  United  States 
and  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York.  Her  Majesty  would 
have  to  choose  between  the  British  and  the  ran-lJritannic 
Crown. 

"Canada  is  a  (Jon federation  in  herself.  Movements  are  on 
foot  for  a  Confederation  of  tln^  Australian  Colonies  and  of 
those  of  South  Africa.  A  Confederation  of  tlie  West  India 
Islands  has  also  been  jjroposed.  We  should  tlnis  have  a  strik- 
ing ncjvelty  in  i)olitical  architecture  in  the  shape  of  a  Confed- 
eration of  ConftMlerations.  l^)Ut  it  seems  certain  that  New 
Zealand  would  not,  and  tliat  some  isolated  colonies  could  not, 
join  any  Fedci-ation,  in  which  case  the  membei's  of  tjic  Central 
Tarliament  would  represent  i)artly  iM'dcrations,  [tartly  single 
conimunities.  Strange,  apparently,  would  be  the  complication 
of  fealties,  obligations,  and  sentiments  which  would  hence 
arise. 

"This  Union,  so  complex  in  its  machinery,  with  its  mem- 
bers scattered  over  the  world,  and  distracted  by  interests  as 
wide  apart  as  the  shores  of  its  members,  Home  l'\ilers  tliink 
they  could  maintain,  while;  tliey  bid  us  despair  of  maintaining 
the  I'arlianu'iitary  Union  of  Ireland  with  (Jreat  Britain. 

"  Even  to  assemble  tlie  Constituent  (Convention  would  be  no 
easy  task.  The  governments,  liritisli  and  (Johjnial,  are  all 
party  governments  ai  •'  all  liable  to  constant  cliange.  The 
delegate  trusted  by  one  party  would  not  have  the  confidence 
of  the  other,  and  before  the  (Convention  could  proceed  to  busi- 
ness somelujdy's  credentials  would  be  witlidrawn.  We  have 
seen  in  the  case  of  Canadian  Confederation  how  Nova  Scotia, 
New  Jirunswick.  and  Triiice  Kdward  Island  Hew  off  from  the 
agreement  at  v'.iiich  their  delegates  had  arrived.  In  truth 
there  would  probably  be  a  general  falling  away  as  soon  as 
})ayment  for  Imperial  armaments  came  into  view. 

"Tiic  f'edendion  would  be  notliing  if  not  diplomatic.  lUit 
whose  diplomacy  is  to  prevail'.'  That  of  (ireat  lU'itain,  a 
I'iUropean  I'ower  and  at  the  same  time  .Mistress  of  Inilia? 
Tiiat  of  .Australia,  with  her  Eastern  rehitions  and  her  Chinese 
question'.'     '  m-  that  of  (Canada,  bound  u[i  with  the  American 


' 


TMK    KMPIHK. 


171 


Continent,  indifferent  to  everything'  in  l-'urope  or  Asi;i.  and 
(concerned  only  with  hi-r  rehition  to  the  United  States?  Aus- 
tralia, we  have  been  told,  already  betrays  her  intention  of 
breaking  away  from  Kngland  should  Uritish  policy  ever  take 
a  line  adverse  to  her  speeial  interests  in  the  East,  and  such  a 
line  British  [xiliey  must  take  if  the  special  interests  of  Aus- 
tralia are  ever  to  lead  her  into  a  (conflict  with  the  Chinese. 

"Switzerland,  the  Xetherlands,  and  the  United  States,  all 
federated  under  the  pressure  of  ne(!essity,  whi(^h,  stern  and 
manifest  as  it  was,  had  yet  scarcely  the  })ower  to  overcome  the 
centralised  forces.  To  do  the  work  of  that  necessity  there 
ought  at  least  to  be  an  etpially  strong  desire.  l!ut  wiiat  proof 
have  we  of  tin;  existence  of  suc^h  a  desire".'  .Vustralia,  far 
from  being  eager,  seems  to  be  adverse;  in  some  of  her  cities 
the  missionary  of  Imperial  Federati(»n  can  scarcidy  lind  ;ni 
aiulience.  Vnnn  South  Africui  comes  no  audibh;  resjionse.  In 
British  Canada  the  movement  has  no  ajjparent  strength  exce]»t 
what  it  derives  from  an  alliance  with  I'roteetionisni,  whicdi, 
as  has  already  been  said,  I'cpudiates  a  commercial  union  of  the 
Kmiiire  and  insists  on  maintaining  its  separate  tariff.  To  the 
French  Nationalists  of  (^)uel»ec  anything  that  would  bind  tlieir 
country  closer  to  (Jreat  IJritain  is  odious,  and  they  were  re- 
cently dis[)osed  to  rtjceive  a.  (Iovernor-(r(Mieral  coldly  because 
they  suspected  him  of  favouring  such  a  policy,  in  (Jreat 
liritain  itself  the  movement  shows  no  sign  (»f  stri'ngth.  I'^or 
several  years,  under  Lord  Beacoustitdd,  Imperialism  had  eveiy- 
thing  its  own  way,  yet  not  a  ste[t  was  taken  towards  Icdera- 
tion.  This  was  the  grand  opportunity;  l)ut  Federationists 
failed  to  gras}»  it  by  the  forelock.  Nothing  has  been  done  to 
this  hour  beyond  holding  a  meeting  of  colonists,  alisolutely 
without  authority,  whieli  dined,  wined,  and  talked  about 
postal  eomnumieations.  all  power  of  dealing  with  the  gi<'at 
question  having  been  exiu'cssly  withheld.  Lord  Ueaconstitdd's 
successor  in  the  Tory  leadership  has  plaiidy  de(dined  to  commit 
himself  to  the  project,  We  seem  to  be  a  hmg  way  from  a 
spontaneous  ,hu<1  overwhelming'  vote,  nothing  short  of  which 
would  suffive. 


11:1 


172 


(.ii;Ksri(>Ns  OK  riiK  day 


"Tlu'  approiuli  to  ccntriilisatioii  at  once  sets  all  the  WMitri- 
fugal  t'onu's  in  action;  it  did  this  rvcii  in  tlie  American  Fed- 
eration. s(»  tliat  the  projcctt  narrowly  es(;ai)ed  wreck;  and 
miscarriage  would  hcget,  instead  of  tdoser  union,  discord, 
estrangement,  and  perhaps  rupture.  Let  us  lu-ar  in  mind  the 
warning  exam[)l(!  of  the  rupture  with  the  Ameiicau  colonies. 

*•  What  is  the  real  motive  for  encountering  all  the  ditti- 
culties  and  perils  of  this  more  than  gigantic  uncU-rtaking,  for 
running  laboriously  (counter  to  tlie  recent  course  of  colonial 
history,  as  well  as  to  the  natural  tendencies  of  <nir  race,  and 
for  taking  the  political  heart  and  brain,  as  it  were,  out  of  each 
of  these  free  comnuuiities  and  transferring  them  to  London? 
"NVe  are  told  tluit  the  Federal  Kmpirc  would  impose  peace 
upon  the  world.  This  assunu's  that  dispersion  is  strength, 
and  that  (ireat  IJritaiu  would  be  nuule  more  formidable  in  war 
by  being  bound  u[i  with  un warlike  communities,  liut  su]>- 
pose  it  true;  surely  the  appearance  of  a  world-wide  power, 
grasping  all  the  waterways  and  all  tin;  points  of  maritinu;  van- 
tage, instead  of  propagating  ]>eace,  would,  like  an  alarm  gun, 
call  the  nations  to  l)attle?  The  way  to  make  peac^e  on  earth 
is  to  promote  the  coming  not  of  an  excdusive  military  league 
but  of  the  Tarlianuuit  of  Man,  the  moral  Parliament  of  Man 
at  least,  by  enlarging  tlu;  action  of  international  law  and 
repressing  the  and)itious  passions  to  whi(di,  however  phihiu- 
tliropic  may  be  our  professions,  Imperialism  really  appeals. 

"if  no  distinct  object  can  be  assigned,  if  no  detinitf^  plan 
can  l)e  produced,  if  the  jjntjectors  are  eonstuous  that  there  is 
no  practical  step  on  which  they  can  ventiire.  surely  the  j)ro- 
jeet  ought  to  be  frankly  laid  aside  and  no  longer  allowed  to 
darken  counsel,  hide  from  us  the  real  facts  of  the  sitmition, 
and  prevent  the  colonies  from  advancing  on  tlu?  true  i)ath. 

"Then;  is  a  fe(!erali(tn  which  is  feaMlble,  and,  to  those  who 
do  not  UKMSure  grandeur  Uy  physical  force  or  extension,  at 
least  as  grand  as  that  of  whicli  the  Imperialist  dreams.  Ft  is 
the  nuiral  federation  <d'  the  whole  Mnglish-speaking  race 
throughout  the  world,  including  all  those  millions  of  men 
speaking  the    English    language    in   the    Tuited    States,   and 


IIIK    KMriKK. 


|)arte(l  from  tlio  vost  only  ii  cciitiiry  iii,'o  l)y  ;i  wrt'tclicd  (iu;ir- 
rel,  wlioin  ImiK'rial  iM'dcratioii  would  Iciivc  out  of  its  pule. 
Nothing  is  nccdt'd  to  lu'ing  this  about  hut  the  voluntary  re- 
tirement of  Knglaud  as  a  ]iolitical  powfr  from  ;i  shadowy 
Dominion  in  a  sphei-c  which  is  not  hers. 

"  Unless  all  present  appearances  on  the  })olitieal  horizon  are 
delusive,  tlie  time  is  at  hand  when  the  u])heaval  of  the  labour 
world,  and  the  social  problems  which  arc  coming'  into  view, 
will  give  politicians  more  serious  and  substantial  matter  tor 
thought  than  the  airy  fabric  of  Imperial  i-'etleration. 

"The  old  project  of  giving  tin;  colonics  rcin'rsentation  in 
the  hnperial  Parliament  ai)i)ears  to  have  licen  laid  aside.  'IMie 
objections  urged  against  it  by  IJurke  on  the  ground  of  distanct^ 
have  been  to  a  great  extent  removed  by  steam,  thougli  it  might 
even  now  be  ditlicult  to  call  together  a  world-wide  Parlia- 
ment in  time  of  maritime  war.  Ihit  the  ol)jection  still  deci- 
sive is  th;;t  the  colonies  would  not  put  their  affairs  into  tlie 
hands  of  an  Asseml)ly  in  which  their  rcpi-csciitatioii  would  be 
overwhelmingly  outnund)ered.  Nor  could  they  trust  repre- 
sentatives domiciled  in  London  wlio.  under  the  influence  oi 
liondon  society,  would  be  apt  to  become  more  Ibitish  than  the 
Uritish  themselves.  These  lunv  c(niutrics.  which  have  such 
difficulty  in  liuding  suital)lc  men  for  tlicii'  own  legislatures, 
would  have  difficulty  in  finding  men  to  represent  them  at 
Westminster  at  all.  They  might  have  to  fall  back  on  expa- 
triated men  of  wealth,  in  whom,  as  re|ireseiitative.s  of  colo- 
nial sentiment,  very  little  eonlidenct>  could  bc'  placed.  Sup- 
])Osing  that  the  members  for  the  colonies  remained  colonial, 
.and  tried  to  make  \\\)  for  their  lack  of  numbers  at  Westminster 
by  combining  among  tliemselves  and  log-rolling,  they  might 
be('.oin<r  a  serious  addition  to  the  distractions  of  the  IJritish 
Parliament,  which  assuredly  need  no  increase. 

"  liPt  it  be  taken  as  certain  and  irreversible  that  the  colonies 
will  not  part  with  aii\  portion  of  their  self-goveniment. 
If  a  scheme  can  be  d«'vised  by  which  they  can  be  governed  by 
an  Assembly  at  Westminstei-  without  any  loss  to  thein  of  s(df- 
government  it  may.  supposing  it  be  presented  to  them   in  an 


iff 


m 


174 


(iUKSTIONS   OF   TIIK    DAY. 


1'^ 


r. 


( 
'  I 


int('llii,nl)l»'  iind  [)racti('iil   foi'iii,  stand  a  cluinci'  of  eonsideni- 
tion  at  their  liaiids. 

"A  criiinl)  of  conitort  lias  just  t'alli'ii  to  the  advocates  of 
Iinjtevial  Federation  in  the  sha[»e  of  a  peera^'e  conferred  on  a 
colonist.  'I'his  is  liaih-d  as  representation  of  the  colonies  in 
the  Uritisli  I'arliaiuent.  The  munher  of  such  I'eers  must 
always  he  very  small,  while  tlie  House  in  wliich  they  sit  is 
not  that  of  ])ower  l)ut  tiiat  from  which  jjower  lias  departtMl. 
But  who  can  less  represent  colonial  sentinuMit  than  a  million- 
naire  transplanted  to  ^layfair?  A  niillionnaire,  to  be  made  a 
I'eer  a  man  must  he,  and  to  have  made  money  out  of  the 
(!olouy  rather  than  to  have  done  service  in  it  will  he  tli«,' 
indispensable  (pialitication  for  thi^  honour.  In  [jarticular 
cases  the  two  (pialiHcations  may  no  doul)t  be  combined;  but 
the  general  fruits  of  the  ])ractice  are  likely  to  bo  false  ambi- 
tion and  enhanced  desire  of  gain, 

"The  Imperial  Kederationists  seem  now  to  be;  splitting  into 
sections  with  different  policies  and  organs.  Apart  from  the 
advocates  of  an  Imperial  I'arlianu'nt,  Avhos(>  contidence  seems 
to  be  failing,  stand  the  advocates  of  a  military  league  on  one 
liaml  and  of  a  fiscal  league  on  the  otiier,  or,  if  the  (Jerman 
words  are  preferred,  of  u  Kriegsverein  and  a  Zollverein. 
The  a(lv<j<'ates  of  a  Ivriegsverein  iiavo  had  their  answer, 
so  far  as  Canada  is  concerned,  from  the  Canadian  Commis- 
sioner, who  tells  them  that  liberty  of  transit  over  Canadian 
roads,  at  the  regular  rates,  will  be  Canada's  contribution. 
Tliey  are  now  confronti'd  by  fact.  The  advocates  of  a  Zollve- 
rein will  find  themselves  confronted  by  fact  as  soon  as  they 
choose  to  put  to  th(^  jirotected  manufacturer  of  Canada  the 
question  whether  he  is  willing,  in  consideration  of  Inijierial 
-iscrimination  in  her  favour,  to  reduce  tlu^  import  duties  on 
Ib'itish  goods.  Had  the  apostle  of  fiscal  lmi)erialism,  who 
fan(U(^s  that  he  has  all  Canada  in  his  favour,  mooted  that  point 
before^  an  aiulicnce  at  Toronto  or  Montreal,  a  chill  would  at 
once  liav*'  come  over  the  assembly. 

"The  latest  scheme  is  that  proposed  by  the  Cana(lian  Com- 
missioner, who  sugg«'sts  that  tti  cement  the  Iiujierial  fabric  he 


I'HH  KM  I' I  in:. 


17") 


and  his  twd  fellow  (!()imiiissi()n('i's  tVoiii  Aiist  nilia  and  Sontli 
Alrica  shotild  !«'  niadi'  I'rivy  Cniincilldrs  and  nu'nd)t'i's  at  onct; 
of  the  lni]i('ri;il  and  tins  Ccdoniid  Cahinct.  He  at  the  same 
tinu?  lauds  the  practice  of  inaUinL;'  (Jolonial  I't'crs.  It  is  to  be 
feared  that  Mnioni;  tlu'se  (Joniniissioners  only  one  would  lie 
found  eapahle  «>f  thus  mentally  In-striding  tiie  ocean  and  shar- 
ing at  one«!  the  councils  »tf  two  ('al)inets,  perhiips  htdonging  to 
oi)posit<>  parties  and  liaving  different  ends  in  view.  'I'lie 
scheme  has  found  as  yet  hut  one  adh<M'ont." 


As  war  is  the  peril  of  Empire,  a.  papei'  on  tlu^  subject  of  the 
Emi)ire  is,  hardly  com])lete  without  a  word  ;is  to  the  probabili- 
ties of  war.  Is  tlu!  tendency  to  war  deidining".'  Are  tlu;  hoj)es 
of  the  IVact;  Soc-iety  on  the  eve  or  neiir  the  eve  of  being  ful- 
filled? More  men  ar(!  under  arms  in  Europe  than  ever  were 
under  arms  before.  Then!  can  l)e  no  doul)t  tliat  in  the  course 
of  history  the  war  spirit  has  on  the  whole  grown  weaker. 
It  plainly  recedes  before  the  advance  of  civilisation.  An 
Assyrian  or  Persian  king  made  his  annual  war  as  regularly  as 
a  king  of  i-'rance  his  annual  hunt;  and  the  same  was  the  habit 
of  the  Turkish  Sultans  while  their  Em])irt!  was  strong.  War 
in  the  eyes  of  a  Clreek  or  Jvoman  was  the  highest  of  occui)a- 
tions,  and  Tlato's  ideal  citizi'us  an-  warriors.  Industry  was 
the  lot  and  badge  of  the  .^^lave.  Wai-  is  now  not  nornuil  but 
exce])tional.  Of  late  there  has  In'eii  a  distinct  growth  of 
moral  sentiment  against  the  use  cd'  the  sword.  (Miarhvs  V. 
told  a  young  soldier  who  pined  for  a<'tion  that  he  loved  peace 
no  more  tiian  the  youth  liims(df.  At  a  nnudi  later  day  Chat- 
ham avowed  himstdf  "a  lover  of  honourable  war;"  and  in 
the  Avritings  of  lUirke  will  l)e  found  a  general  recognition  of 
sm^cess  in  war  as  a  test  of  national  ha])piness  and  gi'eatness. 
Peace  sentiment  is  of  course  confined  to  the  domain  of  moral 
civilisation;  it  does  not  prevail  among  the  Turks,  or  among 
the  pet)ple  of  South  Anundca  ;  nor  does  it  prevail  in  its 
uuiral  form  among  the  Chinese,  though  tliey  have  an  industrial 
anti])athy  to  arms  and  the  military  profession.      It  can  scarccdy 


■ 


176 


(ilKsriONS   (H-    llir,    DAY. 


III-. 


ho  said  that  r('li«,'i(iii  has  doiio  inuch  to  (nicll  tho  spirit  of  war. 
The  I'olythi'istic  rcli^noii  ol'  the  aiicit'iits  t'licoiiraH^t'd  it  l)y 
i(U'iitiryiiig  tho  }j;od  with  the  victory  and  ajjruiaiidisciiicnt  of 
the  triho.  Th(!  hooks  wliicii  iMnhody  tho  trihal  ndigion  of  tlio 
Jew  incited  him  tit  waj^o  intornooino  war  with  tho  noigh- 
honring  trihes,  and  (christian  holiovors  in  tho  authority  of  tho 
Old  Tostaniont  have  thono(f  h'arnod  to  tight  the  hatth's  of  the 
Lord.  The  CJospol  is  in  i»rin(d|do  against  war,  yet  (h)os  not 
ex])rossly  oonihMun  it;  l»ut,  on  tho  contrary,  recognises  tlio 
.sohlior's  calling  as  lawful,  and  hy  likening  the  Christian's 
tight  to  that  of  tho  warrior  seems  to  imp'.y  that  there  is  noth- 
ing in  the  warrior's  tight  roitugnant  to  Christian  sentiment. 
It  is  needless  to  say  that  (Miristianity  has  not  jtorsuaded 
nations  to  turn  the  other  cheek  to  the  smitor.  Natioiuil 
ehurehes  have  lapsi'd  into  something  very  like  trihalism  in 
this  respect.  They  have  assumed  that  tiu'  L(U'd  of  Jlosts 
wont  forth  with  tho  national  army  to  battle.  They  have  sung 
Tc  Denm,  luuig  up  troi)hies  in  their  (dairches,  and  blessed 
standards,  to  say  nothing  of  the  part  played  by  the  clergy 
as  trumi)etevs  of  ndigious  war. 

Tho  tendency  of  democracy  appears  to  be  against  war. 
Home,  though  a  Jloi>ublic,  was  not  a  denu)cracy,  but  an  aris- 
tocracy ending  in  an  lCmi)ire.  Athens,  which  has  boon  often 
cited  as  an  example  of  military  and)ition  in  a  democracy,  was 
a  slave-owning  State.  Tho  Italian  l{e])\d»lics  were  boin  into 
a  world  of  feudal  war;  but  they  presently  showed  their 
tendency  by  hiring  mercenaries  to  do  the  fighting  on  their  be- 
lialf.  If  the  motive  ])OWor  here  was  industry  rather  than 
democracy,  tho  two  eomuionly  go  together,  and  it  is  only 
under  democracy  that  industry  rules  the  State.  The  case  of 
revolutionary  I''ran(!(;  was  manifestly  abnormal.  I'^ven  under 
the  Convention  she  was  a  J>ictatorate  rather  than  a  demo- 
cracy, and  the  forces  which  her  nuisters  wiiddod  were  inherited 
by  them  from  tho  military  monarchy,  while  the  supplies  were 
raised  by  confiscation.  Among  tiie  South  American  States 
ther(>  has  boon  constant  fighting;  but  they  are  democratic  in 
form   only,    in    I'cality   they  are    dictatoratos,    ]tower    passing 


■ 


llir.    KMI'IUK. 


usually  l»y  violi'iic-  Innii  liiind  to  liiind.  'riic  Aiiicricaii  dc- 
inocracy  made  liu-  greatest  war  since  (liose  ol  Naiioleoii.  15iit. 
this  was  a  war  (d  stdl'-pn'seiviit  ion,  and  no  dispositicjii  was 
shown  to  make  use  ol'  tlu;  vast  afmameiits  on  toot  at  its 
cl()S(\  The  Aiuenean  aiiiiy  was  rapidly  reduced  to  its  res^ular 
number,  which  was  tweiity-tive  thousand,  lor  a  total  commu- 
nity of  sixty-live  millions,  haivly  suHicient  to  iij,dit  the  Indi- 
ans aiul  secure  domestit;  order;  while  of  tiie  navy,  an  Amer- 
ican wit  has  said  that  it  could  be  run  down  l»y  a  coal  barge. 
Tiu!  strongest  case  on  tlu;  other  side  is  that  of  France,  where 
universal  suffrage  has  so  far  not  made  the  government  less 
military  or  led  to  reduction  of  armaments;  though  it  might 
have  been  suspeeted  that  tin;  peasantry  who  have  groaned 
under  the  conscription  would  at  oiu'i;  have  voU'.d  it  down.  I»ut 
the  lionapartes,  lollowing  the  I'lourbous,  have  so  iilled  I'^rance 
witli  military  spii'it,  and  olx-dience  to  military  command  is  so 
ingi'aiued,  that  a  change  was  liUcdy  to  take  time.  Democracy 
is  liumane,  as  its  criminal  code  proves;  for  no  one  would  set 
down  the  French  Keign  of  Terror  as  demo(!ratie.  its  human- 
ity is  connected  with  its  (Mpiality,  whi(di  makes  all  lives  of  the 
sauu'  value,  and  forbids  the  common  people  to  bo  treated  as 
food  for  i)ow(ler.  With  a  military  despot  like  Napoleon,  or  a 
high  and  cold  aristocracy,  the  slaughter  of  peasants  goes  for 
nothing.  For  the  same  reason  democrati(!  wars  are  expen- 
sive, popular  sentiment  requiring  that  good  provision  shall  be 
made  not  only  for  the  general  but  for  all  alike.  The  Ameri- 
ca n  War  of  Secession  was  enormously  expensive  to  the  demo- 
cratic North,  which  sup])lied  its  armies  lavishly,  gave  large 
Ixaiiities  for  enlistment,  and  is  now  paying  in  pensions  an 
annual  sum  e(]ual  to  tlu>  tot;il  cost  of  a  great  European  army. 
The  slave-owning  aristocracy  of  the  South  could  raise  its 
forces  by  sheer  eonscriiition,  and  force  them  to  tight  without 
pay  and  sometimes  without  food. 

Of  the  old  (Muses  of  war,  some  may  be  said  to  have  died  out 
so  far  as  the  civilised  world  is  concerned.  No  civilised  gov- 
ernment would  now  set  out,  like  Sennacherib  or  Xerxes,  on 
an   unprovokeil  career  of    territorial  conquest.      No  (dvilised 


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QrivSTIOXS   OF   THE    DAV. 


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governineiit,  or  govoniment  ;)ret('U(liMg  to  be  ('ivilised,  oxcept 
perlKi[).s  tliat  ol  a  IJoniiparte,  would  even  coinnut  sueh  terri- 
toriul  aggression  as  was  committed  by  Louis  XIV.  Frederick 
the  Great,  at  all  events,  set  up  a  legal  claim  to  Silesia.  The 
last  great  excei)tion  to  this  improvement  of  sentiment,  a  tre- 
mendous exception  certainly,  were  the  conqu  'sts  of  Napoleon, 
especially  his  piratical  invasion  of  S[)ain.  Napoleon  was  not 
a  child  of  moral  civilisation;  he  was  a  child  of  Corsicin  bri- 
gandage and  barbarism,  whose  military  genius,  called  into  play 
by  the  wars  of  the  Revolution,  made  him  for  a  time  almost 
master  of  the  civilised  world.  His  influence  did  not  enil  with 
his  fall.  He  had  evoked  a  spirit  of  militarism  which,  like  his 
ascendancy,  may  be  regarded  as  an  accident  of  history  and 
destined  to  pass  away.  Russia,  among  other  characteristics 
of  a  backward  civilisation,  may  still  be  capable  of  a  war  of 
sheer  conquest.  Rut  her  ambition  points  in  one  direction,  that 
of  Constantinople,  and  seeks  at  least  to  reconcile  itself  with 
morality  by  pleading  the  decadence  of  Turkey  and  the  duty 
of  rescuing  from  oppression  the  Slav  and  Christian  subjects 
of  the  Porte.  The  fear,  real  or  affected,  of  Russian  ambition 
it  was  which,  by  bringing  on  the  Crimean  war,  broke  the  spell, 
which  Europe  had  begun  to  hope  would  be  lasting,  of  the 
forty  years'  peace.  Of  the  religious  wars  which  desolated 
Europe  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  we  shall 
hear  no  more.  Faith  is  now  too  weak  for  Catliolic  leagues  as 
for  crusades.  Ry  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  the 
conflict  had  lost  much  of  its  religious  character  and  become 
political  or  territorial.  Presently  we  have  the  Pope  himself 
as  an  Italian  Prince  on  the  same  side  with  l*rotestant  I'owers. 
Dynastic  wars  nuiy  also  be  considered  as  numbered  with  the 
past.  So  may  the  commercial  wars  which  owed  their  origin 
to  the  monopolist  fallacies  of  the  last  century.  On  the  other 
hand,  we  have  recently  had  wars  of  national  revival  and  recon- 
struction :  the  war  between  Austria  and  Germany,  which 
attended  the  restoration  of  German  unity,  and  the  war  be- 
tween Germany  and  France,  which  the  French  jealousy  of  the 
restored  unity  of  Germany  entailed.     There  may  yet  be  more 


THK    EMPIRE. 


ITS 


ti'oublo  of  this  kind  in  tlie  Austrian  I'jiipiro,  in  the  Turkish 
Knipire,  and  possibly  in  Scandinavia,  in  I'okind,  and  the 
Baltic  I'rovinfes  of  Russia.  The  thirst  of  France  for  glory 
seems  still  unslaked,  and  to  it  has  l)eeu  added  a  thirst  for 
revenge.  The  break-up  of  the  Turkish  Empire  and  a  scramble 
for  its  spoils  are  always  in  prospect.  A  new  set  of  dis- 
putes is  also  arising  out  of  rival  (dainis  to  fields  for  colonisa- 
tion in  Africa.  Similar  disputes  may  arise  about  other  waste 
places  of  the  earth,  as  Europe  becomes  overcrowded  and  the 
need  of  outlets  grows.  Though  religious  revolution  as  a 
source  of  war  has  lost  its  force,  it  seems  not  impossible  that 
social  revolution  may  take  its  place.  The  wars  to  w)\ich  social 
revolution  would  lead  would  be  likely,  it  is  true,  to  be  civil 
rather  than  international.  Hut  it  is  conceivable  that  some 
military  power  born  of  social  revolution,  like  the  Spanish 
Intransigentes  or  the  French  Comnnniists,  may  get  hold  of  a 
government  and  imitate  the  crusading  fury  of  the  Jaco\)ins. 
Nor,  while  we  scan  the  horizon  of  the  civilised  world,  ought 
it  to  be  forgotten  tliat  there  is  a  world  outside,  of  which 
China  is  the  greatest  power,  still  uncivilised,  which  may  give 
birth  to  military  force,  and  arm  itself  with  the  weapons  of 
civilisation.  This  would  be  a  sufficient  reason  against  univer- 
sal disarmament,  such  as  the  Peace  Society  preaclies,  even 
if  we  could  dispense  with  the  soldier  as  an  upholder  of  order 
and  an  example  of  discipline  amidst  a  general  dissolution  of 
authority. 

The  enormous  armaments  which  the  European  Powers  now 
have  on  foot  appear  to  make  war  at  some  time  certain,  since 
it  would  seem  that  the  tension  must  at  last  become  insuffera- 
ble, and  that  somebody  must  break.  On  tlie  other  hand,  the 
very  apprehension  of  contiict  with  forces  so  vast  and  engines 
of  wav  so  destructive  acts  -.is  a  strong  deterrent  and  may  pre- 
vail over  international  hatred  and  other  incentives  to  war  till 
financial  deficit  enforces  rediuition.  The  change  in  the  mode 
of  warfare  from  embattled  hosts  to  long-range  projectiles, 
and  from  fleets  such  as  fought  at  Trafalgar  to  turrets  antl 
rams,  is   jirobably    in   favour  of    peace;  not   only   because    it 


N. 


180 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE   DAY 


inakos  war  more  dreadful  by  increasing  its  destructiveness 
(whicli  may  be  doubted),  but  because  by  taking  away  the 
pomp,  pride,  and  cinuimstanee  of  tlie  battle-field,  it  robs  war 
and  the  soldier's  trade  of  nuu'h  of  their  hold  upon  tl?,e  inuigi- 
nation.  Waterloo  or  Trafalgar  must  have  been  a  superb  and 
enthralling  sight.  Cannae  and  Actium  must  have  been  still 
more  so.  But  Sedan,  as  painted  by  Zola,  has  nothing  in  it 
superb  or  enthralling.  It  is  a  prosaic  scene  of  scientific 
butchery.  As  to  the  "  plumed  troop "  of  Life  Guards,  it  is 
now  of  no  more  use  than  ;;he  Beefeaters,  and  is  probably 
maintained  upon  the  same  grounds. 

By  the  introduction  of  the  new  and  long-range  Aveapons  a 
ne  V  advantage  has  apparently  been  given  to  the  defence  over 
the  attack.  Tliis  is  in  favour  of  the  invaded,  and  against  the 
invader.  It  does  not  seem,  however,  that  the  change  of 
weapons  has  diminished  the  ascendancy  of  discipline;  fighting 
as  a  skirmisher  needing  even  more  discipline  than  fighting  in 
line  or  in  column.  The  hope  of  political  enthusiasts,  that 
long-range  rifles  will  be  the  death  of  standing  armies  is,  there- 
fore, not  likely  to  be  fulfilled. 

Arbitration  has  now  been  so  often  employed  and  with  so 
much  success,  as  to  raise  very  liigh  the  hopes  of  its  advocates. 
Yet  apparently  there  are  still  limits  to  its  operation.  Reso- 
lute ambition  or  fierce  passion  would  hardly  yield  to  it.  Nor 
(!an  it  be  expected  that  the  strong  will  always  forego  its  pre- 
rogative and  allow  every  question  to  be  settled  by  a  tribunal 
before  which  they  would  stand  on  a  level  with  the  weak. 


;■  I. 


WOMAN  SUFFRAGE. 


•^"mmmmmm 


wmmtmm. 


mn 


I'-  i  I 


WOMAN   SUFFRAGE. 


It  is  not  necessary,  in  entering  upon  this  question,  to  dilate 
on  its  sentimental  side.  Nothing  can  add  force  or  tenih'rness 
to  the  names  of  wife  and  home.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  man 
cannot  Avithhold  from  woman  anything  that  is  good  foi'  her, 
or  give  her  anything  that  is  bad  for  her,  without  injuring 
himself  and  their  children  in  the  same  measure. 

Shall  man  make  over  to  woman  half  of  the  sovereign  power 
which  has  hitherto  been  his,  and  which,  if  he  chooses,  he  can 
keep?  This  is  the  question  broadly  stated.  Woman,  in  mak- 
ing the  demand,  shows  confidence  in  man's  affection.  The 
rule  by  which  the  question  is  to  be  settled  is  the  joint  interest 
whicli  the  two  sexes  have  in  good  government,  not  any  abstract 
claim  of  right.  For  an  abstract  claim  of  right  tliere  appears 
to  be  no  foundation.  Power  which  is  natural  carries  with  it 
right,  though  it  is  subject  to  the  restraints  of  (!onscience. 
AVeakness  cannot  be  said  to  have  a  right  to  artificial  power, 
though  the  concession  of  sucli  power  within  reasonable  limits 
may  be  not  only  kind  l)ut  wise,  just,  and  beneficial  to  humanity 
and  civilisation.  That  to  Avhich  every  member  of  a  commu- 
nity, whether  man,  woman,  or  child,  whether  white  or 
black,  whether  abov^  or  below  the  age  of  twenty-one,  has  a 
right,  is  the  largest  attainable  measure  of  good  government. 
If  this  or  any  other  political  change  would  be  conducive  to 
good  government,  the  whole  community  has  a  right  to  it;  if 
it  would  not,  the  whole  community,  including  the  women,  or 
those,  whoever  they  may  be,  wliom  it  is  proposed  to  enfran- 
chise, have  a  right  to  a  refusal  of  the  cliange.  The  number  of 
women  who  have  spontaneously  asked  for  the  change  ap])ears 
to  be  small;    and  its  smallness  is  ii,  portant  as  an  index  of 

183 


184 


(21  KS'I'IONS   OF   TIIK    DAV. 


1(1' 


>A:\- 


woman's  t'et'liug  respecting  her  own  interest,  lint  were?  the 
nnmber  larger,  it  wonhl  still  be  inennibent  on  the  present 
holders  of  power  before  abdicating  to  consider  whether  in  the 
common  interest  their  abdication  was  to  be  desired. 

As  to  the  ecj^nality  of  tht^  sexes,  no  question  is  necessarily 
raised;  they  may  be  perfectly  e(|ual  thougli  their  spheres  are 
different,  that  of  the  man  being  public  life,  that  of  the  woman 
the  home.  Xor  is  there  any  occasion  for  pitting  male  or 
female  gifts  or  qualities  together.  Supposing  woman  even 
to  be  superior,  it  does  not  follow  that  the  field  of  her  superi- 
ority is  public  life. 

That  the  tendency  of  civilisation  has  been  to  elevate  woman 
is  true.  But  elevation  is  a  different  thing  from  assimilation  to 
man.  We  are  told,  not  so  much  by  women,  perhaps,  as  by 
their  champions,  that  the  time  for  protection  and  chivalry  has 
past  and  the  time  for  justice  has  come,  liut  it  is  not  made 
evident  that  bare  justice,  wiiich  regulates  the  relations  between 
man  and  man,  would  suit  the  relation  between  man  and  woman, 
or  that  chivalry  and  protection  on  the  one  side,  with  the  corre- 
sponding recognition  of  tlier<i  on  the  other,  do  not  in  this 
case  constitute  justice. 

The  movement  in  favour  of  woman  suffrage  is  part  of  a 
general  attempt  to  change  the  relations  between  the  sexes,  to 
set  Avoman  free  from  what  hitherto  have  been  considered 
the  limitations  of  her  sex,  and  make  her  the  competitor 
instead  of  the  helpmate  of  man.  Women  are  making  their 
way  into  the  male  professions,  including  that  of  law,  into  the 
dissecting-room,  in  company  Avith  the  male  students,  into  male 
places  of  education,  and  even  into  the  smoking-room.  8onie 
of  them  have  taken  to  riding  astride.^  The  Kevolt  of  woman, 
as  one  of  the  leaders  called  it,  is  part  of  the  ferment  of  a 
revolutionary  age  in  which  the  foundations  of  authority  are 
shaken  by  the  decay  of  the  old  beliefs  on  Avhicli  public  order 
as  Avell  as  personal  morality  has  hitherto  rested,  and  by  the 
political   disturbance  which  has  accompanied  the  final  deca- 

1  See  Mrs.  E.  Lynn  Linton,  on  women  as  social  insurgents,  in  the 
Nineteenth  Century  of  October,  1891. 


WOMAN   SUFFRAGK. 


185 


dence   of   the   hereditary   principle    of   government   and   the 
advent  of  democracy. 

One  of  the  features  of  a  revohitionary  era,  is  the  prevalence 
of  a  feeble  facility  of  abdication.  The  holders  of  power, 
however  natural  and  legitimate  it  may  be,  are  too  r(>ady  to 
resign  it  on  the  first  demand.  Tliey  do  not  take  time  to  con- 
sider whether  their  power  is  rightful  or  not,  whether  it  has 
or  has  not  on  the  whole  been  used  for  good,  whether,  if  in 
any  case  it  has  not  been  used  for  good,  they  cannot  amend 
their  course,  or  whether  it  is  likely  to  be  better  employed  by 
those  to  whom  they  are  called  upon  to  transfer  it.  The  nerves 
of  authority  are  shaken  by  the  failure  of  conviction.  It  is  an 
inevitable  consequence  of  the  demagogic  system  that  every 
demand  for  the  suffrage,  reasonable  or  unreasonable,  should 
prevail  as  soon  as  it  shows  strength,  because  the  politician  is 
afraid  by  opposition  to  make  an  enemy  of  the  coming  vote. 

It  is  evident  that  sexual  revolution  must  have  its  limita- 
tions if  the  human  race  is  to  continue.  There  are  some  land- 
marks of  nature  which  cannot  be  removed,  and  the  females  of 
every  species  must  be  the  organs  of  its  peri)etuation.  Women 
must  bear  and  nurse  children;  and  if  they  do  this,  it  is 
impossible  that  they  should  compete  with  men  in  occupations 
which  demand  complete  devotion  as  well  as  superior  strength 
of  muscle  or  brain.  There  appears  to  be  a  tendency  among 
the  leaders  of  the  Revolt  of  woman  to  disparage  matrimony 
as  a  bondage,  and  the  rearing  of  children  as  an  aim  too  low 
for  an  intellectual  being.  Such  ideas  are  not  likely  to  spread 
widely,  or  they  would  threaten  the  life  of  the  race.  They 
prevail  chiefly  in  the  highly  educated  and  sentimental  classes, 
not  in  the  homes  of  labour.  If  it  is  a  question  of  right, 
children  have  their  rights  as  well  as  women.  They  have  not 
less  right  to  motherly  care  than  they  and  their  mother  have 
to  being  fed  by  the  husband's  labour. 

At  present  the  demand  in  England  is  only  for  the  enfran- 
chisement of  spinsters  and  widows.  But  this  limitation, 
while  it  betrays  a  consciousness  that  there  would  be  danger 
to  the  peace  and  order  of  the  family,  is  understood  to  be  merely 


186 


QUESTIONS   OF   THK    DAY. 


■  fl 


h:  I 


^,1 

I  :,      'I 


a  strctki!  of  tiictics.  Widow  luid  s]»iiistor  suffrage  is  tiie  thin 
edge  of  the  wedge.  From  the  political  point  of  view  there 
would  be  manifest  absurdity  and  wrong  in  making  marriage 
politieally  penal,  and  exeluding  from  the  franehise  the  very 
women  Avho  are  eommonly  htdd  to  be  best  disc^harging  the 
duties  of  their  sex,  and  would  be  likely  to  be  its  fairest 
rejtresentatives.  Already  the  tlioroughgoing  section  of  the 
party  re[m(liates  the  limitation.  The  spinster  and  widow  vote 
would  b(!  an  irresistil)le  lever  whenever  ])olitieal  })arties  were 
nearly  balanced.  When  the  suffrage  had  been  conceded  to 
all  women,  as  the  women  slightly  outnumber  the  men,  and 
many  of  the  men,  sailors,  for  example,  or  men  employed  on 
railways,  or  in  itinerant  callings,  could  not  go  to  the  poll, 
the  woman's  vote  would  preponderate,  and  government,  if  it 
was  in  unison  with  the  votes,  would  be  more  female  than  male. 
Nor  is  it  by  the  leaders  and  chief  authors  of  the  movement 
intended  that  we  should  stop  lun-e.  The  woman  of  the  politi- 
cal i^latform  does  not  limit  her  ambition  to  a  vote.  She  wants 
to  sit  in  Parliament  or  in  Congress.  When  she  gains  her 
first  point  she  will  have  practically  established  her  claim  to 
the  next;  those  who  are  qualilied  to  give  a  mandate,  she  will 
say,  are  qualified  to  bear  it;  those  who  are  qualified  to  decide 
principles  of  legislation  are  qualified  to  legislate;  those  who 
are  qualified  to  dictate  a  policy  are  qualified  to  carry  it  into 
effect.  It  might  shock  our  prejudices  at  first  to  see  a  woman 
taking  pav":  in  Parliamentary  debate.  It  shocks  our  preju- 
dices at  first  to  see  her  taking  part  in  a  faction  fight,  mount- 
ing the  ]iulpit,  or  thundering  from  a  platform,  as  well  as 
to  see  her  in  half  male  attire,  or  riding  in  man's  fashion. 
Established  sentiment  and  old  ideas  of  delicacy  have  been 
already  set  aside.  The  female  aspirant  to  a  seat  in  Parlia- 
ment or  Congress,  and  to  a  place  in  the  Cabinet  will  have, 
therefore,  little  difficulty  in  proving  her  claim.  She  will 
have  no  difficulty  whatever  in  enforcing  it.  That,  the  Avoman's 
vote  w^ill  do  for  her.  A  tenth  part  of  the  AVoman's  vote  Avould 
do  it  for  her  if  the  parties  were  nearly  balanced  and  the  poli- 
ticians Avere  alarmed.     I'olitics  under   the  party  system  are 


WOMAN  si:ffua(;k. 


1S7 


one  ileinaj^ogie  auetion,  and  an  inovitable  slide  down  liill. 
In  the  L'nited  States,  where  all  (inaliHcations  for  the  suffrage 
otl'er  than  tliat  of  simple  citizensliip  have  heen  abolished  or 
practically  nullified,  female  suffrage,  like  male  suffrage,  would 
no  doul)t  be  universal.  That  the  change  thus  presents  itself 
at_  once  in  its  full  extent  may  partly  account  for  the  general 
conservatism  of  the  American  peo})le  on  this  subje(!t.  J>ut 
there  is  also  the  safeguard  of  the  s^jceial  process  whi(^h  is 
re([uired  in  the  States  as  well  as  in  the  Federation  for  amend- 
ments of  the  Constitution,  and  which  enforces  the  submission 
of  the  question  to  a  constituency  beyond  the  range  of  the  arts 
and  influences  to  which  individual  legislators  are  apt  to  yicdd. 
Political  power  has  hitherto  been  exercised  by  the  male 
sex;  not  because  man  has  been  a  tyrannical  usurper  and  has 
brutally  thrust  his  weaker  partner  out  of  her  rights,  but  in  the 
course  of  nature,  because  man  alom;  could  uphold  government 
and  enforce  the  law.  Let  the  edifice  of  law  be  as  moral  and 
as  intellectual  as  you  will,  its  foundation  is  the  force  of  tlie 
community,  and  the  force  of  the  community  is  male.  Women 
have  not  yet  thought  of  claiming  the  employment  of  police- 
men, soldiers,  or  any  function  for  which  force  is  required. 
This  fundamental  fact  may  be  hidden  from  sight  for  the 
moment  by  the  clouds  of  emotional  rhetoric,  but  it  will  assert 
itself  in  the  end.  Laws  passed  by  the  woman's  vote  will  be 
felt  to  have  no  force  behind  them.  Women  are  the  great 
prohibitionists,  having  only  too  strong  inducements,  many 
of  them,  to  support  any  supposed  antidote  to  drunkenness,  and 
not  seeing  that  the  taste  of  a  man  engaged  in  heavy  labour 
and  exposed  to  the  weather  for  the  stimulus  of  wine  or  beer 
may  be  as  natural  as  the  taste  of  his  home-keeping  partner 
for  tea.  With  wonuin  suffrage  we  should  certainl}'  have  pro- 
hibition. Prohibitionists  advocate  woman  suffrage  on  that 
account.  Behind  prohibition  of  strong  drinks  begins  to 
loom  prohibition  of  tobacco.  We  have  had  proposals  from 
Avomen  to  extend  capital  punishment  to  eases  of  o\itrage  on 
their  sex.  Would  the  stronger  sex  obey  such  laws  when  it 
was   known  that  they  were  enacted  by  the  weak?     Would  it 


1  '  ' 


188 


QUKSTFONS  OF  TIIK    DAY. 


II  ^ 


r 


obey  any  laws  inauilostly  carried  hy  tlit!  tVmaln  vote  in  the 
intiTi'st  oi'  tlu!  women  against  that  of  the  men?  If  it  would 
not,  the  result  would  be  contempt  lor  the  law  and  anarchy, 
which  would  not  l)e  likely  to  enure  to  the  advantage  of  the 
weak.  ^lan  would  l)e  tempted  to  resist  woman's  government 
when  it  galled  him,  not  only  by  the  consciousness  of  his 
strength,  but  l)y  his  pride,  which  would  make  itself  heard  in 
tlie  end,  thougli  its  voice  lor  a  time  might  be  stilled  by  senti- 
mental declamation.  "  In  muscle,"  says  the  lleport  of  .Mr. 
lUair's  Committee  of  the  United  States  Senate  in  1889, 
"wonum  is  inferior  to  man.  IJut  muscle  has  nothing  to  do 
with  legislation  or  •government.  In  intellect  she  is  man's 
efpuil,  in  character  she  is,  by  his  own  admission,  his  superior 
and  constitutes  the  ang(dic  portion  of  humanity."  We  have 
seen  reason  for  thinking  that  nuiscle  has  something  to  do,  if 
not  with  the  acts  of  legislatures  or  governments,  with  that 
which  gives  those  acts  their  force. 

In  Dahomey  there  are  female  warriors.  There  may  have 
been  Amazons  in  primitive  times.  But  in  tiie  civilised  world 
the  duty  of  defending  the  country  in  war  falls  on  the  male 
sex  alone,  and  it  would  seem  that  there  ought  to  be  some 
connection  between  that  duty  and  political  power.  To  tliis  it  is 
answered  that  not  all  men  perform  the  duty,  and  that  women 
as  well  as  men  contribute  as  taxpayers  to  the  support  of  the 
army.  In  some  countries,  as  in  Germany,  all  men  of  military 
rge  are,  and  in  every  country  they  ought  to  be,  liable  to  mili- 
tary service.  But  everywhere  the  responsibility  rests  on  the 
men,  who  would  have  to  meet  the  necessity  if  it  aro^e.  That 
some  nn'U  are  old  or  disqualitied  for  arms  signifies  nothing; 
political  rules  must  be  general  and  disregard  exceptional 
eases.  That  the  women,  or  such  of  them  as  have  property 
of  their  own,  contribute  to  the  expense  of  the  army,  is  an 
argument  hardly  in  point  unless  it  is  used  to  found  a  claim  for 
exemption  from  contribution,  any  more  than  the  argument 
which  has  also  been  used  that  they  give  their  husbands  and 
sons  t(»  the  military  service  of  the  State.  The  question  is 
about  the  cpuilities  of  the  sex.     At  the  same  time  it  would  be 


I 


WOMAN   Sl'FFUA(JK. 


I  Si) 


a  mistako  to  think  that  lemale  iiilors  have  hccii  avi'r.sL'  Iroia 
war,  ami  that  il'  the  i)o\ver  wore  in  rcmali!  hands  war  wuuhl 
bo  no  more.  Women  are  apt  to  be  warlike  because  their 
responsibility  is  less.  In  tlie  South(>rn  States  at  the  time  of 
Secession  no  partisans  of  the  war  were  tiereer  than  tla;  women. 
Few  male  rulers  have  been  more  bellicose  than  Catherine  of 
liussia,  Elizabetli  (.^ueen  of  Spain  (the  'I'ernuigant,  as  she  was 
called),  Maria  Theresa  of  Austria,  Madame  de  I'ompadour, 
and  the  Empress  Eug'enie.  Nor  is  it  unlikely  that  female 
sentiment  might  be  in  favour  of  some  war  when  male  senti- 
ment or  prudence  was  against  it.  French  wonu-n  might  have 
voted  for  a  crusade  in  aid  of  the  Pope.  English  women  might 
have  voted  for  armed  intervention  in  favour  of  the  Queen  (f 
^»u})les,  whose  heroism  touched  their  inuiginations  at  the  time. 
AVoiild  tlie  men  obey?  Would  they  shoulder  their  nuisket  ■; 
and  march  or  bid  the  army  march';'  They  would  not,  md 
here  again  law  and  govvnment  would  break  down. 

Besides,  the  transfer  of  ))o>ver  from  th(^  militaiy  to  tl:e 
unmilitary  S(  involves  a  change  in  the  character  of  a  nation. 
It  involves,  in  short,  national  emasculation.  What  would 
be  the  fate  of  a  comnuiuity  in  some  dire  extremity  if  it  were 
largely  ruled  by  its  women?  Philanthropy,  theosoi)hy,  and 
utopianism  have  not  yet  triumphed.  This  is  the  age  of  IHs- 
nuirck,  of  the  Franco-Prussian  war,  of  the  War  of  Secession. 
How  would  the  North  have  fared  in  its  conflict  with  the  South 
if,  at  each  turn  of  the  wavering  and  desperate  struggle,  it  had 
been  swayed  by  the  emotions  of  its  Avonum?  One  of  the 
ladies  Avhose  evidence  was  taken  before  ^Iv.  Blair's  Committee, 
admitted  that,  in  the  days  of  force,  when  women  needed  the 
protection  of  man,  nuile  government  may  have  been  justih- 
able;  but  these,  she  said,  were  piping  times  of  peace.  Pip- 
ing times  of  peace,  when  America  is  paying  the  pension  list 
of  an  enormous  war  and  Europe  has  millions  of  men  in  arms! 
Woman  does  not  in  civilised  countries  need  the  protection  of 
the  individual  man  except  as  policeman  or  escort.  But  she 
does  need,  or  may  at  any  time  need,  the  armed  protection  of 
the  male  sex  as  a  whole. 


* 


m 


11)0 


QUESTIONS  OF   THE   DAY. 


W;'i 


h  ■      ' 


We  have  liacl  succossiv^e  exten:  Ions  of  tluit  which  is  called 
liberty,  but  ouylit,  if  we  would  think  clearly,  to  be  called  politi- 
cal power;  for  a  man  may  have  liberty  without  a  vote  and  a 
vote  without  liberty.  But  hitherto  the  changes,  though  some 
of  them  have  been  blind  and  dangerous  enough,  have  im- 
perilled only  the  State.  The  change  now  projjoscd  vitally 
affects  the  family,  which,  until  the  Socialists  have  their  way, 
will  be  of  fully  as  nmch  consequence  to  us  as  the  State.  It  is 
easy  to  draw  ideal  pictures  of  husband  and  wife  agreeing  to 
differ  on  political  questions,  going  at  elections  to  o[)posite 
committee-rooms,  perhaps  speaking  on  op])osite  platforms, 
voting  on  opposite  sides,  and  then  returning  to  a  blissful 
heartli,  witli  harniony  and  affection  unimpaired.  This  ideal 
might  be  realised  in  the  case  of  such  a  couple  as  ^Ir.  and  ^Irs. 
John  Stuart  jMill.  But  what  are  the  effects  of  a  faction  tight 
on  the  tempers  of  ordinary  humanity?  AVould  unbroken 
harmony  now  prevail  between  a  Unionist  husband  and  a 
Gladstonian  wife?  Hitherto  the  family  has  been  a  unit 
represented  in  the  State  by  its  head,  and  whatever  storms 
may  have  raged  in  the  commonwealth,  the  peace  and  order  of 
the  home  have  remained  usually  undisturbed.  A  change  which 
throws  the  family  into  the  political  caldron  calls  surely  for 
sjjecial  consideration.  In  political  and  economical  discussion 
our  attention  is  commonly  turned  to  wealtli,  education,  or 
some  factor  of  our  being  which  is  increased  or  diminished  by 
government  or  legislation.  We  seldom  think  so  distinctly  as 
we  ought  how  large  a  measure  of  hap])iness  as  well  as  of 
excellence  depends  upon  affection.  A  man  who  prized  his 
home  would  probably  say  that  if  it  was  thought  lit  that  his 
wife  should  have  the  vote  instead  of  himself,  she  might  have 
it,  but  that  he  protested  against  any  proposal  to  givo  the 
family  more  tluui  one  vote. 

Caution  is  the  more  necessary  since  it  is  clear  that  party  has 
laid  hold  of  this  question.  Each  party,  or  a  section  of  each 
party  in  England,  fancies  that  it  would  gain  by  the  change. 
Some  Conservatives  believe  that  the  nature  of  woman  is 
conservative,  and  that  she  would  vote  under  the  influence  of 


WOMAN  SUFFRAGK. 


191 


traditional  sentiment,  perliaps  also  under  that  ot"  hei  priest. 
The  late  leader  of  the  Conservatives  in  England  was  in  favour 
of  enfranchising  the  women,  as  he  was  in  favour  of  enfranchis- 
ing the  proletariat,  with  the  same  expectation  of  vt)tes.  But 
Conservatives  who  play  this  game  should  remember  that  the 
conservative  woman  as  a  rule  is  prol)ahly  feminine  and  likely 
to  stay  at  home,  while  the  radical  woman  is  pretty  sure  to  go 
forth  rejoicing  to  the  fray.  Nor  would  the  clerical  influence 
be  all  on  one  side.  Every  Catholic  Irishwoman  would  be 
brought  to  the  poll  by  the  priest.  Assuredly  the  female 
character  is  not  unsusceptible  of  revolutionary  violence. 
France  saw  the  Maenads  of  the  llevolution,  and  has  had  her 
Louise  Michel.  In  New  York  a  female  enthusiast  has  just 
been  inciting  the  destitute  to  armed  violence  and  public 
rapine.  However  this  may  be,  when  party  lays  its  hand  on 
the  home,  those  who  care  for  the  home  more  than  for  party 
receive  a  warning  to  be  on  tlieir  guard. 

Previous  extensions  of  the  suffrage  have  been  to  an  unrepre- 
sented class,  and  a  class  which  might  plead  that  its  special 
interest  would  suffer  by  want  of  representation,  though  possi- 
bly in  some  cases  those  interests  were  likely  to  suffer  as  inuch 
by  the  influence  of  enfranchised  ignorance  on  government  as 
by  any  class  bias.  But  women  are  not  a  class,  they  are  a  sex. 
Their  class  interests  throughout  the  scale  are  identical  with 
those  of  the  man,  and  effectually  represented  by  the  nude  vote. 
It  would  probably  be  imi)ossilde  to  devise  a  case  in  which  a 
legislature  dealing  with  female  interests  in  regard  to  property, 
taxation,  or  any  other  subject,  coidd  be  mishMl  by  motives 
of  class.  If  property  held  by  Avomen  is  taxed  without  being 
represented,  so  is  that  htdd  by  men,  in  the  United  States  aljso- 
lutely,  and  in  England,  saving  only  the  trifling  amount  of 
property  still  required  as  a  qualification  for  tlie  suffrage. 

Have  women  as  a  sex  any  wrt)ngs  which  male  legislatures 
cannot  be  expected  to  redress,  so  that  in  order  to  obtain  redress 
it  is  necessary  that  there  shall  be  an  abdication  by  num  of 
the  sovereign  power?  If  there  ar-^  whether  in  England  or 
the  United  States,  let  them  l)c  nanu'd.     Named  liitherto  they 


r 


mmmmmmmmmm 


V      1  ! 
11  :   I  ; 


is 

It'T 


192 


QUESTIONS   OF   TIIK   DAV. 


have  not  been.  The  law  regarding  the  property  of  married 
women  has  been  so  far  reformed  in  the  interests  of  the  wife, 
that,  instead  of  being  unduly  favourable  to  the  husband,  it 
seems  ratlier  inspired  by  mistrust  of  him.  The  practice  is 
still  more  so.  It  is  becoming  the  custom  to  tie  up  a  woman's 
projierty,  on  marriage,  so  that  she  shall  not  be  able,  even  if  she 
is  so  inclined,  to  make  provision  for  her  husbaiul,  in  case  he 
survives  her,  in  old  age,  and  save  him  from  the  necessity  of 
receiving  alms  from  his  own  children.  The  lawyers  natu- 
rally are  active  in  the  work  whicli  nmltiplies  legal  relations 
and  interests.  About  everything  has  been  done  which  civil 
legislation  could  do  to  impress  the  wife  with  the  belief  that 
her  interest  and  that  of  her  husband  are  not  only  separate  but 
adverse;  that  she  does  not  leave  her  father's  home  Avhen  she 
is  married;  tliat  her  husband  is  not  one  flesh  with  her;  and 
that  all  her  relations  by  blood  are  nearer  to  her,  in  interest  at 
all  events,  than  the  man  on  whose  breast  slie  lays  her  head. 
Matrimonial  superstition  has  been  effectually  rebuked  by 
enabling  husband  and  wife  to  sue  each  other.  The  laws  of 
jVlassaehusetts  discriminate  in  favour  of  womcR  by  exemi)ting 
umuarried  women  of  small  estate  from  taxation;  by  allowing 
Avomen  and  not  men  to  acquire  a  settlement  without  paying 
a  tax;  by  compelling  husbands  to  support  their  wives,  but 
exempting  the  wife,  even  wlien  rich,  from  supporting  an  indi- 
gent husband;  by  making  men  liable  for  debts  of  wives,  and 
not  vice  versa. ^  Legal  reformers  are  able  to  boast  that  they  have 
"emancipated  woman  from  the  domination  of  her  husband." 
They  must  not  forget  that  the  domination  carries  with  it  main- 
tenance and  protection  wliieliAvill  not  be  given  without  return. 
Make  the  marriage  contract  too  onerous  to  one  party,  and  that 
l)arty  will  some  day  begin  to  think  of  emancipation.  If  he 
does  he  is  the  stronger,  Xotliing  can  alter  that  fact  or  its 
practical  significance  in  the  long  run.  Of  this  the  leaders  of 
the  Kevolt  of  Woman  Avill  do  well  to  take  note.  That  the 
administration  of  the  law  has  been  unfavourable  to  women,  few 

1  See  Minoritii  licport  of  Mr.  lilair's  Committee  of  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  Febiiuiry,  1880,  p.  14. 


WOMAN   SUKFTIAGK. 


103 


( 


of  the 


Avill  contend.  In  jury  cases,  at  least,  the  tlitRculty  is  not  lor 
women  to  get  justice  against  men,  but  for  men  to  get  justice 
against  women.  It  is  doubtful  wlietlier  tlic  introduction  of 
women  into  the  jury-box,  for  which  woman-suffragists  con- 
tend, could  make  juries  more  partial  to  women  than  tlioy  are. 
If  it  did,  the  failure  of  justice  would  be  monstrous  indeed. 
In  criminal  cases  mercy  has  been  shown  to  women.  "  Since 
I  have  been  in  Parliament,"  said  John  l^right,  ''I  think  1 
could  specify  nearly  a  score  of  instances  in  which  the  lives  of 
women  Avould  be  spared  where  the  lives  of  men  would  be 
taken."  Can  it  be  believed  that  the  efforts  which  have  been 
made  to  save  Mrs.  Maybrick  from  punishment  would  have 
been  made  in  favour  of  a  husband  convicted  of  the  murder  of 
his  wife?  There  is  no  reason  for  this  partiality  except  one, 
which  implies  a  radical  difference  between  the  sexes  and  the 
Avillingness  of  the  weaker  sex  to  accept  the  protection  of  the 
stronger. 

Does  the  grievance  consist  in  any  bar  to  the  competition  of 
women  Avith  men  in  tlie  professions  or  trades?  Such  bars 
have  by  male  legislation  been  largely  removed.  We  have 
female  doctors  of  medicine  everywhere,  and  if  their  practice 
is  limited,  it  is  because  women  themselves  in  the  graver  cases 
seem  still  to  put  more  confidence  in  men.  Women  are  being 
admitted  to  tlie  law.  To  their  addressing  themselves  to  the 
feelings  of  juries  tliere  seems  to  be  an  objection  apart  from 
d(dicacy,  if  justice  is  the  object  of  courts.  They  have  been 
admitted  into  male  universities,  avc  shall  presently  see  with 
Avhat  effect  on  tlie  masculine  cliaracter  of  the  system,  while,  in 
spite  of  the  principle  on  whi"li  coeducation  is  based,  female 
colleges  are  not  yet  tlirown  cpen  to  men.  They  have  got  the 
school-teacherships  largely  into  their  hands;  with  doubtful 
benefit,  whatever  theorists  may  say,  to  tlie  characters  and 
manners  of  the  boys,  (lovernment  clerkships  and  offices  of 
all  kinds  are  now  filled  with  women,  wlio  are  thus  made  inde- 
peiulent  of  marriage,  though  this  cannot  be  done  without  at 
the  same  time  Avithdrawing  employment  from  men  Avho  might 
have  maintained  women  as  their  Avives.     It  is   complained 


^^H 


mmmm 


mmm 


104 


QlESriONS    OV   TlIK   DAY. 


i 


l<  '    ;  I 


that  fomalo  workers  are  underpaid,  and  female  claimants  of 
the  fran(^hise  say  tliat  if  tliey  had  power,  they  would  legislate 
so  as  to  raise  woman's  wages.  Legislation  of  this  kind  would 
require  supplementary  enaetments  forbidding  employers  and 
capital  to  go  out  of  the  trade.  But  are  women  underpaid? 
Are  they  paid  less  than  the  men  when  their  work  is  of  equal 
value?  It  may  be  that  in  some  cases  custom  has  been  unjust 
to  them,  as  it  often  is  to  male  Avorkers  also.  This  time 
will  redress.  It  is  only  the  ligliter  trades  that  Avomen  can 
ply,  and  a  needlewoman  can  hardly  expect  to  be  paid  like 
an  engine-driver  or  a  stevedore.  In  some  trades  certain  con- 
tinuance is  an  element  of  value,  and  certain  continuance  is 
impossible  for  woman  unless  she  renounces  marriage.  Fash- 
ionable dressmakers,  female  artists,  singers,  and  actresses  are 
not  underpaid.  The  gains  of  prima  donnas  are  enormous; 
their  rapacity  is  notorious,  and  they  stint  without  compunc- 
tion the  inferior  performers  of  their  own  sex. 

A  proof  of  man's  injustice  to  woman  commonly  cited  was 
the  difference  made  in  the  treatment  of  the  two  sexes  in 
regard  to  infidelity.  The  law  can  hardly  now  be  said  to  be 
unjust;  tliat  the  social  penalty  should  be  the  same  in  both 
cases  is  not  to  be  expected,  for  the  simple  reason  that  the 
offence  is  not  the  same.  Tiie  sin  of  tlie  woman  is  a  sin  not 
only  against  her  partner,  but  against  the  family,  into  which 
she  brings  an  adulterine  child.  A  pointsman  and  the  man 
who  tends  a  furna(!e  may  alike  fall  asleep  at  their  posts  with- 
out any  difference  in  their  moral  guilt,  but  one  lets  a  fire  go 
out,  the  other  wrecks  a  train.  All  the  legislation  and  all  the 
language  on  the  subject  of  seduction  assume  that  the  blame 
rests  entirely  on  the  man,  though  there  are  cases  in  Avhich  he 
is  more  the  seduced  than  the  seducer,  and  in  no  case  where 
the  woman  is  grown  up  and  is  consenting  can  the  guilt  be 
wholly  on  one  side. 

Mr.  Blair's  Report  indeed  proclaims  that  "Avithout  the 
exercise  of  the  natural  and  inalienable  right  of  suffrage  neither 
life,  liberty,  nor  property  can  be  secured."  If  by  liberty  is 
meant  the  exercise  of  political  poAver,  that  part  of  the  allega- 


WOMAX   SrFFHA(;K. 


l'J5 


tion  is  undeniably  ti'ut!.  To  say  tliat  ncitlior  life  nor  property 
can  be  secure  without  the  sutfragi;  would  be  to  'say  that  no 
security  for  life  or  property  has  existed  in  any  country  in 
Europe  till  within  the  last  century,  except  in  Switzerland  and 
England,  nor  for  the  great  majority  of  the  people  in  England. 
To  the  ordinary  observer  it  appears  not  only  that  the  lives, 
liberties,  and  properties  of  American  women  are  secure,  but 
that  they  are  more  secure,  if  anything,  than  those  of  the  men; 
and  that  the  attitude  of  men  in  the  United  States  toward 
women  is  rather  that  of  subjection  than  tliat  of  domination. 
"  Actual  and  practical  slavery,"  which  one  of  the  ladies  who 
gives  evidence  declares  to  be  the  condition  of  woman  without 
the  ballot,  has  certainly  in  the  case  of  the  American  slave 
disguised  itself  in  very  deceptive  forms.  "Xo  one,"  says 
another  lady,  "  has  denied  to  women  the  right  of  burial,  and 
in  that  one  sad  necessity  of  human  life  they  stand  on  an  equal 
footing  with  men."  Such  language  seems  to  mock  our  under- 
standings. Comparisons  of  the  condition  of  woman  denied 
the  suffrage  with  that  of  the  Negro  in  the  South,  have  often 
been  made,  and  in  tiiis  report  we  are  told  that  the  exclusion 
of  women  from  a  convention  "  constituted  the  startling  reve- 
lation of  a  real  subjection  of  woman  to  man  world-wide  and 
in  many  respects  as  complete  and  galling,  when  analysed  and 
duly  considered  by  its  victims,  as  that  of  tlie  Xegro  to  his 
master."  Tlie  Xegro,  nevertheless,  would  not  have  been  sorry 
to  change  conditions.  The  papers  the  other  day  gave  an 
account  of  a  raid  made  upon  a  place  where  liquor  was  sold, by 
a  party  of  women  in  masks,  who  beat  the  proprietor  with 
clubs.  Several  such  acts  of  violence  on  the  part  of  women 
have  been  recorded;  but  they  are  committed  {i])parently  not 
only  with  impunity  but  with  general  approbation.  Kesistance 
to  them  appears  to  be  proscribed.  American  women,  also, 
seem  to  use  the  cowhide  whenever  they  think  lit  to  avenge 
their  personal  wrongs.  These  are  not  practices  in  which  the 
Negro  was  allowed  to  indulge  toward  his  master  before  eman- 
cipation, or  in  which  he  has  even  been  allowed  to  indulge 
since.     If  the  men  of  the  United  States  were  called  to  account 


i 

(1 

i. 

■i 

1 

! 

^=mi^^gmmm 


\m 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY. 


'f^; 


(ffi. 

I' 


fur  their  treatiiient  of  the  Avomen,  and  the  women  at  the  same 
time  for  the  performance  of  their  special  duty  to  the  race,  it 
seems  donhtful,  at  hnist  supposing  that  America  •  writers  on 
these  subjects  tell  the  truth,  whether  before  an  impartial 
tribunal  judgment  would  go  against  the  men. 

Against  wife-beating,  or  cruelty  of  any  sort  to  wives,  which 
is  commonly  confined  to  the  dregs  of  the  people,  the  law 
s(Mnns  now  severe  enough;  if  it  were  more  than  severe  enough 
it  would  be  in  danger  of  becoming  a  dead  letter.  ]Male  bru- 
tality finds  vent  in  bodily  outrage,  which  can  be  reached  by 
law.  The  bad  wife  can  make  her  husband's  home  misera- 
ble by  vexations  wiiich  no  law  can  reach.  JMany  years  ago  an 
English  clergyman  was  convicted  of  the  murder  of  his  wife, 
but  his  sentence  was  commuted  when  it  was  learned  what  his 
life  had  been.  A  man  in  England  narrowly  escaped  impi-is- 
onment  as  a  felon  on  a  false  charge  of  uttering  base  coin,  cast 
on  him  by  the  machinations  of  a  perfidious  wife  wlio  wanted 
to  live  with  lier  paramour.  Law  could  have  done  nothing 
in  the  first  case,  practically  could  do  nothing  in  the  second. 
Children  are  less  able  to  make  their  wrongs  known  tlian  are 
women,  yet  eases  not  seldom  come  to  light  of  cruel  ill- 
treatment  of  children  by  women,  especially  by  step-mothers. 
These  cases,  like  those  of  wife-beating,  are  hideous.  We 
punish  the  criminals  Avhen  we  can.  But  we  do  not  propose 
to  alter  domestic  relations.  AVe  trust,  and  in  the  immense 
majority  of  cases  with  reason,  to  affection,  which  is  stronger 
than  law.  That  affection  is  stronger  than  law  is  a  fact  often 
forgotten  in  dealing  with  these  questions.  It  seems  to  be 
tliought  that  the  Statute  Book  is  all.  Nothing  in  the  Statute 
I)Ook,  it  has  been  truly  said,  prevents  the  most  courteous  of 
hosts  from  turning  his  guests  out  of  his  house  at  midnight  in 
a  storm. 

That  the  man  should  exercise  authority  over  his  household 
will  become  unnatural  and  unjust  when  he  ceases  to  be  held 
responsible  for  the  household.  At  present  the  State  casts  upon 
him  \]\e  undivided  responsibility.  What  the  leaders  of  the 
woman's  rights  movement  practically  seek  is,  for  the  woman 


I 


WOMAN  SUFFRACJK. 


197 


power  without  responsibility,  for  the  man,  responsil)ility  with- 
out power.  But  this  is  an  arrangement  in  whicli  man,  though 
he  nuiy  be  talked  into  it  for  the  moment,  is  not  likely  in  the 
end  to  acquiesce. 

Is  the  marriage  tie  still  too  tight?  ^  Is  divorce  not  easy 
enough?  One  would  think  that  divorce  was  easy  enough  in 
America,  when  in  some  States  you  have  a  divorce  for  every 
ten  marriages,  wnen  a  judge  at  Chicago  can  dissolve  eight  mar- 
riages in  sixty-two  minutes,  when  wedlock  is  beginning  to  be 
talked  of  as  an  experiment  which  may  be  terminated  if  it  is 
not  found  pleasant  to  both  sides. '■^  Mormonism,  if  its  poly- 
gamy is  denounced,  lias  matter  for  a  retort.  American  legisla- 
tures themselves  are  beginning  to  recoil.  In  Great  Britain 
divorce  is  not  so  easy,  yet  it  is  surely  not  too  difficult  if  the 
marriage  tie  is  to  be  preserved.  The  children,  who  cinnot 
fail  to  suffer  by  tlie  wreck  of  the  family,  are  entitled  to  con- 
sideration as  well  as  the  parents.  Society  at  large  is  entitled 
to  consideration.  Though  marriages  are  made  not  in  heaven 
but  on  efirth,  it  may  safely  be  said  tliat  the  great  majority  of 
them  n.re  happy;  at  least  tliat  the  partners  are  happier  imited 
than  they  would  have  been  alone.  But  their  success  depends, 
in  ordinary  cases,  on  the  permanence  of  tlie  bond,  which 
enforces  restraint  of  temper  and  mutual  accommodation.  If 
divorce  Avere  always  open,  compatibility  would  be  seldom 
found ;  the  bond  would  be  broken  l)y  the  unscrupulous  as  often 
as  matrimony  failed  to  realise  the  dreams  of  courtship.  It 
is  easy  to  paint  horrible  pictures  of  unwilling  union  after 
mutual  disappointment.  Such  things  do  happen,  and  very 
tragical  and  deplorable  they  are.  The  remedy  is  caution 
before  marriage,  not  the  virtual  overthrow  of  an  institution 


1  See  MonaCaird's  articles  in  the  Fortniijhthj  (Vol.  liii)  and  Wesitminater 
Rcmcics  (Vol.  cxxx).     See  also  Mill's  The  Subjection  of  Wnmaii,  Chap.  ii. 

2  It  seems  that  the  largest  number  of  divorces  are  found  in  the  com- 
munities w!»ere  the  advocates  of  female  suffrage  are  most  numerous,  and 
where  the  individuality  of  woman  in  relation  to  her  husband,  which  such 
a  doctrine  inculcates,  is  greatest.  The  movement,  therefore,  or  at  least 
the  tendencies,  appear  to  be  connected.     See  Minority  Report,  p.  10. 


n  '•« ' 


..I 


198 


(QUESTIONS  OF  TUK   DAY. 


on  which,  so  far  as  we  can  see,  the  order,  purity,  and  happi- 
ness of  society  depend.' 

Marriage  may  be  (U'scribed  from  one  point  of  view  as  a  re- 
straint im])osed  upon  tht'  passions  of  tlie  man  for  the  benelit 
of  tlie  woman.  Cohl-blooded  philosophers  clioose  to  speak  of 
the  sexual  passion  in  man  as  brutal.  jVIighty  it  is;  it  is  no 
more  brutal  than  any  other  passion  or  appetite  gratification 
of  which  is  necessary  to  the  preservation  of  life  and  the  race. 
It  is  the  physical  basis  of  sentiments,  the  most  beautiful  and 
refined.  At  all  events  it  is  in  most  natures  imperious.  Were 
it  not,  man  could  luirdly  be  induced  to  take  on  him  the  burden 
of  wife  and  children.  Being  imperious,  ii,  will  Ije  gratified, 
if  not  by  marriage,  in  other  ways,  and  woman  would  not  be 
the  gainer  by  the  change. 

The  matrinumial  history  of  Shelley  is  instructive  and  full 
of  warning  because  he  was  so  highly  refined,  and  raised  so 
much  above  the  animal  passions  of  ordinary  men.  Shelley, 
as  his  admiring  biographer  frankly  tells  us,  finding  after 
some  two  years  or  more  of  nuirriage,  that  liis  Harriet  "did 
not  suit  him,"  though  slif  "had  given  no  cause  whatsoever 
for  repudiation  by  breach  or  tangible  neglect  of  wifely 
duty,"  cast  her  off  in  an  "abrupt  de  facto"  manner  and 
took  Alary  to  his  arms.  jMary,  of  course,  was  of  the  same 
opinion.  "Shelley,"  says  the  biographer,  "was  an  avowed 
opponent  on  principle  to  the  formal  and  coercive  tie  of 
marriage;  therefore  in  ceasing  his  marital  connection  with 
Harriet,  and  assuming  a  similar  relation  to  Mary,  he  did 
nothing  which  he  regarded  as  wrong,  though  as  far  as  any- 
thing yet  published  goes,  it  must  distinctly  be  said  that  he 
consulted  his  own  option  rather  than  Harriet's."  The  bio- 
grapher asserts  that  Harriet,  after  the  separation,  connected 
herself  with  some  other  protector,  a  charge  which,  it  is  to  be 

1  Reference  cannot  be  made  to  this  momentous  subject  without  ac- 
knowledjfin<!;  the  p;reat  service  rendered  to  society  by  tlie  Rev.  Samuel  W, 
Dike,  LL.D.,  Corresponding  Secretary  of  the  United  States  National 
Divorce  Reform  League,  whose  laborious  investigations  have  brought  the 
facts  before  us. 


WOMAN  SL'FFHAGE. 


I'jy 


)i- 


presumed,  he  would  not  make  witlioiit  knowing  it  to  be  true, 
and  the  trutli  of  which  would  not  in  any  way  mend  the  case. 
Legislation  on  these  lines  would  suit  some  men  better  than 
any  woman.*     It  did  not  suit  poor  Harriet. 

It  ai)pears  that  in  tlu;  series  of  legislative  reforms  whieii  in 
the  course  of  a  century  has  been  bringing  Europe  finally  out 
of  the  feudal  system,  wirh  its  quasi-military  relations,  and 
with  the  vestiges  of  tribalism  which  lingered  in  it,  into  the 
system  of  modern  society,  the  interests  of  both  sexes  have 
been  embra(;ed,  and  tiiat  of  the  female  sex  has  had  its  full 
share.  This,  as  the  legislatures  were  male,  seems  to  prove 
not  only  that  nuMi  in  legislating  are  unlikely  to  forget  their 
wives,  mothers,  sisters,  and  daughters,  but  that  women  with- 
out votes  can  exercise  great  influence  on  legislation.  Tlie 
press  is  open  to  them,  it  is  powerful,  and  not  a  few  of  them 
make  use  of  it.  The  platform  is  open  to  as  many  of  tliem  as 
do  not  shrink  from  its  piUdicity.  They  have  access  under  the 
most  favourable  conditions  to  those  by  whom  the  law  is  made. 
That  they  have  confidence  in  the  justice  and  affection  of  men 
their  present  appeal,  as  has  been  said  before,  shows ;  for  it  is 
from  man's  free  will  that  they  must  expect  the  cession  of  the 
suffrage:  some  of  tliem,  it  is  true,  threaten  society  with  a 
terrible  vengeance  if  their  petition  is  not  heard,  but  they 
are  powerless  to  give  effect  to  their  threats.  They  will 
renounce  their  present  influence  in  grasping  the  vote.  Let 
them  appear  as  a  separate  interest  in  the  politic^al  arena,  and 
they  will,  like  every  other  separate  interest,  awaken  an 
antagonism  which  does  not  now  exist. 

The  plain  question  then  presents  itself  in  the  joint  interest 
of  the  two  sexes,  whether  tlu;  exercise  of  politi{!al  pov/er  by 
women  would  be  generally  conducive  to  good  government.  If 
it  would  not,  the  concession,  it  must  be  repeated,  would  be  a 
Avrong  done  to  the  whole  community.     We  know  very  well 

1  See  Mr.  William  Michael  Rossetti's  Memoir  prefixed  to  his  edition  of 
Shelley's  Poetical  Works,  London :  Moxon,  1870.  I  am  aware  that 
different  versions  have  been  given,  but  there  can  be  no  dispute  about  the 
main  facts. 


200 


CiLlibTlO^b   UF  THE   DAY. 


■I 


tli.'it  in  some  gifts  uiul  (qualities  woman  is  superior  to  man. 
Suppose  she  is  suian'ior  to  him  on  the  whole.  Suppose,  to 
adojtt  the  scnnewhat  amatory  hinguage  of  Mr,  lilair's  Com- 
mittee, she  is  the  angelic  portion  of  humanity.  It  does  not 
follow  that  she  is  politieal  any  nujre  tluin  num  is  nuiternal  or 
adapted  for  housekeei)ing.  >ior  is  the  absence  of  political 
qualities  a  disgrace  to  her  any  more  than  the  absence  of 
maternal  or  housekeeping  (qualities  is  to  him.  Difference  of 
spheres,  the  spheres  V)eing  e(iual  in  importance,  implies  no 
disparagement.  As  a  rule,  it  is  in  the  affections  and  graces 
that  wcuuan  is  strong;  and  these,  the  affections  at  least,  though 
they  nuiy  be  worth  more  than  the  practical  qualities  needed  in 
politics,  are  not  the  practical  qualities.  But  the  training  also 
is  wanting.  Tlie  political  wisdom  of  men  in  general,  to  what- 
ever it  nuiy  amount,  is  formed  by  daily  contact  and  collision 
with  the  world  in  which  they  have  to  gain  their  bread  and 
Avhich  impresses  upon  tliem  in  its  rough  school  caution,  pru- 
dence, the  necessity  of  compromise,  the  limitations  of  their 
will.  Some  of  them  are  flighty  enough  after  all,  and  the  world 
just  now  is  in  no  small  peril  from  their  ilightiness.  But  their 
general  tendency  as  a  sex  is  to  be  commonplace  and  practi- 
cal. Their  life  usually  is  more  or  less  public,  while  that  of 
woman  is  in  the  home.  jNForeover,  they  feel  as  a  sex  the  full 
measure  of  responsibility  in  public  action.  This  is  not  felt 
so  strongly  by  their  partners.  If  rash  measures  get  the  com- 
munity into  trouble,  it  is  by  the  men  that  it  must  be  got  out 
again.  To  them  it  will  fall  to  pull  the  waggon  through  the 
slough.  The  exception  taken  to  female  legislators,  or  Minis- 
ters of  State,  or  judges,  on  account  of  the  interruptions  of  the 
nursery  might  be  met  by  appointing  only  spinsters  or  widows. 
But  it  would  be  impossible,  Avithout  total  change  of  sentiment, 
to  hold  the  female  legislator,  minister,  or  judge  to  the  full 
measure  of  male  responsibility.  If  they  were  called  to  account 
they  would  plead  their  sex.  "We  are  told  that  ladies  in  New 
York  objected  to  the  appointment  of  education  commissioners 
of  their  own  sex  on  the  ground  that  they  Avere  exempted  from 
criticism  by  the  gallantry  of  the  men. 


WOMAN  si:ffha(;k 


m 


»  man. 
ose,  to 
i  Com- 
Des  not 
rnal  or 
olitical 
nee   of 
.■nee  of 
lies  no 
graces 
thougli 
eded  in 
ing  also 
,0  wliat- 
;ollision 
3ad  and 
on,  pru- 
of  their 
le  world 
[lit  their 
practi- 
that  of 
he  full 
not  felt 
le  corn- 
got  out 
ugh  the 
r  Minis- 
is  of  the 
widows, 
iitiment, 
the  full 
account 
in  New 
issioners 
ted  from 


It  is  .sup[)os('(l  that  women  would  allay  the  angry  strife  of 
faction  and  rehne  its  coarseness  by  imparting  their  genth-ness, 
tniKh'rness,  and  delicacy  to  i)uhli(!  life.  Ihit  is  it  not  Ix'cause 
tliey  liave  been  kept  out  of  politics  and  generally  out  of  the 
contentious  arena  that  they  liave  remained  gentle,  tender,  and 
delicate?  ^^'eakness  thrown  into  an  exciting  struggle  usually 
shows  itself,  not  by  su^jcrior  gentleness,  but  by  loss  of  s(df-con- 
trol.  Of  this,  the  crusade  against  the  ('ontagious  Diseases 
Act  in  England  has  given  some  proof.  By  the  use  which  both 
the  i)olitical  parties  in  England  have  of  late  been  making  of 
women  for  electicnieering  purposes,  they  do  not  seem  to  have 
mitigated  the  fury  of  the  fray. 

"Corruption  of  male  suffrage,"  says  Mr.  lilair's  Report,  "is 
already  a  well-nigh  fatal  disease."  AVould  it  be  cured  by 
throwing  in  the  other  sex?  That  women  would  be  likely  by 
taking  part  in  public  life  to  make  it  pure,  that  they  are  less 
prone  than  men  to  favouritism,  jobbery,  and  corruption,  is 
contrary  to  experience,  Avhich  shows  that  they  are  })rone  to 
these  minor  vices  while  they  are  comparatively  seldom  guilty 
of  the  greater  crimes. 

In  a  paper  prejjared  at  the  request  of  an  association  of 
women,  which  is  cited  in  the  IMinority  Ileport  of  the  Senate 
Committee,  ^Vv.  Francis  i*arkman  says  of  the  female  politician 
as  she  is  and  is  likely  to  be  in  the  United  States : 

"  It  Is  not  woman's  virtues  that  woukl  be  prominent  or  influential  in 
tlie  political  arena,  they  woukl  shun  it  by  an  invincible  repulsion  ;  and 
the  opposite  qualities  woukl  be  drawn  into  it.  The  Washington  lobby 
has  given  us  some  means  of  judging  wliat  we  may  expect  from  the  woman 
•' inside  politics.'  If  politics  are  to  be  purified  by  artfulness,  effrontery, 
insensibility,  a  pushing  self-assertion,  and  a  glib  tongue,  then  we  may 
look  for  regeneration  ;  for  the  typical  female  politician  will  be  richly 
endowed  with  all  these  gifts. 

"Thus  accoutred  for  the  conflict,  she  may  fairly  hope  to  have  the  bet- 
ter of  her  masculine  antagonist.  A  woman  has  the  inalienable  right  of 
attacking  without  being  attacked  in  return.  iShe  may  strike,  but  nuist 
not  be  struck  either  literally  or  figuratively  Most  women  refrain  from 
abusing  their  privilege  of  non-comb<atants  ;  but  there  are  those  in  whom 
the  sense  of  impunity  breeds  the  cowardly  courage  of  the  virago. 


I 


soi 


(il'ESTTONS  OF  TIIK   DAY. 


1 
■  I 


"  Tn  nokoniiif,'  tlic  rcsniiroos  of  the  foiujvlo  polillciiiiis,  tlu-rt'  is  onfl 
wliicli  (■nil  liy  ii»>  iiu'iiiis  1)1'  It'ft  out.  Noiu!  know  botlrr  tlian  woman  tlio 
potency  of  feminine  charms  aided  by  feminine  arts.  The  woman  '  inside 
politics'  will  lint  fail  to  make  use  of  an  iiitliu'uee  so  subtle  and  so  strong 
and  of  wliidi  the  niauaaement  is  i)e{'uliariy  suited  to  her  talents.  If  — 
and  the  coiitiiii;eii('y  is  in  the  higlx-st  degree  {.injbabh!  —  she  is  not  gifted 
with  charms  of  her  own,  slu;  will  iiave  no  diftlculty  in  finding  and  using 
others  of  he''  sex  who  avi'.  If  repoit  is  to  be  trusted,  Delilah  has  already 
spread  her  snares  fur  the  Congressional  Samson;  and  the  power  Itefore 
whieh  the  wise  fail  and  the  mighty  fall  has  been  invoked  against  the  sages 
and  heroes  of  the  Capitol.  W'iien  '  woman'  is  fairly  '  inside  polities'  the 
sensation  press  will  reap  a  harvest  of  .seaiidals  more  lucrative  to  it.self 
than  iirotitable  to  public  mi^rals.  And  as  the  zeal  of  one  ela.ss  of  female 
reformers  has  been  and  no  doubt  will  be  largely  directed  to  their  grie- 
vances in  matters  of  sex,  we  shall  have  shrill-tongued  discussions  of  sub- 
jects which  had  far  better  be  let  alone. 

"  It  may  be  said  tliat  the  advocates  of  female  .suffrage  do  not  look  to 
political  women  for  the  purifying  of  politics,  but  to  the  votes  of  the  sex  at 
large.  The  two,  however,  cannot  be  separated.  It  should  be  remembered 
tiiat  the  (pu'stiou  is  not  of  a  limited  and  select  female  .suffrage,  but  of  a 
universal  one.  To  limit  would  be  impossible.  It  would  seek  the  broad- 
est areas  ami  tlu?  lowest  depths,  and  spread  itself  through  the  marshes 
and  malarious  pools  of  society."  i 

That  some  women  are  political  and  many  men  not,  is  as 
true  as  it  is  that  some  men  are  unmilitaiy  and  a  few  women 
are  Amazons.  ,  But  this  does  not  alter  the  general  fact;  and  it 
is  upon  general  facts  that  political  institutions  must  be  founded. 

Mill,  appealing  to  history,  bids  us  mark  that  so  excellent 
a  judge  of  practical  ability  as  Charles  V.  set  wojnen  to  govern 
the  Netherlands.  Chvades  V.  appointed  women  because  he 
had  no  males  in  his  family  to  appoint.  It  was  in  fact  this 
failure  of  mules  in  dynasties,  combined  with  the  super'ti- 
tion  of  hereditary  right,  that  led  to  the  introduction  oi  what 
John  Knox  called  "the  monstrous  regiment  of  women." 
Cliarles'  experiment  was  not  happy,  since  the  result  was  the 
revolt  of  the  Netherlands.  Blanclie  of  Castile,  is  also  cited 
by  Mill.  She  appears  to  have  been  a  woman  of  masculine 
qualities,  not  to  say  a  virago,  to  have  held  her  excellent  but 
rather  weak-minded  son  in  complete  subjection,  and  to  have 

1  Minority  Report,  p.  24. 


i,l: 


1 

'i 


WOMAN   srKFKAlii:. 


ffovcriK'd  with  vij^'oiir  iind  jii(l,<,Mn<'iit  as  liis  viccj,M'ront;  but 
tlii'i-e  are  cvidi'iitly  two  sides  to  her  ciianieter;  wliiidi  ol'  them 
lirevaih'd  on  the  whoh'.  she  is  too  remote  ti'om  us  to  (h'eide. 

It'  we  are  to  |,'o  to  iiistory,  to  history  let  us  <,'o;  only  reuiem- 
herinj,'  that  the  examples  are  those  oi'  ({ueens  I'ej^iiant,  or 
women  i>l;iccd  hy  1  heir  cii'eumstauees  in  positions  ot  power, 
and  that  tiify  att'ord  no  certain  indication  of  what  women 
would  lie  when  they  had  (dimbed  to  power  as  dema^'ogues 
after  ])assin,!s'  through  the  party  mill. 

In  I'^ngland,  the  women  who  have  wielded  powf^r  legally  or 
jiractically  have  l)een  Matilda,  the  (da,imant  of  the  crown 
against  Steplien,  about  whom  we  know  little,  but  who  seems 
to  have  injured  jier  party  by  her  arrogance;  Eleanor,  the 
jealous  and  intriguing  Queen  of  Henry  11.,  who  secured  the 
succession  to  her  favourite  ."(  Jin,  and  whose  record  is  not  fair; 
Isabella,  the  paranu)ur  of  Mortimer,  and  with  him  guilty  of 
the  murder  of  Edward  II.;  Margaret,  the  Queen  of  Henry 
VI.,  whose  violeu(;e  and  fav(mritism  helped  to  l)ring  on  the 
War  of  the  lioses;  Mary,  of  whom  it  need  only  be  said  that 
she  was  probably  not  a  bad  woman,  but  misled  by  influeiu'es 
to  which  her  sex  is  si)ecially  exposed;  Elizabeth;  Henrietta 
Maria,  who  by  her  feminine  violence  had,  like  ^Margaret  of 
Anjou,  no  small  share  in  ]ilunging  the  country  into  civil  war; 
and  (^ueen  Anne,  who,  under  personal  influences  and  at  the 
instigation  of  a  favourite  waiting-woman,  upset  a  great  minis- 
try and  deprived  the  country  of  the  fruits  of  a  long  war, 
while,  had  she  lived  longer,  her  fondness  for  her  family  would 
have  probably  led  to  an  attempt  to  restore  the  Stuarts.  The 
star  is  Elizabeth.  But  Elizabeth's  reputation  for  anything 
but  the  arts  of  popularity  in  which  she  was  supreme,  has 
suffered  terribly  by  the  researches  of  Motley  and  other  recent 
writers.  Her  deceitfulness,  perfidy,  and  ingratitude  to  those 
who  had  served  her  and  the  country  best,  were  pretty  well 
known,  as  Avere  her  vanity  and  her  cocjuetry.  But  her  repu- 
tation for  statesmanship  is  now  greatly  reduced,  and  it  is 
clear  that  the  country  was  saved  not  by  her,  but  by  itself; 
from  the  Armada  it  was  saved  in  her  despite.     Mr.  Fronde, 


mi^ 


■ 


204 


grESTIONS   OF   THE    DAY. 


If' 1)1 


,5.  'Mi:: 


I    :    .  i 


wlio  set  out  as  her  fervent  admirer,  has  in  the  end  to  say  that 
her  conduct  in  the  transaction  which  preceded  the  sailing  of 
the  Arnuida  "  would  alone  suffice  to  disqualify  Elizabeth  from 
being  cited  as  an  example  of  the  capacity  of  fenuile  sovereigns." 
And  when  the  country  Avas  saved,  wliom  did  the  queen  select 
for  the  honoiir?  Whom  did  she  prefer  on  this  and  all  other 
occasions  above  the  great  servants  of  the  State?  The  good- 
looking  but  worthless  Leicester,  "infamed,"  as  Burleigh 
said  he  was,  "by  the  death  of  his  wife."  Her  imgrateful 
persecution  of  the  Puritans  in  the  latter  part  of  her  reign 
sowed  the  wind  from  which  her  unhappy  successors  reaped  the 
whirlwind.  She  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  the  crowning 
figure  of  an  heroic  age,  and  her  sex  threw  about  her  a  ronumtic 
halo,  the  brightness  of  whicli  was  enhanced  by  the  calamities, 
partly  her  bequest,  which  ensued. 

In  France  the  more  recent  list  is  Catherine  de  Medici, 
whose  name  sufftces;  Anne  of  Austria,  who  was  in  the  able 
hands  of  jMazarin;  Madame  de  Maintenon,  to  whose  female 
piety  France  owed  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Xantes, 
while  to  her  tenderness  for  the  Catholic  Stuarts  it  owed  a 
great  war;  jNEadame  de  Pompadour,  whose  name  again  suffices; 
Marie  Antoinette,  who,  besides  helping  to  dismiss  Turgot  and 
to  complete  the  ruin  of  French  finances  by  plunging  France 
into  the  war  of  the  American  llevolution,  did  so  much  to  bring 
on  the  crash  of  the  French  llevolution  that  her  misdeeds  were 
scarcely  washed  out  b}^  her  tears.  The  story  is  closed  by  the 
influence,  partly  .religious,  partly  dynastic  and  domestic, 
which,  Frenchmen  say,  made  the  Franco-German  Avar  and 
finislied  the  Avork  by  interfering  Avith  its  conduct  in  the 
interest  of  the  dynasty  and  deterring  the  Emperor  and  his 
army  from  falling  back  on  Paris. 

Isabella  of  Castile  graced  her  croAvn  and  formed  a  noble 
queen  of  chivalry  in  the  Avar  against  the  Moors.  As  a  ruler, 
she  had  Ferdinand  at  her  side.  That  it  Avas  to  her  feminine 
instinct  that  the  genius  of  Columbus  Avas  revealed,  recent 
researches  have  made  less  certain  than  it  is  that  her  piety 
established  the  Inquisition  in  Castile,  and  that  great  numbers 
of  persons  were  burned  by  it  in  her  reign. 


I;-.)-. 


' 


WOMAN   SUFFRAGE. 


ats 


I  say  that 
>ailing  of 
jetli  from 
ereigns." 
sen  select 
all  other 
'lie  good- 

Burleigh 

II  grateful 
lier  reign 
ft  aped  the 
crowning 
romantic 

ilamities, 

i  Medici, 
the  able 
ie  female 
Xantes, 
t  owed  a 
1  suffices; 
urgot  and 
ig  France 
1  to  bring 
3eds  w'ere 
id  by  the 
domestic, 
war  and 
it  in  the 
'  and  his 

1  a  noble 
5  a  ruler, 
feminine 
id,  recent 
her  piety 
;  numbers 


Monuments  of  a  female  influence  over  government  more  cer- 
tainly benehceiit  were  tlie  crosses  which  Edward  1.  erected 
in  memory  of  tlie  Queen  who  seems  to  liave  softened  his  stern- 
ness with  her  love,  while  she  displayed  the  beauty  of  affection 
on  the  throne.  England  also  owes  a  debt  of  gratitude  to 
Caroline  of  Brunswick,  by  whose  unambitious  support  Wal- 
pole,  the  best  statesman  of  an  unheroic  time,  was  kept  in 
power.  Nothing  need  be  said  about  queens  nominally  reg- 
nant who  have  reigned  but  not  governed,  and  whose  influence 
has  been  happily  exertetl  in  the  social  sphere  which  all  admit 
to  be  the  realm  of  woman. 

Mill  has  also  stated  tliat  Begums  have  shone  as  rulers  in 
India.  He  was  in  the  India  House  and  his  authority  is  good, 
though  he  does  not  give  the  names.  It  is  hardly  credible 
that  a  woman  brought  up  in  a  Zenana  should  be  a  great 
ruler,  but  she  might  be  better  than  a  hog  or  a  tiger.  Not  all 
Begums  have  escaped  the  common  influences  of  the  Durbar. 
We  have  one,  styled  a  heroine,  making  away  successively  with 
her  father-in-law,  lier  husband,  and  her  son,  because  they  stood 
in  her  way,  enrolling  cut-throats,  and  practising  corruption  as 
freely  as  any  male.^  The  difference  can  hardly  be  such  as  to 
give  us  much  assurance  of  safety  in  revokitionising  the  rela- 
tions between  the  sexes. 

The  writer  of  this  paper  signed,  in  company  with  John 
Bright,  John  Stuart  ^Mill's  first  petition  in  favour  of  suffrage 
for  unmarried  women.  ]\[r.  Bright,  as  well  as  the  writer,  was 
a  good  deal  influenced  by  liis  respect  and  regard  for  Mill. 
Both  of  them  afterwards  changed  their  minds,  and  Bright 
spoke  strongly  against  the  measure.  The  writer  found  that 
the  women  of  his  acquaintance  for  whom  lie  had  most  respect, 
and  who  seemed  to  him  the  best  representatives  of  their  sex, 
were  opposed  to  the  change,  fearing  that  the  position  and 
privileges  of  women  in  general  would  be  sacrificed  to  the 
ambition  of  a  few. 

Since  that  time   ]\[ill's  Autobiography  has  appeared,  and 

1  See  C.  Forjelt's  Ottr  lieal  Danger  in  India,  p.  39. 


i 


1'^ 


200 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE   DAY. 


lias  revealed  the  history  of  his  extraordinary  and  almost 
portentous  education,  the  singular  circumstances  of  his  mar- 
riage, his  hallucination  (lor  it  surely  can  be  called  nothing 
else)  as  to  the  surpassing  genius  of  his  wife,  and  peculiari- 
ties of  character  and  temperament  such  as  could  not  fail  to 
prevent  him  from  fully  appreciating  the  power  of  influences 
which,  whatever  our  philosophy  may  say,  reign  and  will  con- 
tinue to  reign  supreme  over  (questions  of  this  kind.  To  him 
marriage  was  a  union  of  two  philosophers  in  the  pursuit  of 
truth,  and  wedded  life  was  intellectual  intercourse.  In  his 
work  on  "  The  Subjection  of  Women  "  not  only  does  he  almost 
leave  maternity  out  of  sight,  but  sex  and  its  influences  seem 
hardly  to  be  present  to  his  mind.  Of  the  distinctive  excel- 
lence and  beauty  of  the  female  character,  or  of  the  conditions 
essential  to  its  preservation,  it  does  not  appear  that  he  had 
formed  any  idea,  though  he  dilates  on  the  special  qualities  of 
the  female  understanding. 

Mill  has  allowed  us  to  see  that  his  opinions  as  to  the 
political  position  of  women  were  formed  early  in  his  life, 
probably  before  he  had  studied  history  rationally,  perhaps 
before  the  rational  study  of  history  had  even  come  into  exist- 
ence. The  consequence,  Avith  all  deference  to  his  great  name 
be  it  said,  is  that  his  historical  presentment  of  the  case  is 
fundamentally  unsound.  He  and  his  disciples  represent  the 
lot  of  the  woman  as  having  always  been  determined  by  the 
will  of  the  man,  who,  according  to  them,  has  willed  that  she 
should  be  the  slave,  and  that  he  should  be  her  master  and 
tyrant.  ''Society,  both  in  this  [the  case  of  marriage]  and 
other  cases,  has  preferred  to  attain  its  object  by  foul  rather 
than  by  fair  means;  but  this  is  the  only  case  in  wliich  it  has 
substantially  persisted  in  them  even  to  tlie  present  day." 
This  is  ]\Iill's  fundamental  assunq)tion;  and  from  it,  as 
every  rational  student  of  history  is  now  aware,  conclusions 
utterly  erroneous  as  well  as  injurious  to  humanity  must  flow. 
The  lot  of  the  woman  has  not  been  d(>termined  by  the  will  of 
the  man,  at  least  in  any  eonsiih'rable  degree.  The  lot  both  of 
the  man  and  of  the  woman  has  been  determined  from  age  to 


rt 


lif:'     T 


iii 


WOMAN  SUFFRAGE. 


ao7 


i 


age  by  circumstances  over  which  the  will  of  neither  of  them 
had  much  control,  and  which  n"ither  could  be  blamed  for 
accepting  or  failing  to  reverse.  Mill  and  his  disciples 
assume  that  the  man  has  always  willed  that  he  should  him- 
self enjoy  political  rights,  and  that  the  woman  should  be  his 
slave;  forgetting  that  it  is  only  in  a  tew  covmtries  that  man 
does  enjoy  political  rights,  and  that,  even  in  those  few  coun- 
tries, freedom  is  the  birth  almost  of  yesterday.  It  may  prob- 
ably be  said  that  the  number  of  men  who  have  really  and 
freely  exercised  the  suffrage  up  to  the  present  time  is  not  very 
much  greater  than  the  number  of  those  who  have  in  different 
ages  and  in  various  ways  laid  down  their  lives  or  made  per- 
sonal sacrifices  of  other  kinds  in  bringing  elective  govern- 
ment into  existence. 

In  the  early  stages  of  civilisation  the  family  was  socially  and 
legally,  as  well  as  politically,  a  unit.  Its  head  represented 
the  whole  household  before  the  tribe,  the  State,  and  all  persons 
and  bodies  witliout;  while  within  he  exercised  absolute  power 
over  all  the  members,  male  as  well  as  female,  over  his  sons  as 
well  as  over  his  wife  and  daughters.  On  the  death  of  the 
head  of  a  family  his  eldest  son  stepped  into  his  place,  and 
became  the  representative  and  protector  of  the  whole  house- 
hold, including  the  widow  of  the  deceased  chief.  This  sys- 
tem, long  retained  iu  conservative  Kome,  was  there  the  source 
of  the  national  respect  for  authority,  and,  by  an  expansion  of 
feeling  from  tlie  family  to  the  connnunity,  of  the  patriotism 
which  produced  and  sustained  Koman  greatness.  But  its 
traces  lingered  far  down  in  history.  It  was  not  male  tyranny 
that  authorised  a  Tudor  queen  to  send  nu^mbers  of  the  royal 
household  to  the  Tower  by  her  personal  authority  as  the  mis- 
tress of  tlie  family,  without  regard  to  the  common  law  against 
arbitrary  imprisonment.  Such  a  coii;,titutiou  was  essential  U) 
the  existence  of  the  family  in  primitive  tim(>s;  without  it  the 
germs  of  nations  and  of  liumanity  would  have  perished.  To 
suppose  that  it  was  devised  l)y  the  nuile  sex  for  the  gratifi- 
cation of  their  own  tyrannical  propensities,  would  be  most 
absurd.     It  was  at  least  as  much  a  necessity  to  the  primitive 


■    i 


QUESTIONS   OF  'J'HE   DAY. 


woman  as  it  was  to  the  primitive  man.  It  is  still  a  necessity 
tc  woman  in  the  conntries  Avhere  the  primitive  type  of  society 
remains.  AVhat  would  be  the  fate  of  a  female  Bedouin  if  she 
were  siiddenly  invested  with  Wonum's  Eights,  and  emanci- 
pated from  the  protection  of  her  husband? 

That  the  present  relation  of  women  to  their  husbands  liter- 
ally has  its  origin  in  slavery,  and  is  a  hideous  relic  of  that 
system,  is  a  theory  which  Mill  sets  forth  in  language  such 
as,  if  it  could  sink  into  the  hearts  of  those  to  whom  it  is  ad- 
dressed, might  turn  affection  to  bitterness,  and  divide  every 
household  against  itself.  Yet  tliis  theory  is  witliout  historical 
foundation.  It  seems  indeed  like  a  figure  of  invective  heed- 
lessly converted  into  history.  Even  in  the  most  primitive 
times,  and  those  in  whi(;h  the  subjection  of  the  woman  was 
most  complete,  the  wife  was  clearly  distinguished  from  the 
slave.  The  lot  of  Sarah  is  diiferent  from  that  of  Hagar;  the 
authority  of  Hector  over  Andromache  is  absolute,  yet  no  one 
can  confound  her  position  with  that  of  her  handmaidens. 
The  Roman  matron  who  sent  her  slave  to  be  crucified,  the 
Southern  matron  who  was  the  fierce  supporter  of  slavery,  were 
not  themselves  slaves.  Whatever  may  now  be  obsolete  in  the 
relations  of  husband  and  wife  is  not  a  relic  of  slavery,  but 
of  primitive  marriage,  and  may  be  regarded  as  at  worst  an 
arrangement  once  indispensable  which  has  survived  its  hour. 
Where  real  slavery  has  existed,  it  has  extended  to  both  sexes, 
and  it  has  ceased  for  both  at  the  same  time.  Even  the  Ori- 
ental seclusion  of  women,  perhaps  the  Avorst  condition  in  wliich 
the  sex  has  ever  been,  has  its  root  not  in  the  slave-owning 
propensity  so  much  as  in  jealousy,  a  passion  which,  though 
extravagant  and  detestable  in  its  excessive  manifestation,  is 
not  without  an  element  of  affection.  The  most  beautiful 
building  in  the  East  is  that  which  Shah  Jehan  raised  as  the 
monument  of  a  beloved  Avife.  Is  it  possible  that  an  American 
lady  living  in  Paris  on  the  fruits  of  her  husband's  toil  at 
New  York,  or  looking  on  Avhile  a  porter  at  Saratoga  toils 
beneath  her  colossal  trunk,  should  deem  herself  or  be  deemed 
a  slave? 


r-  ^ 


li-i 


■■M 


■ 


WOMAN    SUFFRAGE. 


%m 


the 


If  the  calm  and  philosophic  nature  of  ]\Iill  is  ever  betrayed 
into  violence,  it  is  in  his  denunciations  of  the  present  insti- 
tution of  marriage.  He  depicts  it  as  a  despotism  full  of 
mutual  degradation,  and  fruitful  of  no  virtues  or  affections 
except  the  debased  virtues  and  the  miserable  affections  of  the 
master  and  the  slave.  The  grossest  and  most  degrading  terms 
of  Oriental  slavery  are  used  to  designate  the  relations  of 
husband  and  wife  throughout  the  book.  A  husband  who  de- 
sires his  Avife's  love  is  only  seeking  "to  have  in  the  woman 
most  nearly  connected  witli  him,  ncjt  a  forced  slave,  but  a 
willing  one;  not  a  slave  nu^rely,  but  a  favourite."  Husbands 
have,  therefore,  "put  everything  in  practice  to  enslave  the 
minds  of  their  wives."  If  a  wife  is  intensely  attaclied  to  her 
husband,  "exactly  as  much  may  be  said  of  domestic  slavery." 
"It  is  a  part  of  the  irony  of  life  that  the  strongest  feelings  of 
devoted  gratitude  of  which  human  nature  seems  tu  be  suscep- 
tible are  called  forth  in  human  beings  towards  those  wlio, 
having  the  power  entirely  to  crush  their  earthly  existence, 
voluntarily  refrain  from  using  their  power."  Even  children 
are  only  links  in  the  chain  of  bondage.  By  the  affections  of 
women  "  are  meant  the  only  ones  they  are  allowed  to  have, 
those  to  the  men  to  whom  tliey  are  connected,  or  to  the  chil- 
dren who  constitute  an  additional  and  indefeasible  tie  between 
them  and  a  man."  The  Jesuit  is  an  object  of  sympathy  be- 
cause he  is  tlie  enemy  of  the  domestic  tyrant,  and  it  is  assumed 
that  the  husband  can  have  no  motive  but  the  love  of  undivided 
tyranny  for  objecting  to  being  superseded  by  an  intriguing 
interloper  in  his  wife's  affections.  As  though  a  Avife  would 
regard  with  complacency,  say  a  female  spiritualist,  installed 
beside  her  hearth!  villi's  book,  written  with  his  usual  clear- 
ness and  impressiveness,  having  been  the  manifesto,  has 
remained  the  manual  of  the  movement.  It  is  therefore  still 
necessary  to  deal  witli  it,  nor  can  there  be  anything  invidi- 
ous, as  some  of  his  admirers  seem  to  have  fancied,  in 
reviewing  it  by  the  light  of  the  Autobiography.  For  what 
purpose  is  the  life  of  a  philosopher  published  if  it  is  not  to 
enable  us  better  to  understand  his  works?    The  book  might 


[f^ 


m 


210 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE    DAY. 


1:1'    i 

i   I' 

m  i 


M\ 


1{X 


I  I 


I   >< 


poison  marriage  if  it  were  not  read  with  a  knowledge  of  the 
influence  under  wliicli  it  was  written.  Mill  himself  seems  at 
last  to  start  from  the  picture  which  he  has  drawn  and  to  be 
inclined  to  (qualify  it.     IJut  he  does  this  faintly  and  too  late. 

If,  in  this  most  impex'fect  world,  woman,  through  the  change- 
ful ages,  has,  like  her  partner,  had  much  to  undergo,  and  too 
often  at  her  partner's  hands,  she  has  also  had  advantages 
which  she  would  have  been  sorry  to  forfeit,  and  which  she 
would  be  sorry  to  forfeit  now.  She  has  sat  safe  in  her  home 
while  her  partner  was  toiling,  hunting,  battling  with  the  sea, 
fighting  for  her  abroad.  By  her  partner's  labour  and  with 
peril  of  his  life  the  earth  has  been  subdued  for  her  and  made 
fit  for  her  habitation.  When  she  complains  that  she  has  been 
treated  as  a  toy,  does  she  mean  that  she  has  been  wronged 
because  man  has  taken  most  of  the  rough  and  hard  work  to 
himself  ?  War  has  comparatively  spared  her ;  public  justice 
has  been  lenient  to  her ;  in  a  shipwreck  she  has  been  put  first 
into  the  boat,  while  the  slave  to  whom  she  now  likens  her- 
self has  been  thrown  ^.verboard  to  save  the  provisions.  In 
civilised  countries  she  is  on  all  occasions  served  and  con- 
sidered first;  special  provisions  are  made  for  her  comfort  and 
convenience.  Is  this  the  lot  of  a  slave,  or  of  one  even  more 
miserable  than  a  slave  ?  - 

Sometimes  woman  has  had  man's  hard  work  to  do.  But  this 
has  been  mostly  under  circumstances  of  special  need  or  of  gene- 
ral barbarism,  and  the  revulsion  which  any  such  employment 
of  her  causes,  denotes  her  general  immunity.  The  Red  Indian 
used  his  mate  as  a  beast  of  burden.  But  the  Red  Indian  was 
a  barbarian.  Even  he,  however,  might  have  pleaded  special 
need.  The  hunter,  by  the  product  of  whose  chase  the  wig- 
wam was  fed,  would  have  been  spoiled,  his  powers  of  endu- 
rance would  have  been  reduced,  and  the  keenness  of  his  sense 
would  have  been  impaired  by  heavy  domestic  labour. 

Marriage  has  risen  in  character  with  the  general  progress  of 
civili,'  ion  from  the  primeval  contract  of  force  or  purchase  to 
a  •  .i'utract,  of  a  contract  generally  of  love.  Primeval 
pi;U;tu'ij    \'ii.s  not  regulated  by  the  will  of  those  generations, 


lli  i. 


WOMAN  SUFFKAGE. 


mi 


the 
IS  at 
l)e 
late, 
nge- 

too 


but  by  primeval  circumstance,  and  the  improvement  of  the 
marriage  tie  has  come,  as  all  other  great  im^jrovements  of 
human  relations  have  (tome,  in  the  course  of  secular  evolution. 
It  was  something  when  the  i)assions  of  the  male  were  sub- 
jected to  a  regular  and  lasting  bond  of  any  kind.  If  wonuui 
are  now  to  be  made  indeixuident  of  marriage,  which  appears 
to  be  the  aim  of  some  of  their  champions,  they  would  be  made 
indejjendent  of  that  in  which  the  hapi)iness  of  a  creature 
formed  for  affection  usually  consists,  although  to  determine 
them  to  embrace  it,  some  natural  pressure  may  be  recpured. 
Perhaps  many  of  them  will  owe  their  champions  but  scanty 
thanks  in  their  old  age. 

The  anomalies  in  the  property  law  affecting  married  women, 
to  which  remedial  legislation  has  recently  been  directed,  are, 
like  whatever  is  obsolete  in  the  relations  between  the  sexes 
generally,  not  deliberate  iniquities,  but  survivals.  They  are 
relics  of  feudalism  or  of  still  more  primitive  institutions  in- 
corporated by  feudalism ;  and  while  the  system  to  which  they 
b(donged  existed  they  were  indispensable  parts  of  it,  and  must 
have  been  so  regarded  by  both  sexes  alike.  Any  one  who  is 
tolerably  well  infornuHl  ought  to  be  ashamed  to  represent  them 
as  the  contrivances  of  male  injustice.  It  is  not  on  one  sex 
only  that  the  relics  of  feudalism  have  borne  hard. 

The  exclusion  of  women  from  professions  is  cited  as  another 
proof  of  constant  and  immemorial  injustice,  lint  what  woman 
asked  or  wished  to  be  admitted  to  a  profession  a  hundred 
or  even  fifty  years  ago?  AV'hat  wonum  till  cpiite  recently 
Avould  have  been  ready  to  renounce  marriage  and  nuiternity  in 
order  tliat  she  might  devote  herself  to  law,  medicine,  or 
commercial  pursuits?  The  demand  is  probably  in  some  meas- 
ure connected  with  an  abnormal  and  possibly  transient  state 
of  things.  The  expensiveness  of  living  in  a  country  where 
the  fashion  is  set  by  millionnaires,  combined  with  the  over- 
crowded condition  of  the  very  callings  to  which  women  are 
demanding  admission,  has  put  I'xtraordinary  diHioulties  in  the 
way  of  marriage.  ]\Eany  women  are  tluis  left  without  an  ob- 
ject in  life,  and  they  naturally  try  to  open  for  themselves  some 


I! 


i 


■If 


212 


QUESTIONS  OF  THK    DAY. 


1:1  i 


new  career.  The  utmost  sympathy  is  due  to  them,  and  every 
facility  ought  in  justice  to  be  afforded  them;  though  unhap- 
[)ily  the  addition  of  fresh  competitors  for  snbsistence  to  a 
crowd  in  wliich  some  are  already  starving  will  be  as  far  as 
possible  from  removing  the  real  root  of  the  evil,  to  say  noth- 
ing of  the  risk  wliich  a  woman  must  run  in  committing  herself 
irrevocably  to  a  precarious  calling,  and  closing  against  herself 
the  gate  of  domestic  life.  IJut  the  demand,  as  has  already 
been  said,  is  of  yesterday,  and  probably  in  its  serious  form  is 
as  yet  confined  to  the  countries  in  which  impediments  to  early 
marriage  exist.  It  is  not  always  easy  to  distinguish  the 
serious  demand  from  a  passion  for  emulating  the  male  sex 
which  has  undoubtedly  taken  jjossession  of  some  women,  as  it 
took  possession  of  the  women  under  the  Konum  Empire,  who 
began  to  play  the  gladiator  when  other  excitements  were  ex- 
hausted, and  which  is  hardly  more  respectable  in  women  than 
the  affectation  of  feminine  tastes  and  habits  would  be  in  a  man. 
AVith  regard  to  the  profession  of  law,  indeed,  so  far  as  it  is 
concerned  with  the  administration  of  justice,  there  is,  as  was 
said  before,  and  while  human  emotions  retain  their  force 
always  Avill  be,  a  reason,  independent  of  the  question  of 
demand,  for  excluding  Avomen,  at  least  for  excluding  one  of  the 
two  sexes.  The  influence  of  a  pretty  advocate  appealing  to  a 
jury,  perhaps  in  behalf  of  a  client  of  her  own  sex,  Avould  not 
have  seemed  to  Mill  at  all  dangerous  to  the  integrity  of 
public  justice;  but  most  people,  and  especially  those  who  have 
seen  anything  of  sentimental  causes  in  the  United  States,  or 
even  in  more  phlegmatic  England,  wall  probably  be  of  a  differ- 
ent opinion. 

What  has  been  said  as  to  the  professions  is  equally  true  of 
the  universities,  which  were  schools  of  the  professions.  A  few 
years  ago,  what  English  girl  would  have  consented  to  leave  her 
home  and  mingle  with  male  students?  What  English  girl 
Avould  have  thought  it  possible  that  she  could  go  through  the 
whole  of  the  medical  course  with  male  companions  of  her 
studies?  I^ven  now  what  is  the  amount  of  settled  belief  in 
"co-educatiou"?    What  would  be  said  to  a  young  man  who 


WOMAN   SUFFRAGE. 


9$t 


applied  for  admission  in  the  name  of  tliat  principle  at  the 
door  of  any  female  college?  Without  arraigning  the  past, 
those  whose  duty  it  is  may  consider  with  the  deliberation 
wliieh  they  deserve  the  two  distinct  (pu'stions,  whether  it  is 
desirable  that  tlie  ednniition  of  botli  sexes  shjill  be  tlie  s;ime, 
and  whciher  it  is  desirable  that  the  young  men  and  the  young 
women  of  the  wealthier  (dasses  shall  be  educated  together  in 
the  same  universities.  IJencath  the  first  probably  lies  the 
still  deeper  question  Avhetlier  it  is  good  for  humanity  that 
woman,  who  has  hitherto  been  the  helpmate  and  the  comple- 
ment, should  become,  as  the  leaders  of  the  Woman's  Ifight 
movement  evidently  desire,  the  rival  and  competitor  of  man. 
Both  she  cannot  be;  and  it  is  by  no  means  clear  that  in  decid- 
ing Avliicli  she  shall  be  the  aspirations  of  the  leaders  of  this 
movement  coincide  with  the  interests  of  the  sex. 

If  the  education  of  women  has  hitherto  been  defective,  so 
has  that  of  men.  We  are  now  going  to  do  our  best  to  improve 
botli.  Surely  no  accomplisliment  in  the  acquisition  of  which 
woman  has  been  condemned  to  spend  her  time  could  well  be 
less  useful  than  that  of  writing  Greek  or  Latin  has  been  to 
the  generality  of  male  students.  That  the  education  of 
wonnm  has  hitherto  been  lighter  than  that  of  men  is  no  proof 
that  for  the  purposes  of  woman's  destination  it  has  been 
worse.  Among  other  things,  it  is  to  be  considered  whether 
the  children  would  be  healthy  if  the  brain  of  the  mother, 
as  well  as  that  of  the  father,  were  severely  tasked.  That 
the  comparative  absence  of  works  of  creative  genius  among 
Avonien  is  due  entirely  to  the  social  tyranny  which  has  ex- 
cluded, or  is  supposed  to  have  excluded,  them  from  literary  or 
scientific  careers,  cannot  be  said  to  be  self-evident.  The  case 
of  music,  often  cited,  seems  to  suggest  that  there  is  another 
cause,  and  that  the  career  of  intellectual  ambition  is  in  most 
cases  not  likely  to  be  happier  than  that  of  domestic  affection, 
though  this  is  no  reason  why  the  experiment  should  not  be 
fairly  tried.  Perhaps  the  intellectual  disabilities  under  which 
women  have  laboured,  even  in  tlie  past,  have  been  somewhat 
overstated.     If  Shelley  was  a  child  to  Mrs.  Mill,  as  Mr.  ^Nfill 


H 


r;  f 


7  '  y. 


\.   \' 


■ 

:   1 

1    ! 


d|4  QIKSTIOXS   OF   THE    DAY. 

suys,  no  ''social  disiibilities  "  hindorod  Mrs.  ]\rill  from  pub- 
lishing poi'ius  wliich  would  have  eclipsed  Shelley.  'JMie 
Avriter  once  heard  an  American  lecturer  of  eminence  confidently 
ascribe  the  licentiousness  of  English  fiction  in  the  early  part 
of  the  last  century  to  the  exclusion  of  women  from  litc'rary 
life.  The  lecturer  forgot  that  the  most  popular  novelist  of 
that  period,  and  certainly  not  the  least  liiunitious,  was  Mrs. 
Aphra  IJehn.  This  lady's  name  suggests  the  remark  that  as 
the  relations  of  the  sexes  have  been  the  nu)st  intimate  con- 
(ieivable,  the  action  of  character  has  been  reciprocal,  and  the 
level  of  moral  ideas  and  sentiments  for  both  pretty  nuich  the 
same. 

Mill,  seeing  that  the  num  is  the  stronger,  seems  to  assume 
that  the  relations  betw(>en  man  and  Avoman  must  always  have 
been  regulated  bv  tlie  law  of  the  strongest.  Hut  strength  is 
not  tyranny.  The  protector  must  always  be  stronger  than  the 
person  under  his  protection.  A  mother  is  overwhelmingly 
superior  in  strength  to  her  infant  child,  and  the  cliild  is  com- 
pletely at  her  mercy.  The  very  highest  conception  that 
humanity  has  ever  formed,  whether  it  be  founded  in  reality  or 
not,  is  that  of  power  losing  itself  in  affliction.  St.  Paul  (who 
on  any  hypothesis  as  to  his  inspiration,  is  an  authoritative 
expositor  of  the  morality  Avhich  became  that  of  Christendom) 
affirms  with  perfect  clearness  the  essential  equality  of  the 
sexes  and  their  necessary  relations  to  each  other  as  the  two 
halves  of  humanity.  Yet  he  no  less  distinctly  ratifies  the 
unity  of  the  family,  the  authority  of  its  head,  and  the  female 
need  of  that  headship ;  a  need  which,  supposing  it  to  be 
natural,  has  nothing  in  it  more  degrading  than  the  need  of 
protection.^ 

Subjection  is  a  word  of  sinister  import,  and  Mill,  in  adopt- 
ing it,  prejudices  the  (piestion.  Subordination,  or  obedience, 
where  it  is  necessary,  implies  no  disparagement.  Nothing 
grates  on  ordinary  feelings  when  Beatrice,  in  "Much  Ado 
about  Nothing,"  says  that  she  "  will  tame  her  wild  heart  to 
the  hand  "  of  the  man  whom  she  is  to  wed.  Not  the  soldier 
1  I  Cor.  xi.  7-12  ;  Eph.  22-33  ;  Col.  iii.  18. 


:ii'  ( 


i 


WOMAN  SUFFRAGE. 


215 


only,  but  most  of  us  luivi;  some  one  whom  wo  arc  bound 
to  obey,  and  whom,  it  being  necessary,  we  obey  .2.vith()ut 
humiliation.  A  liead  of  the  family  there  must  be  if  there  is 
not  to  be  domestic  anarchy.  Children  must  know  to  whom 
their  obedience  is  due.  Mill  proposes  that  the  authority  shall 
be  divided  between  the  husband  and  wife  in  the  marriage  con- 
tract, and  that  the  subjects  in  which  each  is  to  be  sui)i'eme 
shall  be  set  out  in  a  scheilule ;  but  he  has  not  given  us  a  draft 
of  such  a  contract.  In  the  whole  of  this  movement  of  sexual 
revolution  the  family,  though  it  may  not,  with  any  one  but  a 
Nihilist,  be  the  ol)ject  of  intentional  or  conscious  attack,  is 
practically  threatened  with  dissolution.  One  Utopian  reformer, 
as  we  have  seen,  proposes  not  only  that  the  wife  shall  be  made 
independent  of  the  husband,  but  that  the  children  shall  be 
made  independent  of  the  parents. 

"Enfranchise  women,"  says  Mr.  Blair's  Report,  "or  this 
Republic  will  steadily  advance  to  the  same  destruction,  the  same 
ignoble  and  tragic  catastrophe,  which  has  engulfed  the  male 
republics  of  history."  This  seems  to  imply  a  new  reading  of 
history,  according  to  Avhich  republics  have  owed  their  fall  to 
their  masculine  (jharacter.  The  Greek  republics  were  over- 
Avhelmeil  by  the  ^Macedonian  monarchy,  their  surrender  to  which 
Avas  assuredly  not  due  to  excess  of  masculine  force.  The  Roman 
republic  was  converted  by  the  vast  extension  of  Roman  con- 
quest into  a  military  empire.  The  city  republicanism  of  the 
Middle  Ages  Avas  crushed  by  the  great  monarchies.  The 
short-lived  CommouAvealth  of  England  OAved  its  overthrow  to 
causes  AA'hich  certainly  had  nothing  to  do  with  sex.  The 
Swiss  republic,  the  American  republics,  the  French  republic 
still  liA^e,  so  do  several  constitutional  monarchies,  including 
Great  Britain  and  her  colonies,  Avhicli  are  republics  in  all  but 
name.  It  is  true  that  these  commonAvealths,  though,  Ave  may 
hope,  less  directly  threatened  Avith  the  Avratli  of  heaven  than 
the  report  assumes  them  to  be,  are  yet  not  free  from  peril; 
but  their  peril  apparently  lies  in  the  passions,  the  giddiness, 
the  anarchical  tendencies  of  the  multitude,  and  Avould  hardly 
be  averted  by  opening  another  floodgate  and  letting  in  all  at 
once  the  full  tide  of  feminine  emotion. 


IH 


•210 


QUESTIONS  OF  TIIK   DAY. 


'■-v.. 


m 


<  I 


Woniiui,  if  she  becomes  ;i  iiiiiii,  will  he  ;i,  weaker  man.  Yet 
she  must  be  prepared  to  I'j'sign  her  privileges  as  a  woman. 
Siie  cannot  expect  to  have  l)otli  privileg(!  and  erpiality.  To 
don  the  other  sex  she  must  dolf  lier  own,  a  [)roeess  in  which 
she  will  run  some  risk  of  ceasing  to  be,  or  at  least  to  be 
deemed,  the  "angeli(;  portion  of  humanity."  For  the  time, 
perha[)s,  the  ancient  sentiment  miglit  liiigtM';  but  the  total 
changi!  of  relations  would  in  the  end  bring  a  change  of  feeling. 
Ciiivalry  depends  on  the  acknowledgcul  need  of  protection,  and 
what  is  accorded  to  a  gentle  hidiunate  would  not  be  accorded 
to  a  rival.  Man  would  not  l)e  bound  nor  incdined  to  treat 
with  t«'nderness  and  forbearing  the  being  who  was  jostling 
with  him  in  all  the  Avalks  of  life,  wrangling  with  him  in 
the  law  courts,  wrestling  with  him  on  the  stumj),  manrjcuver- 
ing  against  him  in  elections,  haggling  with  him  on  'Change 
or  in  Wall  Street,  encountering  him  on  the  race  course  and 
in  the  betting  ring.  Aphrodite,  in  her  heart,  perhaps  flat- 
ters herself  that  her  Cestus  will  preserve  her  jjrivilege,  Avhile 
she  gains  the  advantage  of  equality.  So  much  poetry  has 
been  addressed  to  her  that  she  may  well  be  excused  for  not 
forming  a  prosaic  estimate  of  the  probable  results.  ]Jut  the 
outspoken  Schopenhauer  has  told  her  that  beauty  is  rarer  in 
her  sex  than  in  the  other.  It  takes  more  to  make  a  beautiful 
woman  than  a  handsome  man.  Of  this  we  may  be  sure,  that 
the  attractions  of  women  generally  depend  upon  their  being 
women.  Mrs.  j\[ill,  ])e  it  observed,  remained  a  woman.  If 
she  had  put  on  her  wig  and  gown  to  go  into  court  and  cross- 
examine  witnesses,  or  had  stood  against  her  husband  for 
Westminster,  we  should  have  seen  the  great  experiment  really 
tried.  That  she  has  had  social  advantages  while  sht)  ^.as  lain 
under  political  disabilities,  woman,  especially  in  America, 
can  hardly  deny;  her  sex  has  been  an  object  of  rt:'S[iect,  some- 
times of  a  worship  almost  fatuous,  irrespective  of  her  personal 
qualities.  This  is  partly  traceable  to  historical  accident. 
Jonathan  Oldbuck  is  a  cynic,  but  lie  is  not  far  wrong  in  say- 
ing that  it  was  by  the  fantastic  imagination  of  chivalry  that 
Dulcineas  were  exalted  into  despotic  goddesses.  He  might 
have  added  that  Mariolatry  had  played  its  part. 


VVOAIAN  b^rFFHAGE, 


-'17 


Wyoming'  and  New  Z^niland  have  niadu  tluf  cxporinuMit,  of 
Woman's  Sut'trajfe.  Lcttlii-ni  fairly  try  it,  and  if  the  result  is 
good,  let  the  rest  of  the  world  follow.  In  every  titdd  of  aotion, 
except  that  of  [jolitics,  use  is  niadc^  of  ex]terinient.  A  ne\v 
engine  is  tested  Itefon;  it  is  \n\t  on  all  the  railways  or  into  all 
the  steamships.  A  nt^w  remedy,  however  promising,  is  trie<l 
in  one  or  two  cases  before  it  is  ap]»lied  universally.  Tf  an  air- 
ship were  invented,  aeronauts  would  have  to  prove  its  safety 
before  all  the  world  ascended.  This  precaution  would  b(! 
taken,  and  not  to  take  it  would  he  deenuMl  madness,  however 
conclusive  in  the  judgment  of  science  the  theoretical  argu- 
ments in  favtnir  of  the  invention  might  he.  liut  in  jiolitics 
sweeping  changes  are  irrevocably  nuide  upon  the  strength  of 
what  even  an  advocate  of  the  change,  if  he  had  any  fairness 
of  mind,  would  allow  to  be  a  mere  balance  of  argument  in  its 
favour.  Had  extensions  of  the  suffrage,  or  changes  in  the 
form  of  local  government  been  tried  in  one  or  two  districts  or 
cities  first,  a  pause  of  salutary  reflection  might  have  ensued. 
]i\it  political  changes,  for  the  most  part,  are  the  result  of  con- 
flict, not  of  reasoning  ;  of  the  desire  of  a  class  for  power,  not 
of  broad  conviction  as  to  the  public  good.  Woman's  Suffrage 
is  a  change  fraught  with  the  most  momentous  results,  not  only 
to  the  commonwealth,  but  to  the  household.  Let  Wyoming 
and  New  Zealand  try  it,  say  for  ten  years.  The  success  of 
the  Wyoming  experiment  is  publicly  proclaimed,  and  the  uni- 
verse is  exhorted  to  do  likewise,  by  Wyoming,  whose  voice  is 
now  that  of  the  female  voters.  Private  accounts  are  not  so 
favourable,  nor  have  the  neighbouring  States,  which  must 
have  the  clearest  view  of  the  results,  been  induced  to  follow 
the  example.  To  Wyoming,  for  the  pr(!sent.  Woman's  Suffrage 
in  the  United  States  remains  conflned.  The  New  Zealand 
experiment  will  be  more  satisfactory,  though  Nev/  Zealand, 
having  no  warlike  neighbours,  does  not  run  the  same  risk  in 
emasculating  her  government  which  is  run  by  a  European 
State.  If  at  the  end  of  ten  years  it  ap]iears  from  the  two  ex- 
periments that  legislation  and  government  have  become  wiser, 
more  far-sighted,  and  more  just,  without  any  detriment  to  the 


Mi 


H  ■ 


mmmmmmm 


218 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE    DAY. 


m  « 


■  ! 


peace  and  order  of  the  home,  h't  the  work!  follow  the  exam- 
ple, and  be  grateful  to  those  by  whom  the  tirsi;  experiment  was 
made. 

At  the  present  juncture  in  Europe  such  an  innovation  would 
be  especially  perilous.  Tlie  tendency  to  the  personal  ascend- 
ancy of  great  demagogues  which  lias  shown  itself  as  a  result 
of  the  enfranchisement  of  masses  ignorant  of  political  princi- 
ples and  questions  could  not  fail  to  be  aggravated  by  the 
enfranchisement  of  all  the  women,  the  inclination  of  the  sex 
being  to  personal  rather  than  constitutional  government.  In 
Fran(^e,  with  'Woman  Sutt'rage,  the  Kepublic  could  hardly  live. 

Mr.  JUair's  Keport  ends  by  saying  that  men  can  have  no 
motive  for  refusing  the  suffrage  to  women  but  the  selfish  one  of 
unwillingness  to  part  with  half  of  the  sovereign  power.  Selfish- 
ness in  this  matter  would  undoubtrdly  be  not  only  wickedness 
but  foll3^  Wliat  is  good  for  woman  is  good  in  the  same 
measure  for  man,  and  ouglit  not  for  a  moment  to  be  withheld. 
One  lady  in  her  evidence  warns  Congress,  if  it  will  not  give 
way,  that  the  wild  enthusiasm  of  wonuin  can  be  used  for  evil 
as  well  as  good,  and  threatens  in  America  a  re])etition  of  the 
scenes  of  the  French  Commune.  More  terrible  even  than  this 
menace  is  the  fear  of  doing  an  injury  to  man's  partner,  and 
thereby  a  deeper  injury  to  man  himself.  But  the  change 
ought  to  be  proved  good.  Before  man  hands  over  the  govern- 
ment to  Avoman,  he  ouglit  to  be  satisfied  that  he  cannot  do 
what  is  right  himself.  In  an  age  of  "fiabby  "  sentiment  and 
servile  worship  of  change,  we  have  had  enough  of  weak  and 
precipitate  abdications.  To  one  of  them  we  owe  the  catastro- 
phe of  tlie  French  llevolution  and  the  deluge  of  calamity  which 
has  followed.  To  man,  as  he  alone  could  enforce  the  law,  the 
sovereign  power  came  naturally  and  righteously.  Let  him  see 
whether  he  cannot  make  a  just  use  of  it,  in  tlie  interest  of  his 
wife  and  children  as  well  as  in  his  own,  before  he  sends  in  his 
resignation. 


ttm 


THE  JEWISH   QUESTION. 


I 


'■■,i ' 


-ill- 1 


J] 


3r  I 


THE   JEWISH   QUESTION. 

Jewish  ascendancy  and  the  anti-Semitic  movement  provoked 
by  it  form  an  important  feature  of  the  European  situation,  and 
are  beginning  to  excite  attention  in  America.  Mr.  Arnold 
White,  Baron  Hirsch's  commissioner,  says,  in  a  plea  for  the 
Kussian  Jews,^  that  "almost  without  exception  the  press 
throng  liout  Europe  is  in  Jewish  hands,  and  is  largely  pro- 
due-,;  by  Jewish  brains; "  that  "  international  finance  is  captive 
to  Ji  'ish  energy  and  skill";  that  in  I'^ngland  the  fall  of  the 
Bai  ings  has  left  the  house  of  Rothschild  alone  in  its  supre- 
luacy;  and  that  in  every  line  the  Jews  are  fast  becoming  our 
masters.  Wind  and  tide,  in  a  money-loving  age,  are  in  favour 
of  the  financial  race.  At  the  same  time  the  anti-Semitic 
movement  gains  ground.  From  Russia,  (jermany,  Austria, 
and  the  Uanubian  Principalities  it  spreads  to  the  Ionian 
Islands;  it  has  broken  out  in  France;  symptoms  of  it  have 
appeared  even  in  the  United  States.  Yet  there  is  a  persis- 
tent misa])prchension  of  the  real  nature  of  the  agitation.  It 
is  assumed  that  the  quarrel  is  religious.  The  anti-Semites 
are  siipposed  to  be  a  party  of  fanatics  renewing  the  persecu- 
tions to  v.liich  the  Jews  were  exposed  on  ac^count  of  their 
faith  in  th  ■  ui'k  ages,  and  everyone  who,  handling  the  ques- 
tion eriticalJ;.',  (ails  to  show  undivided  symi)athy  with  the 
Israelites  io  5ui  ,tO\vn  as  a  religious  persecutor.  The  Jews 
naturally  foster  this  impression,  and,  as  Mr.  Arnold  W^hite 
tells  us,  the  press  of  Europe  is  in  their  hands. 

In  1880,  anti-Semitic  disturbances  broke  out  in  Russia. 
A  narrative  of  them  entitled  "  The  Persecution  of  the  Jews  in 


1  wf'     'Pi-uth  about  the  Russian  Jew,"  in  the  Contemporary  Review, 
May,  i80v. 

221 


M'»' 


n 


222 


(^I'KSriONS   OF   THE    DAY. 


llussia,  "*  was  put  I'ortli  by  the  Jowisli  coimiumity  in  England 
as  an  appeal  to  the  British  hoart.  In  that  narrative  the  Rus- 
sian Christians  were  charged  with  having  committed  the  most 
fiendish  atrocities  on  the  most  enormous  scale.  A  tract  of 
country  equal  in  area  to  the  IJritish  Islands  and  France  com- 
bined had,  it  was  averred,  been  the  scene  of  horrors  there- 
tofore perpetrated  only  in  times  of  war.  Men  had  been 
ruthlessly  murdered,  tender  infants  had  been  dashed  to  death 
or  roasted  alive  in  their  own  iiomes,  married  women  had  been 
made  the  prey  of  a  brutal  lust  which  had  in  many  cases  caused 
tlieir  death,  and  young  girls  had  been  violated  in  sight  of 
their  rehitives  ^  "^  soldiers  wlio  should  have  been  guardians 
of  their  honour.  Whole  streets  inli  '  ' '  ^  by  Jews  had  been 
razed,  and  the  Jewish  quarters  of  tov;  >  d  been  systemati- 
cally fired;  in  one  placo,  Elizabethgrad,  .iiirty  Jewesses  at 
once  had  been  outraged,  two  young  girls  in  dread  of  violation 
had  thrown  themselves  from  the  windows,  and  an  old  man, 
who  was  attempting  to  save  his  daughter  frouj  a  fate  worse 
than  death,  had  been  liung  from  the  roof,  while  twenty 
soldiers  proceeded  to  work  their  will  on  the  maiden.  This 
was  a  specimen  of  atrocities  which  had  been  committed  over  the 
whole  area.  Tlie  most  atrocious  charge  of  all  was  that  against 
the  Christian  women  of  Kussia,  who  were  accused  of  assisting 
their  friends  to  violate  the  Jewesses  by  holding  the  victims 
down,  their  motive  being,  as  the  manifesto  suggests,  jealousy 
of  the  superiority  of  the  Jewesses  in  dress.  The  government 
was  charged  with  criminal  sympathy,  the  local  authorities 
generally  with  criminal  inaction,  and  some  of  the  troops  with 
active  participation. 

The  British  heart  responded  to  the  appeal.  Great  public 
meetings  were  held,  at  one  of  which  the  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, with  a  Roman  Cardinal,  as  the  i-epresentative  of 
religious  liberty  in  general,  and  especially  of  opposition  to 
Jew-burning,  at  his  side,  denounced  the  persecuting  bigotry 
of  the  Russian  ('hristians.     Indignant  addresses  were  largely 


*  Persecution  of  the  Jews   in   liussia,  1881. 
I'imes. 


Reprinted   from    The 


TIIK   JEWISH   QlESriON. 


signed,  Faissia  was  accused  of  rc-onacting  the  worst  crimes 
of  the  MiiUlle  Ages.  It  was  taken  for  granted  on  all  sides 
that  religious  fanaticism  was  the  cause  of  the  riots. 

Russia,  as  usual,  was  silent.  ]>ut  the  IJritish  government 
directed  its  consuls  at  the  different  points  to  report  upon  the 
facts.  The  reports  composed  two  J^>lue  IJooks,'  in  which,  as 
very  few  probably  took  the  pains  to  look  into  them,  the  un- 
popular truth  lies  buried.  Those  who  did  read  them  learned, 
in  the  lirst  place,  that  though  the  riots  were  deplorable  and 
criminal,  the  Jewish  account  was  in  most  cases  exaggenited, 
and  in  some  to  an  (^:^Lra\'agant  extent.  The  damage  to  .Jewish 
property  at  Odessa,  rated  in  the,Jewish  account  at  1,1'^7,.')(S1 
roubles,  or,  according  to  their  higher  estinuites,  o,()()(>,()00 
roubles,  was  rated,  Consul-General  Stanley  tells  us,  by  a 
respectable  Jew  on  the  spot  at  no.OOO  rouldes,  while  the  Con- 
sul-Ueneral  himself  rates  it  ;it  20,000.  At  Klizabethgrad, 
instead  of  whole  streets  being  raztil  lo  the  ground,  only  one 
hut  had  been  unroofed.  It  appeared  that  few  Jews,  if  any, 
had  been  intentionally  killed,  though  some  died  of  injuries 
received  in  tlie  riots.  There  were  conflicts  between  the  Jews 
who  defended  their  houses  and  the  rioters.  The  outrages  on 
Avomen,  by  which  public  indignation  in  England  had  been 
most  tiercely  aroused,  and  of  wiiicli,  according  to  the  Jewish 
accounts,  there  had  been  a  frightful  numbiu-,  no  less  than 
thirty  in  one  place  and  twenty-five  in  another,  appeared, 
after  careful  inquiries  by  the  consuls,  to  have  been  very  rare. 
This  is  the  more  remarkable  because  the  riots  connuonly  began 
with  the  sacking  of  the  gin  shops,  which  were  ke])t  by  the 
Jews,  so  that  the  passions  of  the  mob  must  have  been  inflanu'd 
l)y  drink.  The  horrible  charge  brought  in  the  Jewish  mani- 
festo against  the  Russian  wonuui,  of  having  incited  men  to 
outrage  Jewesses  and  held  the  Jewesses  down,  is  found  to  be 
utterly  baseless.  The  charge  of  roasting  children  alive  also 
falls  to  the  ground.     >so  does  the  charge  of  vicdating  a  Jew's 

'  Correspondence  respectinfj  the  Trcntment  of  .lara  in  Unssia,  Xr>s.  1 
and  2,  1882,  188;).  Presented  to  butli  Mouses  of  rarlianient  by  Coiiiinand 
of  Her  .Majesty. 


\l 


^'mmmm 


mm 


224 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE   DAY. 


I.V 


!1. 


ml 


wife  and  then  setting  fire  to  his  house.  The  Jewish  manifesto 
states  tliat  a  Jewish  innlvceper  was  cooped  in  one  of  his  own 
barrels  and  east  into  the  Dnieper.  This  turns  out  to  be  a 
fable,  the  village  which  was  the  alleged  scene  of  it  being  ten 
miles  from  the  Dnieper  and  near  no  oth.cr  river  of  conse- 
quence. The  Ivussian  peasant,  Christian  though  he  may  be, 
is  entitled  to  justice.  As  a  rule,  while  ignorant  and  often 
intemperate,  he  is  good-natured.  There  Avas  much  bru- 
tality in  his  riot,  but  fiendish  atrocity  there  was  not,  and  if 
he  stnu'k  savagely,  perhaps  he  had  suffered  long.  For  the 
belief  that  the  nu)b  was  "doing  the  will  of  the  Tsar,"  in  other 
words,  that  the  government  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  rising, 
there  does  not  appear  to  have  been  a  shadow  of  foundation. 
The  action  of  the  authorities  was  not  in  all  cases  equally 
prompt.  In  some  cases  it  was  culpably  slack.  At  Warsaw  the 
commandant  held  back,  thougli  as  Lord  Granville,  the  British 
ambassador,  bears  witness,  his  motive  for  hesitation  was 
humanity.  But  many  of  the  rioters  were  shot  down  or  bay- 
oneted by  the  troops,  hundreds  were  flogged,  some  were  im- 
prisoned, and  some  were  sent  to  Siberia.  That  any  of  the 
military  took  part  in  the  riots  seems  to  be  a  fiction.  It  Avas  not 
likely  that  the  Eussian  government,  menaced  as  it  is  by 
revolutionary  conspiracy,  would  encourage  insurrection.  Peo- 
ple of  the  u])per  class,  wlio  fancied  that  in  the  agitation  they 
sow  the  work  of  Socialists,  though  they  might  dislike  the 
J  w's,  would  hardly  sympathise  Avith  the  rioters.  Efforts 
Avere  made  by  the  government  to  restore  JeAvish  property,  and 
handsome  sums  Avere  subscribed  for  the  relief  of  the  sufferers. 
Yet  those  Avho,  Avliile  they  heartily  condemned  outrage,  Avere 
Avilling  to  accept  proof  that  the  Christian  men  and  Avomen  of 
Russia  had  not  behaved  like  demons,  Avere  saluted  as  modern 
counterparts  of  Haman  by  an  eminent  Rabbi,  Avho,  if  the 
objects  of  his  strictures  had  cared  to  retort,  might  have  been 
asked  Avhether  the  crucifixion  of  Haman's  ten  sons  and  the 
slaughter  of  seventy-five  thousand  of  the  enemies  of  Israel  in 
one  dtiy,  which,  after  the  lapse  of  so  many  centuries,  the  feast 
of  Purim  still  joyously  commemorates,  were  not  horrors  as  great 


TIIK   JKWISII    QIESTION. 


225 


/ 


as  any  which  hav(^  been  shown  to  liave  actually  occurred  at 
Odessa  or  Elizabetligrad. 

The  most  important  part  of  the  evidence  given  in  the  con- 
suls' reports,  however,  is  that  which  relates  to  the  cause  of 
the  troubles.  At  Warsaw,  where  the  people  are  Roman 
Catholics,  there  ap})ears  to  have  been  a  certain  amount  of  pas- 
sive sympathy  with  the  insurgents  on  religious  grounds,  lint 
everywhere  else  the  concurrent  testimony  of  the  consuls  is  that 
the  source  of  the  agitation  was  economical  and  social,  nt)t 
religious.  Bitterness  produced  l)y  the  exactions  of  the  Jew, 
envy  of  his  wealth,  irritation  at  the  display  of  it  in  such 
things  as  the  line  dresses  of  his  women,  jealous}^  of  his  ascen- 
dancy, combined  in  the  lowest  of  the  mob  with  the  love  of 
plunder,  were  the  motives  of  the  people  for  attacking  him, 
not  hatred  of  his  faith.  Vice-('onsul  AVagstaft',  who  r-eems  to 
have  paid  particular  attention  to  the  question  and  made  the 
most  careful  inquiry,  after  paying  a  tribute  to  the  sober, 
laborious,  thrifty  character  and  the  superior  intelligence  of 
the  Jew,  and  ascribing  to  these  his  increasing  monopoly  of 
commerce,  proceeds : 

"It  is  chiefly  as  brokers  or  luiddleiuen  that  the  Jews  are  so  promi- 
nent. Seldom  a  business  transaction  of  any  kind  takes  place  without 
their  intervention,  and  from  both  sides  they  receive  compensation.  To 
enumerate  some  of  their  other  occupations,  constantly  denounced  by  the 
public :  they  are  the  princip.al  dealei-s  in  spirits ;  keepers  of  '  vodka ' 
(drinking)  shops  and  lumses  of  ill-fame ;  receivers  of  stolen  goods ; 
illegal  pawnbrokers  and  usurers.  A  branch  they  also  succeed  in  is  as 
government  contractors.  With  their  knowledge  of  handling  money,  they 
collude  with  unscrupulous  officials  in  defrauding  the  State  to  vast  amounts 
annually.  In  fact,  the  malpractices  of  some  of  the  Jewish  conununity 
have  a  bad  influence  on  those  whom  they  come  in  contact  with.  It  nuist, 
however,  be  said  that  there  are  many  well  educated,  highly  respectable, 
and  honourable  Jews  in  Kussia,  but  they  form  a  small  minority.  This 
class  is  not  treated  upon  in  this  paper.  They  thoroughly  condemn  the 
occupations  of  their  lower  brethren,  and  one  of  the  results  af  the  late 
disturbances  is  noticed  in  the  movement  at  present  amongst  the  Jews. 
They  themselves  acknowledge  the  abuses  practised  by  some  of  tlieir  own 
members,  and  suggest  remedial  measures  to  allay  the  irritation  existing 
among  the  working  classes.  . 


I'l 


■«Ki«HIHm 


■P 


mmmmmmmmiKm 


220 


QT'ESTTONS   OF   TIIK    DAY 


r:'  I 


p^ 


s  ; 


I  ■  j 
■i   - 


"Another  thing  tho  Jews  avo  accused  of  is  that  there  exists  among 
tlieni  a  system  of  boycotliiig  ;  tiiey  use  tiieir  religion  for  business  pur- 
poses. This  is  expressed  by  tlie  words  'koul,'  or  '  l\agal,'  and  'kherim.' 
For  instance,  in  liessarabia,  the  i)ro(hic(!  of  a  vineyard  is  drawn  for  by 
lot,  and  falls,  say,  to  Jacob  Levy  ;  the  other  Jews  of  the  district  cannot 
compete  with  Levy,  who  buys  the  wine  at  his  own  price.  In  the  leasing 
by  auction  of  government  and  provincial  lands,  it  is  invariably  a  Jew 
who  outbids  the  others  and  afterwards  re-lets  plots  to  the  peasantry  at 
exorbitant  prices.  \'ery  crying  abuses  of  farming  out  land  have  lately 
come  to  light  and  greatly  shocked  public  opinion.  Again,  where  estates 
are  farmed  by  Jews,  it  is  distressing  to  see  the  pitiable  condition  in 
which  they  are  handed  over  on  the  expiration  of  the  lea.se.  Kxperience 
also  shows  they  are  very  bad  colonists. 

"  Their  fame  as  usurei's  is  well  known.  Given  a  Jewi.sh  recruit  with 
a  few  roubles'  capital,  it  can  be  worked  out,  matliematically,  what  time  it 
will  take  him  to  become  the  money-lender  of  his  company  or  regiment, 
from  the  drummer  to  the  colonel.  Take  the  case  of  a  peasant :  if  he 
once  gets  into  the  hands  of  this  class,  he  \s  irretrievably  lost.  The  pro- 
prietor, in  his  turn,  from  a  small  loan  gradually  mortgages  and  eventually 
loses  his  estate.  A  great  deal  of  landed  property  in  south  Russia  has  of 
late  years  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Israelites,  but  principally  into  the 
hands  of  intelligent  and  sober  peasants. 

"  From  first  to  last,  the  Jew  has  his  hand  in  everything.  lie  advances 
the  seed  for  sowing,  which  is  generally  returned  in  kind  —  quarters  for 
bushels.  As  harvest  time  comes  round,  money  is  required  to  gather  in 
the  crops.  This  is  sometimes  advanced  on  hard  conditions  ;  but  the 
peasant  has  no  choice  ;  there  is  no  one  to  lend  him  money,  and  it  is 
better  to  secure  something  than  to  lose  all.  Very  often  the  Jew  buys  the 
whole  crop  as  it  stands  in  the  field  on  his  own  terms.  It  is  thus  .seen 
that  they  themselves  do  not  raise  agricultural  products,  but  they  reap  tlie 
benefits  of  others'  labour,  and  steadily  become  rich,  while  proprietors  are 
gradually  getting  ruined.  In  their  relation  to  Russia  they  are  compared 
to  parasites  that  have  settled  on  a  plant  not  vigorous  enough  to  throw 
them  off,  and  which  is  being  gradually  sapped  of  its  vitality."  i 

The  peasants,  the  vice-consul  tells  us,  often  say,  when  they 
look  at  the  property  of  a  Jew,  "That  is  my  blood,"  In  con- 
firmation of  his  view  he  cites  the  list  of  demands  formulated 
Ity  the  peasants  and  laid  before  a  mixed  committee  of  inquiry 
into  the  causes  of  the  disorder.     These  demands  are  all  eco- 


-  1    i 


1  Correspondence  respeetiny  the  Treatment  of  Jews  in  R^issia,  No,  1, 
pp.  n,  12. 


TlIK   .IKWrSII    (.ilKSTION. 


mi 


noniical  or  .social,  witli  the  (>X('(']»lion  of  tlio  ooini)liiint  that 
Russian  girls  in  .Icwisli  service  I'orgt't  their  religion  and  with 
it  loso  their  morals.  Everything,  in  short,  seems  to  bear  out 
the  statement  oi'  tlie  Russian  Minister  of  the  Interior,  in  a 
manifesto  given  in  the  iJlue  liook,  that  "the  movement  had 
its  main  cause  in  circumstances  purely  economical";  provided 
that  to  "economical"  we  add  "social,"  and  include  all  that  is 
meant  by  the  phrase  "hatred  of  Jewish  usiu-pation,"  used  in 
another  document. 

Vice-Oonsul  Ifarford,  at  Sebastopol,  is  in  contact  with  the 
Jews  of  the  Crimea,  who,  he  says,  are  of  a  superior  order, 
while  some  of  them  are  not  Talmudic  Jews,  but  belong  to  the 
mild  and  Scriptural  sect  of  the  Karaites.  He  says  that  in 
his  quarter  all  goes  well. 

"The  spirit  of  antagonism  that  animates  the  Hussian  against  the  Jew 
is,  in  my  opinion,  in  no  way  to  be  traced  to  tlie  ditfercnee  of  creed.  In 
tliis  part  of  Itussia,  wiiere  we  have  more  denominations  of  religion  than 
in  any  other  part,  I  liave  never,  during  a  resi(U'nce  of  fourteen  years, 
observed  tlie  slightest  indication  of  sectarianism  in  any  class.  'l"he  peas- 
ant, though  ignorant  and  superstitious,  is  so  entirely  free  from  bigotry 
that  even  the  openly  displayed  contempt  of  the  fanatical  Mohammedan 
Crim  Tartar  for  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  Russian  Church  fails 
to  excite  in  him  the  slightest  feeling  of  personal  animosity  ;  his  own 
feeling  with  regard  to  other  religions  is  perfect  indifference  ;  he  enters  a 
mosque  or  synagogue  just  as  he  would  enter  a  theatre,  and  regards  the 
ceremony  in  nmch  the  same  maimer  that  an  English  peasant  would, 
neither  knowing  nor  caring  to  know  whether  they  worshijiped  (iod  or  the 
moon.  As  it  is  evident  from  this  that  race  and  creed  are  to  the  minds  of 
the  peasantry  o*:  no  more  conseciuence  than  they  would  be  to  a  Zulu,  tlie 
only  conclusion  is  that  the  antipathy  is  against  the  usurer,  and  as  civil- 
isation can  only  be  expected  to  influence  the  rising  generation  of  lUissian 
peasantry,  the  remedy  rests  with  the  Jew,  who,  if  he  will  not  refrain 
from  speculating  (in  lawless  parts  of  the  empire)  on  ignorance  and 
drunkenness,  must  be  prepared  to  defend  himself  and  his  iiroperty  from 
the  certain  and  natural  result  of  such  a  policy."'  ■ 

Persecution  is  not  the  tendency  of  the  Russian  or  of  the 
Church  to  which  he  belongs.     The  Eastern  Church,  while  it 

1  Correspondence,  respcctinq  the  Treatment  of  Jews  in  Russia,  No.  2, 
p.  17. 


mmmmm 


228 


QIKSTTONS   i>V   THE    DAY. 


If!; 


I.  i 


has  been  superstitious  aud  somewhat  t()ij)i(l,  lias  been  tolerant, 
aiul,  ('oiu])ar('(l  with  otluu-  ortlio(h)x  ciuircht's,  Irco  from  the 
stain  of  persecution.  It  has  not  even  been  jiroselyting,  nor 
lias  it  ever  sent  forth  erusaders,  iniless  the  name  of  crusades 
can  be  given  to  the  wars  with  the  Turks,  tiie  main  motive  for 
which,  thougli  the  pretext  may  have  been  religious,  probably 
has  been  territorial  ambition,  and  which  were  certainly  not 
crusades  when  waged  by  Catherine,  the  jjatroness  of  Diderot 
and  the  correspondent  of  Voltaire.  Stanley,  in  his  "Eastern 
CJhurch,"  dilates  upon  this  characteristic  of  the  Eastern 
Christians,  lie  says  tliat  "a  resj)eetful  reverence  for  every 
manifestation  of  religious  feeling  has  witldield  them  from 
violent  attacks  on  tlie  rights  of  conscience  and  led  them  to 
extend  a  kindly  patroiuige  to  forms  of  faith  mo.st  removed 
from  their  own  ";  and  he  notices  that  the  great  philosophers 
of  antic^uity  are  honoured  by  ])ortraits  in  one  of  their  churches 
as  heralds  of  the  gospel.*  Sir  ^Mackenzie  Wallace,  who  is  th" 
best  authority,  while  he  admits  the  inferiority  of  the  Russian 
priests  in  culture,  testifies  strongly  to  their  innocence  of  per- 
secution, saying  that  "  if  they  have  less  learning,  culture,  and 
refinement  than  the  lloman  Catholic  priesthood,  they  have 
at  the  same  time  infinitely  less  fanaticism,  less  spiritual  pride, 
and  less  intolerance  towards  the  adherents  of  other  faiths." - 
The  educated  classes  he  represents  as  generally  indifferent  to 
theologi(\'il  questions.  The  peasantry  are  superstitious  and 
blindly  attached  to  their  own  faith,  whi(di  they  identify  with 
their  nationality;  but  they  tliink  it  natural  and  right  that  a 
man  of  a  different  nationality  should  have  a  different  religion. 
In  Nijni-Novgorod,  the  city  of  the  great  fair,  the  Mahome- 
dan  mosque  and  the  Armenian  church  stand  side  by  side  with 
tlie  Orthodox  cathedral.^  At  one  end  of  a  village  is  the 
church,  at  the  other  the  inosque,  and  the  Mahomedan  spreads 


'  Lectures  on  the  History  of  the  Eastern  Church,  3cl  edition,  p.  35.     By 
Artlmr  renrhyu  Stanley,  D.l). 

'^  liiissin,  pp.  68,  59.     By  Sir  D   Mackenzie  Wallace,  M.A. 
8  See  Hare's  Studies  in  Rnssin,  )).  300. 


TlIK  .IKWISII   qUESTlUN. 


By 


liis  pniyci'-fiivix't  on  the  dock  of  a  steiiiner  full  of  Orthodox 
Jvussians. 

T\o  ('C(^lt'siastical  constitution  of  Russia  is  incompatible 
with  religious  c([uality.  Tiie  Tsar  is  practically,  though  not 
theoretically,  head  of  the  CUmrch,  as  well  as  of  the  State;  the 
couunander  of  Holy  Russia  as  a  Caliph  is  the  (Jonnuander  of 
the  Faithful,  In  the  interest  rather  of  national  unity  than  of 
religious  orthodoxy  he  restrains  dissent.  Rut  it  is  against 
innovation  and  schism  within  tlie  pale  of  the  State  Church 
rather  than  against  unbelief  that  his  power  has  been  exerted. 
Some  Tsars,  sucli  as  Peter  the  Great  and  the  Tsarina  Cathe- 
rine TL,  Iiave  been  Liberals,  and  have  patronised  merit 
without  regard  to  creed.  Nicholas  was  full  of  orthodox  sen- 
timent and  in  all  things  a  nuirtinet,  yet  Mackenzie  AVallace 
has  a  pleasant  anecdote  of  his  commending  the  Jewish  sen- 
tinel at  his  door  who  conscientiously  refused  to  respond  to  the 
Tsar's  customary  salutation  on  Easter  13ay.  No  Tsar,  however 
bigoted,  lias  been  giiilty  of  such  persecution  as  IMiilip  II.  of 
Spain,  Ferdinand  of  Austria,  or  Louis  XIV.  Russia  has  had 
no  Inquisition.  That  the  Jews  have  had  liberty  of  worship 
and  education,  the  existence  of  6319  synagogues  and  of  77 
Jewish  schools  sujjported  by  the  State,  besides  11G5  private 
and  communal  schools,  seems  clearly  to  prove.  ^  It  does  not 
seem  to  be  alleged  that  any  attempt  has  been  made  by  the 
government  at  forcible  conversion.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  harshness  or  even  cruelty  of  the  measures  which  it  has 
taken  to  confine  the  Jews  to  their  original  districts  and 
prevent  their  spreading  over  its  dominions,  its  object  aj)pears 
to  have  been  to  protect  the  peo"i)le  against  economical  oppres- 
sion and  preserve  the  national  character  from  being  sapped 
by  an  alien  influence,  not  to  suppress  the  Jewish  religion. 

That  Christian  fanaticism  at  all  events  was  not  the  sole 
source  of  the  unpopularity  of  the  Jews  might  have  been  in- 
ferred from  the  fact  that  the  relation  was  no  better  between 
the  Jew  and  the  heathen  races  during  the  period  of  declining 


1  Statesman's  Year-Book,  1891,  pp.  854-856. 


liUKSTlON.S   (»K    rilK    DAV, 


l)olytli(Msiii,  wIk'h  rclit^'ioiis  iiidifft'i't'iico  prevailed  and  beneath 
the  vast  ilonic  ol  the  Komaii  lMU[»iie  tlie  religion;s  of  many 
8h'j)t  and  niouhh-red  si(U'  by  side  Cribbon,  who  is  \v(dl 
qualitied  to  speak,  tor  he  was  liimself  a  citizen  of  tiie  Konian 
Empire  in  sentiment,  alter  narratin<f  tlie  massaeres  committed 
by  the  Jews  on  the  (lentih's  in  Africa  and  Cyprns,  has  ex- 
pressed in  flamboyant  phrases  tlie  liatred  of  the  Roman  world 
for  the  Jews,  wliom  he  designates  as  tlic;  "implacable  enemies, 
not  only  of  the  Koman  government  Init  of  linman  kind."* 
Tacitus  s])eaks  of  the  .lews  as  enemies  of  all  races  but  their 
own  (adrci'siis  omnes  alios  hostile  udium).,''  and  Juvenal,  in 
a,  well-known  i»assage,  speaks  of  them  as  ])eoj)h!  who  would 
not  show  a  wayfarer  his  road  or  guide  the  thirsty  to  a  spring 
if  he  were  not  of  tlieir  own  faith.  Those  who  maintain  that 
tliere  is  notliing  in  the  character,  liabits,  or  disposition  of  tiie 
Jew  to  provoke  antipathy  have  to  bring  the  charge  of  fanatical 
prejudice  not  only  against  the  Russians  or  against  Chris- 
tendom, but  against  mankind. 

In  Germany,  in  Austria,  in  Rounuuiia,  in  all  the  countries  of 
Europe  where  this  deploralde  contest  of  races  is  going  on,  the 
cause  of  qiuirrel  appears  to  be  fiuuhuuentally  the  same.  It 
appears  to  be  economical  and  social,  not  religious,  or  religious 
only  in  a  secondary  degree.  j\Ir.  Raring-(iould  tells  us  that 
in  (Jermany  "there  is  scarce  a  village  witliout  some  Jews  in 
it,  wdio  do  not  cultivate  land  tlieniselves,  but  lie  in  wait  like 
spiders  for  the  failing  Rauer.'"*  A  German  wdio  knew  the 
peasantry  well  said  to  ]Mr.  Gould  that  "  he  doubted  whether 
there  were  a  happier  set  of  people  under  tlie  sun."  Rut  he 
added,  aftei"  a  p;uise,  "  so  long  as  they  are  out  of  the  (dutch  of 
the  Jew."  *    Of  the  German,  as  well  as  of  the  Russian,  it  may 


H  I  I 


1  Decline  aud  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  Chap.  xvi.  "  In  Cyroiie," 
Gibbon  says,  "they  massacred  220,000  Greeks;  in  Cyprus,  240,000," 
citing  Dion  Cixssius  QI.,  Ixviii.,  p.  1145),  wliose  account,  as  regards  num- 
bers at  all  events,  must  be  greatly  exaggerated. 

■^IIist.,y.,v. 

''  Germanij  Present  and  Past,  Vol.  I.,  p.  114.   By  S.  Baring-Gould,  M.A. 

*  lb.,  p.  127. 


THE  JKWISII    Ql  IvSTIUN, 


be  said  that  he  is  not  a  religious  perst'cutor.  If  persecution 
of  a  sanguinary  or  atrocious  kind  has  sullied  his  annals, 
the  arm  of  it  was  the  house  of  Austria,  with  its  Sininish  con- 
nection, and  tlie  head  was  the  world-roving  .Jesuit.  In  the 
case  of  Hungary,  Mr.  Taget,  who  is  a  Liberal  and  advocates 
a  liberal  policy  towards  the  Jews,  says :  "  The  Jew  is  no  less 
"r-tive  in  profiting  by  the  vices  and  necessities  of  the  i)casant 

.an  by  those  of  the  noble.  As  sure  as  he  gains  a  settlement 
in  a  village  the  peasantry  become  poor."'  "In  Austrian 
I'oland,"  says  a  Times  reviewer,  "the  worst  of  the  peasant's 
sluggish  <!ontent  is  that  it  has  given  him  over  to  the  exactions 
of  the  Jews."  "The  Jews,"  he  adds,  "are  in  fact  the  lords  of 
the  country."  They  are  lords  not  less  alien  to  the  {)eople  than 
the  Norman  was  to  the  Saxon,  and  perha[)s  not  always  more 
merciful,  though  in  their  hands  is  the  writ  of  ejection  instead 
of  the  conqueror's  sword. 

If  we  cross  the  Mediterranean  the  same  thing  meets  us.  In 
Thomson's  "jMorocco,"  we  read  : 

"As  money-lenders  the  Jews  are  as  maggots  and  i)arasites,  aggiavating 
id  feeding  on  the  disea.ses  of  the  hind.     I  do  not  know,  for  my  part, 

ich  exercises  tlie  greatest  tyranny  and  oppression,  the  Sultan  or  tlie 
..cw,  —the  one  the  embodiment  of  tlie  foulest  misgovernment.  the  other 
the  essence  of  a  dozen  Shylocks,  demanding,  ay,  and  gettini:,  not  only 
his  pound  of  tlesh,  but  also  the  blood  and  nerves.  By  his  outrageous 
exactions  the  ISultau  drives  the  Moor  into  the  hands  of  the  Jew,  who 
affords  him  a  temporary  relief  by  lending  him  the  necessary  money  on 
incredibly  exorbitant  terms.  (_»nce  in  the  money-lender's  eUuches,  he 
rarely  escapes  till  he  is  squeezed  dry,  when  he  is  either  thrown  aside, 
crushed  and  ruined,  or  cast  into  a  dungeon,  where,  fettered  and  starved, 
he  is  probably  left  to  die  a  slow  and  liorrible  death. 

"To  the  position  of  the  Jews  in  Morocco  it  would  be  dittlcult  to  find 
a  parallel.  Here  we  have  a  people  alien,  despised,  and  hated,  actually 
living  in  the  country  under  immeasurably  better  conditions  than  the 
dominant  race,  while  they  suck,  and  are  assisted  to  suck,  the  very  life- 
blood  of  their  hosts.  The  aim  of  every  Jew  is  to  toll  not,  neither  to 
spin,  save  the  coils  which  as  money-lenders  he  may  weave  for  the  entan- 
glement of  his  necessitous  victims."  - 

^  Hungary  and  Transi/lvania,  Vol.  I.,  p.  180.     By  John  Paget. 
2  Travels  in  the  Atlas  and  Southern  Morocco  :  A  Narrative  of  Explora- 
tion, pp.  418,  419.     By  Joseph  Thomson,  F.R.G.S. 


f!' 


282 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE   DAY. 


Even  if  wo  cross  the  Atlantic  we  lind  the  same  phenom*  non. 
Mr.  Olmsted,  in  his  "Cotton  Kingdom,"  says: 

"  A  swarm  of  Jews  has  within  the  last  ten  years  settled  in  nearly 
every  Soutliorn  town,  many  of  them  men  of  no  charactei",  opening  cheap 
clothing  and  trinket  siiops,  ruining  or  driving  out  of  business  many  of 
tlie  old  retailers,  and  engaging  in  an  unlawful  trade  with  the  simple 
negroes,  which  is  found  very  profitable."  ^ 


And  again : 

"If  his  [the  planter's]  first  crop  proves  a  bad  one  he  must  borrow 
money  of  the  Jews  at  New  Orleans  to  pay  his  first  note.  They  will  sell 
him  this  on  the  best  terms  they  can,  often  at  not  less  than  twenty-five 
per  cent  per  annum."  - 

Mr.  Stevenson  says  of  the  Jews  in  San  Francisco : 

"Jew  storekeepers  have  already  learned  the  advantage  to  be  gained 
from  this  [unlimited  credit]  ;  they  lead  on  the  farmer  into  irretrievable 
indebtedness,  and  keep  him  ever  after  as  their  bond-slave  hopelessly 
grinding  in  the  mill.  So  the  whirligig  of  time  brings  in  its  revenges,  and 
except  that  the  Jew  knows  better  than  to  foreclose,  you  may  see  Ameri- 
cans bound  in  the  same  chains  with  which  they  themselves  had  formerly 
bound  the  Mexicans."  ^  *■ 


These  passages  were  not  intended  by  the  writers,  nor  are 
they  here  cited,  as  general  pictures  of  the  Jews,  or  as  pictures 
of  Jews  exclusively,  in  the  last,  American  sharp  practice  is 
included.  The  passages  are  cited  as  indications  of  the  real 
source  of  the  antagonism,  tending  to  show  that  it  is  econom- 
ical, not  religious. 

Light  dawned  on  the  writer's  mind  on  this  question  when 
he  had  just  been  listening  with  sympathy  to  speo(hes  in  the 
British  House  of  Commons  on  the  anti-Semitic  movement  in 
Koumania,  where,  as  in  Russia,  the  number  of  Jews  is  partic- 

1  Journeys  and  Explorations  in  the  Cotton  Kingdom,  2d  edition,  pp. 
i.'o2.  25;J.    liy  Frederick  Law  ( )lmsted. 
^  lb.,  pp.  ;}21,  322. 
■'  Across  the  Plains,  p.  100.    By  Robert  Louis  Stevenson. 


THE   ,J  i:\VlS  II    (ilKSTlUN. 


.>:5:; 


ularly  large  and  the  feeling  against  them  is  proportionately 


intense.  The  Jewish  member  who  appealed  to  the  govern- 
ment on  the  subject,  and  the  ^Minister  who  rose  in  response 
to  the  appeal,  had  both  of  them  assumed  that  it  was  a  case  of 
religious  persecution,  and  the  Ministei-  especially  had  dwelt 
on  the  mischievous  iniiuence  of  ecclesiastics;  with  how 
little  justice,  so  far  as  the  priests  of  the  Eastern  Church  are 
concerned,  we  have  already  seen.  The  debate  over,  the 
writer  was  accosted  by  his  friend,  the  late  Dr.  Humphry 
Sandwith,  distinguished  for  his  share  in  the  defence  of  Kars 
against  the  llussians,  who  knew  the  Danubian  Principalities 
well.  Dr.  Sandwith  said  that  the  speakers  had  been  entii'ely 
mistaken;  that  religion  was  not  the  motive  of  the  agitation; 
that  neither  the  people  nor  their  priests  Avere  given  to  perse- 
cution; that  the  government  had  granted  aid  to  a  synagogue; 
but  that  Jewish  usurers  got  the  simi)le-minded  peasants  into 
their  toils  and  sold  them  out  of  their  homesteads  till  the  peas- 
ants would  bear  it  no  longer,  and  an  outbreak  ensued.  Dr. 
Sandwith,  being  a  thoroiigh-goiug  Liberal,  would  liave  been 
the  last  man  to  palliate  religious  persecution. 

It  is  doubtful  whether,  even  in  the  Middle  Ages,  the  quar- 
rel was  not  less  religious  and  more  economical  oj*  social  than 
is  supposed.  That  was  the  age  of  religious  intolerance; 
Christian  heretics,  such  as  the  Albigenses,  were  persecuted 
with  fully  as  much  cruelty  as  the  Jews.  Jews  who  had  ven- 
tured to  settle  in  the  Catholic  communities  for  the  sake  of 
gain,  braved  the  same  sort  of  peril  which  would  have  been 
braved  by  an  enterprising  trader  who  had  thrust  himself  into 
Japan  during  its  close  period.  But  as  a  rule,  though  they 
were  hated,  they  were  not  persecuted;  they  were  tolerated  and 
allowed  to  build  their  synagogues  and  worship  (Jod  in  their 
own  way.  They  were  regarded,  not  like  heretics,  as  relig- 
ious traitors,  but  as  religious  aliens.  Their  religious  blind- 
ness, as  well  as  their  jienal  homelessness,  w;is  viewed  as  the 
act  of  God.  They  were  ^jrivileged  in  misbelief.  Aquinas 
expressly  lays  it  down  that  they  are  to  be  tolerated  as  a  use- 
ful testimony  bcri-ne,  though  by  adversaries,  to  the  truth  of 


2:i4 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE    DAY. 


IIS 


II  .'i: 


Cliristianity.'  It  is  not  true  that  the  great  Doctor  of  the 
Middle  Ages  sanctions  the  forcible  conversion  of  the  chil- 
dren of  Jews.  He  raises  the  (question  and  decides  it  in  the 
negative.^  An  argument  stated  by  him  only  to  be  set  aside 
has  been  taken  for  his  conclusion.  In  the  "Corpus  Juris 
Canonici"  it  is  laid  down  that  "the  Jews  are  not  to  be 
baptised  against  their  will  or  forced  to  it,  nor  to  be  con- 
demned without  jud  ,ment,  nor  to  be  spoiled  of  their  goods, 
nor  disturbed  at  tlieir  festivals,  nor  are  their  cemeteries  to  be 
molested  or  their  bodies  to  be  exlmmed."^ 

By  the  kings,  and  notably  by  the  Angevin  kings  of  Eng- 
land, the  Jews  were  protected  as  the  agents  of  royal  extortion, 
sucking  by  usury  the  money  from  the  people  which  was  after- 
wards sc^ueezed  out  of  the  usurer  by  the  king.  Of  the  com- 
mon i)eople  it  is  not,  so  far  as  we  can  see,  the  tendency  to 
persecute  on  account  of  religion,  however  superstitious  they 
may  be.  It  is  rather  by  the  possessors  of  ecclesiastical  power 
and  wealth,  by  Archbisho[)s  of  Toledo  and  Prince  Bishops  of 
Germany,  whom  dissent  threatens  with  dispossession,  or  by 
kings  like  Philip  II.  and  Louis  XIV.,  under  priestly  influence, 
that  the  engines  of  persecnition  are  set  at  work.  At  the 
time  of  the  Crusades,  Christian  fanaticism  being  excited  to 
frenzy,  there  were  dreadful  massacres  of  Jews,  and  forced  con- 
versions, though  no  reliance  can  be  placed  on  the  figures 
of  mediaeval  chroniclers,  wlio  set  down  at  random  twenty 
thousand  victims  slain,  or  two  hundred  thousand  forced  con- 
versions. The  Jew  at  that  time  was  odious  not  only  as  a  mis- 
believer in  the  midst  of  the  Christian  (-amp,  whose  presence 
would  turn  from  it  tlie  countenance  of  God,  but  as  a  suspected 
friend  and  ally  at  heart,  of  the  Oriental  power.  The  Jews 
nnist  have  foreseen  the  storm,  and  might  liave  escaped  by 
flight,  but  they  were  perhaps  tempted  by  the  vast  harvest 
afforded  them  in  the  general  sale  of  ])ossessions  by  the  Cru- 

^  Summa  Theoloyica,  Seciinda  Sccitmla',  Qiuust.  X.,  Art.  xi. 
'^  lb.,  Art.  xii. 

'^  Quoted  by  Joseph  Jacobs  in  his  The  ./pim  of  Anyevin  England, 
p.  185. 


THE   JKWISII    QUESTION. 


2;jr) 


saders  to  buy  equipiuents,  while  by  that  trattio  their  unpopu- 
larity was  increased.  But  in  ordinary  times  tlie  main  causes 
of  the  liatred  of  the  Jews  among  the  common  people  appear 
to  have  been  usury  and  a  social  arrogance,  which  was  particu- 
larly galling  on  the  part  of  the  alien  and  the  enemy  of  Christ. 
In  the  riots  the  people  made  for  the  place  in  which  the  Jew- 
ish bonds  were  kept.  At  York,  the  scene  of  the  worst  anti- 
Jewish  riot  in  England,  the  chronicler  tells  us  there  were  two 
.lews,  Benedict  and  Joce,  who  had  built  in  the  middle  of  the 
city  houses  like  palaces,  where  they  dwelt  like  princes  of  their 
own  people  and  tyrants  of  the  Christians,  keeping  almost  royal 
state,  and  exercising  harsh  tyranny  against  tliose  whona  they 
oppressed  with  their  usuries.'  The  usury  was  grinding  and 
rutliiess.  In  the  Chronicle  of  Jocelin  de  Brakelond  we  see 
liow  rapidly  a  debt  of  twenty-seven  pounds,  owed  to  a  Jew, 
grew  to  eight  hundred  and  eighty.  Jews  at  Oxford  were  for- 
bidden by  edict  to  take  more  than  forty-three  per  cent.  So  it 
was  generally.  Political  economy  will  say  that  this  was 
justifiable,  in  the  circumstances  perhaps  useful,  and  the  pen- 
alty due  to  the  Christian  superstition  which  made  the  lend- 
ing of  money  at  interest  an  unholy  and  therefore  a  perilous 
trade.  Nevertheless,  it  was  hateful,  at  least  sure  to  engen- 
der hate.  The  Lombards  and  Cahorsins,  who,  when  the  Jews 
were  for  a  time  driven  from  the  field,  took  up  the  business, 
incurred  the  same  hatred,  though  in  their  case  there  was  no 
religious  or  social  feeling  to  aggravate  the  unpopularity  of  the 
trade.  A  Spanish  Cluincellor  describes  the  Jews  as  the  blood- 
suckers of  the  afflicted  peojde,  as  men  who  exact  fifty  per 
cent,  eighty,  a  hundred,  ;ind. through  whom  the  land  is  deso- 
late, their  hard  hearts  being  callous  to  tears  and  groans,  and 
their  ears  deaf  to  jietiticms  for  delay."  Savonarola,  the  Chris- 
tian socialist  of  his  day,  revived  the  ^Fonte  di  Pieta  to  rescue 
his  people  from  the  fangs  of  the  Jews. 

Tiie  law  of  the  Jews  themselves,  be  it  observed,  proscribes 

'  William  of  Xi'ii-hunj,  ([uoted  by  J()st'i)li  Jacobs,  jip.  117,  118. 
2  Set'  The  Ilistiiry  of  the  Jews  from  the  War  with  Home  to  the  Present 
Time,  p.  245.    By  Rev.  II.  C.  Adani.s,  M.A. 


w 


w^ 


2.36 


QUKSTIONS   OF   TIIK    DAY. 


i'l 


l.:,.i 


usury  iu  the  case  of  a  tril)al  l)rotlier,  permitting  it  in  the  case 
of  a  stranger.  "  Thou  shalt  not  lend  upon  usury  to  thy  brother; 
usury  of  money,  usury  of  victuals,  usury  of  anything  that  is 
lent  upon  usury  :  unto  a  stranger  thou  mayest  lend  upon  usury ; 
but  unto  thy  brother  thou  shalt  not  lend  \ipon  usury:  that  the 
Tiord  thy  God  may  bless  thee  iu  all  that  thou  settest  thine 
hand  to  in  the  land  whither  thou  goest  to  possess  it "  (l)eut. 
xxiii.  11),  20).  Henee  it  appears,  first,  that  Christendom  was 
not  more  superstitious  on  the  subjtnjt  of  usury  than  were  the 
Jews  themselves;  and,  secondly,  that  the  Jew  regarded  and 
treated  the  Christians  among  Avhom  he  was  dwelling  as 
strangers. 

The  Jews  after  all  were  not  so  maltreated  as  to  pre- 
vent them  from  a«iassing  what  was  for  that  time  enormous 
Avealth.  And  of  this  they  ap})ear  in  those  days,  as  they  some- 
times do  iu  these,  to  have  made  ostentatioiis  and,  in  the  eyes 
of  natives  and  Christians,  especially  if  they  had  been  vic- 
tims of  extortion,  offensive  use.  A  Cortes  in  Portugal,  in 
1481,  comi)lained  of  Jewish  luxury  and  display,  of  Jews  who 
rode  splendidly  caparisoned  horses,  wore  silk  doublets,  carried 
jewel-liilted  swords,  and  entered  churches  where  they  mocked 
the  Avorship.  Jewish  haughtiness  seems  sometimes  even  to 
have  indulged  in  insults  to  the  popular  religion.  At  Oxford 
it  mocks  the  miracles  of  St.  Frydeswide  before  her  votaries, 
assaults  a  religious  procession,  and  tramples  on  the  cross.  At 
Lynn  the  Jews  attack  a  church  to  drag  out  a  convert  from 
Judaism  to  Christianity,  for  whose  Idood  they  tliirsted,  and 
the  people  of  the  ])lace  are  half  afraid  to  resist  them,  knowing 
that  they  are  protected  by  the  king.  Besides  their  usury,  the 
Jews  were  suspected  of  cli|)ping  the  coin.  Their  function 
.as  the  middlemen  of  royal  rapacity  must  have  been  most  odi- 
ous, not  least  when  they  handled  for  the  king  Church  estates 
which  he  had  wrongfully  taken  into  his  hands.  In  expelling 
them  from  England,  Edward  I.,  the  best  of  kings,  no  doid)t 
tluuight  that  hi^  was  doing  a  good  deed,  while  his  people  were 
unquestionably  grateful.  The  worthy  Abbot  Samson,  of  St. 
Edmondbury,  in   the  same  way  earned  the  gratitude  of   the 


as 


I 


THE   JKWISII   QUK.STION. 

people  of  that  place  by  riddin-j  it  of  the  Jews.  The  clearest, 
as  well  as  tl-e  most  terril)Ie,  case  of  ])ersecuti()ii  i)f  t\w.  Jews 
for  religion  Avas  in  Spain,  and  tliere,  it  nuist  be  remembered, 
when  the  Jew  was  l)unied,  the  Christian  siisijceted  of  heresy 
was  burned  at  his  sidp.  Even  in  Spain  it  is  not  easy 
to  say  how  much  was  liatred  of  religion,  how  nuich  was  hatred 
of  race.  For  centuries  the  Spanish  Christians  liad  struggled 
for  the  land  with  Islam,  and  the  history  of  Spain  had  been 
one  long  Crusade.  The  Jew  was  identitied  with  Islam.  A 
Jewish  writer,  Lady  Magnus,  in  her  history  of  her  ra(!e,  says : 

"  Roth  in  the  East  and  in  the  West  the  rise  of  Arohainmedanism  was, 
in  truth,  as  the  dawn  of  a  new  day  to  tlie  despised  and  dispersed  Jews.  If 
we  except  tliat  one  bitter  (piarrel  between  the  earliest  followers  of  the 
T'rophet  and  the  Jews  of  Arabia,  —and  that,  we  nnist  note,  was  no  organ- 
ised or  systematic  persecution,  but  rather  an  ebullition  of  anf,'er  from  an 
ardent  enthusiast  at  his  first  unexpected  rebuff,—  we  shall  find  that  Juda- 
ism had  nuieh  reason  to  rejoice  at  the  rapid  spread  of  Moluunmedanism. 
Monotheists,  like  the  Jews,  abhorring  like  them  all  forms  of  image  wor- 
ship, worshipping  in  simple  fashion  their  one  (Jod  Allah,  observing  die- 
tary laws  like  to  those  of  Moses,  the  Mohanuuedans  both  in  their  faith  and 
in  their  practice  natirally  found  more  grounds  for  agreement  witli  Jew- 
ish doctrine  than  with  the  Christian  dogma  of  a  complex  Godhead,  or 
with  the  undeveloped  aspirations  of  the  heathen.  And  besides  some 
identity  of  principle  and  of  race  between  the  Mohanuuedan  and  the  Jew 
there  soon  discovered  itself  a  certain  hardly  definable  kinship  of  habit 
and  custom,  —  a  sort  of  sympathy,  in  fact,  which  is  often  more  effectual 
than  even  more  important  causes  in  promoting  friemlly  relations  either 
nationally  or  indlvichially.  Then,  also,  there  was  the  similarity  of  lan- 
guage ;  for  Arabic,  like  Hebrew,  belongs  to  what  is  called  the  Semitic 
group.  .  .  .  Nearly  a  century  of  experience  of  the  political  and  social 
results  of  the  Monammedan  conciuests  nuist,  inevitably,  have  made  the 
year  710  stand  out  to  the  Jews  of  that  time  as  the  beginning  of  a  grand 
new  era  in  their  history.  Centuries  of  cruelty  had  made  the  wise  loyal 
counsel  of  Jeremiah  to  'i)ray  for  the  peace  of  the  land  whither  ye  are 
led  captive  ;  its  peace  shall  be  your  peace  also,'  a  hard  task  for  the  most 
loyal  of  consciences  ;  and  in  that  early  year  of  the  eighth  century,  when 
Spain  was  added  to  the  list  of  the  Mohamnu-dan  victories,  and  the  trium- 
phant flag  of  the  Crescent  was  hoisted  on  tower  and  citadel,  the  liberty 
of  conscience  which  it  practically  proclaimed  nuist  have  been  in  the 
widest  sense  a  cause  for  national  rejoicing  to  the  Jews."  1 

1  Ahiitit  the  Jews  siiirc  BihJe  Times,  pp.  105-197.     By  Lady  Magnus. 


■in 


238 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY. 


i) 


If, 


The  kindness  of  the  Mahomedan  to  the  Jew  may  here  be 
overrated,  but  the  sympathy  between  Judaism  and  Ishim 
3annot  be  questioned,  and  it  meant  common  antipathy  to 
Ciu'istendom,  which  Christendom  coukl  not  fail  to  reciprocate, 
especially  in  its  crusading  mood.  We  sit  at  ease  and  sneer  at 
the  fanaticism  of  the  Crusaders.  But  some  strong  motive  was 
needed  to  make  men  leave  their  homes  and  tlieir  wives  and  go 
to  die  as  the  vanguard  of  Christendom  on  Syrian  battlefields. 
Let  us  not  forget  that  the  question  whether  Christianity  and 
Christian  civilisation  or  Islam,  with  its  despotism  and  its 
harem,  should  reign  in  Europe  came  to  be  decided,  not  without 
long  and  perilous  debate,  so  near  the  heart  of  Christendom  as 
the  plain  of  Tours.  The  Jews  of  Southern  France,  like  those 
of  Spain,  were  suspected  of  inviting  the  invaders.  If  they 
did  they  were  .lot  without  excuse.  But  their  excuse  could 
hardly  be  expected  to  pass  muster  with  Cluirles  Martel. 

From  religious  intolerance  in  the  Dark  Ages,  or  long  after 
the  end  of  the  Dark  Ages,  nobody  was  free.  The  Jew  was  not. 
He  had  striven  as  long  as  he  had  a  chance,  by  all  means  in  his 
power,  unscrupulously  using  the  Roman  or  the  Persian  as 
his  instruments,  to  crush  Christianity.  His  own  law  pun- 
ished blasphemy  with  death  and  bade  the  worshipper  of 
Jehovah  slaughter  everything  that  breathed  in  a  captured  city 
of  the  heathen.  It  was  hence,  iu  fact,  that  the  Inquisitor 
partly  drew  his  inspiration.  Mediaeval  darkness  had  passed 
away  when  Judaism  sought  the  life  of  Spinoza  and  scourged 
Uriel  Acosta  in  the  synagogue. 

Although  tlie  lot  of  a  Jevv^  in  the  Middle  Ages  was  hard  in 
itself,  it  was  perhaps  not  so  hard  compared  witli  that  of  other 
classes,  notably  with  that  of  the  serf,  as  the  perpetual  addition 
of  piteous  epithets  to  his  name  by  common  writers  might  lead 
us  to  suppose.  "Ivanhoe"  is  not  history;  Freeman's  works 
are.     Freeman  says : 


' '  III  the  wake  of  the  conqueror  the  Jews  of  Rouen  found  their  w.ay 
to  London,  and  before  long  we  find  settlements  of  the  Hebrew  race  in 
the  chief  cities  and  boroughs  of  England  :  at  York,  Winchester,  Lincoln, 
Bristol,  Oxford,  and  even  at  the  gate  of  the  Abbot  of  St.  Edmonds  and 


I- 


THK   JKAVISII   QIKSTION. 


239 


St.  Albans.  They  came  as  the  king's  special  men,  or  more  truly  as  his 
special  chattels,  strangers  alike  to  the  Chiircii  and  the  commonwealth, 
but  strong  in  the  i)rotection  of  a  master  who  commonly  found  it  his 
interest  to  protect  them  against  all  others.  Hated,  feared,  and  loathed, 
but  far  too  deeply  feared  to  be  scorned  or  oppressed,  they  stalked  defi- 
antly among  the  people  of  the  land,  on  whose  wants  they  throve,  safe 
from  harm  or  insult,  save  now  and  then,  when  popular  wrath  burst  all 
bounds,  when  their  proud  mansions  and  fortitied  (juarters  could  shelter 
them  no  longer  from  raging  crowds  who  were  eager  to  wash  out  their 
debts  in  the  blood  of  their  creditors.  Tiie  romantic  picture  of  the 
despised,  trembling  Jew,  cringing  before  every  Christian  whom  he  meets, 
is,  in  any  age  of  English  history,  simply  a  romantic  picture."  ' 

The  Jews  found  it  worth  their  wliile  to  buy  their  way- 
back  again  and  again  into  lands  from  which  they  had  been 
banished,  and  their  existence  in  wliich  is  pictured  by  histo- 
rians as  a  hell.  If  they  were  heavily  taxed  and  sometimes 
pillaged,  they  were  exempted  from  tlie  most  grievous  of  all 
taxes,  service  in  war.  Their  badge,  thougli  a  stigma,  was  also 
a  protection,  since  it  marked  them  as  serfs  of  the  king.  Even 
the  Ghetto,  where  there  was  one,  would  be  comparatively  a 
small  grievance  when  nationalities,  crafts,  and  family  clans 
had  their  special  quarters  in  cities.  Any  immigrant  would 
have  been  less  at  home  in  the  closely  organised  communi- 
ties of  feudalism  and  Catholicism  than  in  the  loose  society  of 
the  Roman  Empire,  liut  the  Jew  was  there  by  his  own 
choice.  The  tenure  of  land  in  a  feudal  realm,  being  military, 
land  could  hardly  be  held  by  a  Jew.  But  Jews  were  not  for- 
bidden by  law  to  hold  land  in  England  till  late  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  III.,  when  it  was  found  they  were  getting  estates  into 
their  hands  by  mortgage,  which  would  have  been  ruinous  to 
the  feudal  system.  A  community  has  a  right  to  defend  its 
territory  and  its  national  integrity  against  an  invader  wliether 
his  weapon  be  the  sword  or  foreclosure.  In  the  territories  of 
the  Italian  Republics  the  Jews  might,  so  far  as  Ave  see,  have 
bought  land  and  taken  to  farming  had  they  pleased.  But 
before  this  they  had  thoroughly  taken  to  trade.     Under  the 

1  The  Iteign  of  William  Bufus- and  the  Accession  of  Henry  the  First, 
Vol.  I.,  p.  IfiO.     By  Edward  A.  Freeman. 


H 


ma^ 


QUESTIUNS   OV    I'HK    DAY. 


IT  I' 


falling  Empire  they  were  tlie  great  slave-traders,  l)uyiiig  cap- 
tives from  bavbarian  invaders  nmi  i)r()l)ably  acting  as  general 
brokers  of  spoils  at  the  same  time.  There  was,  no  doubt,  a 
})crpetual  struggle  between  their  craft  and  the  brute  force 
of  the  feudal  populations.  Hut  what  moral  prerogative  has 
craft  over  force?  Mr.  Arnold  \Vhite  tells  the  llussians 
that  if  they  would  let  Jewish  intelligence  have  free  course, 
Jews  would  soon  fill  all  high  employments  and  places  of  ])ower 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  natives,  who  now  hold  them.  Rus- 
sians are  bidden  to  acquiesce  and  rather  to  rejoice  in  this 
by  philosophers,  who  would  perhaps  not  relish  the  cup  if  it 
were  commended  to  their  own  lips.  The  law  of  evolution,  it  is 
said,  prescribes  the  survival  of  tlie  fittest.  To  which  the  Rus- 
sian boor  may  rfeply,  that  it  his  force  beats  the  fine  intelligence 
of  the  Jew  the  fittest  will  survive  and  the  law  of  evolution  will 
be  fulfilled.  It  was  force  rather  than  fine  intelligence  which 
decided  on  the  field  of  Zama  that  the  Latin,  not  the  Semite, 
should  rule  the  ancient  and  mould  the  modern  world. 

Religious  antipathy,  no  doubt,  has  always  added  and  con- 
tinues to  add  bitterness  to  the  social  quarrel.  Among  igno- 
rant peasants  it  still  takes  grotescpie,  sometimes  hideous, 
shapes,  such  as  the  cruel  fancy  that  the  Jews  sacrifice  Chris- 
tian children  and  spread  pestilence.  The  Jew  has  always 
been  felt  to  be  a  power  of  evil,  and  the  peasant  iinaginatiun 
lends  to  the  power  of  evil  horns  and  hoofs.  But  even  the 
peasant  imagination  does  not  lend  horns  and  hoofs  to  any 
power  which  is  felt  to  be  harmless,  much  less  to  one 
which  has  always  been  beneficent,  as  we  are  asked  to  believe 
that  the  Jews  have  been.  The  people  are  not  everywhere 
fools  or  fiends.  Let  it  be  remembered,  too,  that  the  Jewish 
religion  is  not  merely  a  religion  of  peculiar  opinion.  It  is  a 
religion  of  social  exclusiveness,  of  arrogated  superiority  to 
Gentiles,  and  treatment  of  them  as  unclean,  of  the  Pentateuch 
with  its  Chosen  People,  and  of  the  feast  of  l*urim.  Milman 
thinks  it  possible  that  in  the  offensive  celebration  of  the  feast 
of  Purim  some  of  the  calumnies  about  the  Jews  may  have  had 
their  source.  . 


TlIK   .TKWISH    Ql'ESTlON. 


241 


People  of  a  higlicr  class,  wliom  Jewish  usury  does  not  touch, 
object  to  Judaism  on  liifj^licr  t,n-()unds.  They  object  to  it 
because  it  is  ;it  variance  with  the  unity  of  the  nation  and 
threatens  to  eat  out  the  core  of  nationality.  Admitting,'  the 
keenness  of  Jewish  intelligence,  they  say  that  intelligence  is 
not  always  beneficent,  nor  is  submission  to  it  always  a  matter 
of  duty,  esiHH'ially  wlien  its  ascendancy  is  gained  by  such 
means  as  the  dexterous  a])i)ropriati(m  of  the  circuhiting  medium, 
and  when  it  is,  as  tliey  believe,  tlie  result  not  of  individual 
effort  in  a  fair  field,  but  of  the  collective  effort  of  a  united, 
though  scattered  race,  aided  by  a  press  in  Jewish  hands. 
They  demur  to  Jiaving  the  liigh  places  of  their  community 
monopolised,  as  jMr.  Arnold  White  says  they  might  be  in 
llussia,  by  unsynipatlietic  aliens  turning  the  rest  of  the  nation 
into  hcAvers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water.  This  feeling, 
if  it  is  sellish,  is  natural,  and  should  be  cliaritably  viewed  by 
tliose  who  are  free  from  the  danger.  8ome  of  the  opposition 
to  Jewish  ascendancy  arises  from  dread  of  materialism,  the 
triumph  of  which  over  the  spiritual  character  and  aspirations 
of  Christian  communities  would,  it  is  apprehended,  follow  the 
victory  of  the  Jew,  an  impersonation  of  the  power  of 
wealth.  Among  the  anti-Semites  are  Christian  Socialists 
seeking  the  liberation  of  tlie  labouring  class  from  the 
grasp  of  usury  and  the  money  power.  Herr  Stoecker  belongs, 
it  seems,  to  this  sect,  and  far  from  being  an  enemy  of 
the  Jewish  people,  is  a  devout  believer  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. To  be  opposed  on  social  or  patriotic  grounds  to  Juda- 
ism as  a  system  is  not  to  be  a  hater  of  the  Jews,  any  more  than 
to  be  opposed  to  Islam  or  Buddhism  as  a  system  is  to  be  a 
liater  of  the  Mahomedan  or  the  Buddhist. 

The  impression  prevails  that  JuiUiism  during  the  Middle 
Ages  was  a  civilising  ])ower,  in  fact  the  great  civilising  power, 
while  its  beneticent  action  was  repressed  by  a  barbarous  Chris- 
tendom. The  leading  shoot  of  civilisation,  both  material  and 
intellectual,  was  republican  Italy,  where  the  Jews,  though 
they  were  not  persecuted,  never  played  a  leading  part.  You 
may  read  through  Sismondi's  History  almost  without  being 


I'l 


T^r 


242 


QUESTIONS   OK   THK    DAY. 


■I  .1 


'■':         '* 


¥h 


i  i 


made  aware  of  tlieiv  existence.  Intellectually  superior  in  a 
certain  sense  no  doubt  they  were;  their  wealth  exempted  them 
from  manual  labour,  and  gave  them  an  advantage,  as  it  does 
now,  in  the  race  of  intelligence.  They  were  also  practically 
exempted  from  military  service.  They  preserved  Hebrew  and 
Oriental  learning,  and  to  them  Eurojje  owed  the  transmission 
of  the  works  of  Aristotle  through  Arabic  translations.  J>ut 
in  their  mediaeval  roll  of  celebrated  names  the  great  majority 
are  those  of  Talmudists  or  Cabbalists.  The  most  illustrious 
is  that  of  Maimonides,  whose  influence  on  the  progress  of 
humanity  surely  was  not  v(;ry  great,  albeit  he  was  let  and 
hindered  only  by  the  narrow  and  jealous  orthodoxy  of  his 
own  people.  Jews  were  in  request  as  pliysicians,  though  they 
seem  to  have  drawn  their  knowledge  from  the  Arabians.  They 
had  much  to  do  with  the  foundation  of  the  medical  school  of 
Montpellier;  the  origin  of  that  at  Salei'uo  was  Benedictine. 
But  if  they  founded  a  medical  science,  what  became  of  the 
medical  science  which  they  founded?  At  the  close  of  the 
^Middle  Ages  there  was  none.  A  Jewish  physician,  no  doubt 
the  most  eminent  of  his  class,  is  called  in  by  Innocent  VIII. 
His  treatment  is  transfusion  of  blood.  He  kills  three  boys  in 
the  process  and  tlien  runs  away.  Of  the  money  trade  the 
Jews  were  generally  the  masters,  though  in  Italy  that,  too, 
was  in  the  hands  of  native  houses,  such  as  the  IMedici,  Bardi, 
and  Peruzzi,  while  at  a  later  period  the  Fuggers  of  Augsburg 
were  the  llothschilds  of  Germany.  But  the  Jews  never  were 
the  masters  of  the  grand  commerce  or  of  that  maritime  enter- 
prise in  which  the  INliddle  Ages  gloriously  closed.  Kosseeuw 
Saint-Hilaire  has  observed  in  his  history  of  Spain  that 
their  addiction  was  to  petty  trade.  Showing  abundant 
sympathy  for  Jewish  wrongs,  he  finds  himself  compelled  to  con- 
trast the  *'  narrowness  and  rapacity  "  of  their  commerce  with 
the  boldness  and  grandeur  of  Arab  enterprise.^  The  slave 
trade,  which  in  the  early  Middle  Ages  was  in  Jewish  hands, 
was  not  then  the  re})roach  that  it  is  now,  yet  it  never  was  a 
noble  or  a  beneficent  trade.     Spain  is  supposed  to  have  owed 

»  Histoirc  (VEspngnp,  Vol.  III.,  p.  147. 


Till-:   J i: WISH    QUESTION. 


243 


her  fall  to  the  expulsion  of  the  Jews,  but  the  acme  of  her 
greatness  came  after  tlieir  fxpulsion;  and  her  fall  was  due  to 
despotism,  civil  and  religious,  to  her  false  eonunercial  sys- 
tem, to  the  diversion  of  her  energy  from  industry  to  gold- 
seeking  and  conquest,  and  not  least  to  the  overgrown  and 
heterogeneous  euipire  which  was  the  supposed  foundation  of 
her  power.  England,  in  the  period  between  the  exjnilsion  of 
the  Jews  under  Edward  I.  and  their  readniission  under  Crom- 
well, became  a  eomnuu'cial  nation  and  a  famous  naval  i)ower  , 
and  the  greatness  thus  achieved  was  English,  not  Gibeonite, 
as  it  would  have  been  under  Jtjwish  ascendancy;  it  was  part 
of  the  fulness  of  national  life,  and  was:  i)roliHc  not  only  of 
Whittingtons  and  Drakes,  but  of  Shakespeares  and  Uacons. 
As  financiers  it  is  likely  tluit  the  Jews  were  useful  in  ad- 
vancing money  for  great  works;  they  also  furnished  money 
for  enterprises  such  as  Strongbow's  expedition  to  Ireland. 
But  the  assertion,  often  repeated,  that  they  provided  the 
mean::;  Tor  building  the  churclies,  abbeys,  and  colleges  of 
England  must  be  qualified  in  face  of  the  fact  that  the 
greater  part  of  those  edifices  was  of  dates  subsequent  to  the 
expulsion  of  the  Jews.  Salisl)ury  Cathedral  was  built  before 
the  expulsion.  But  we  happen  to  know  that  the  forty  thou- 
sand marks  which  it  cost  were  supplied  by  contributions  from 
the  Prebendaries,  collections  from  different  dioceses,  and 
grants  from  Al'cia  de  Bruere  and  other  benefactors.*  Judaism 
is  now  the  great  financial  power  of  Europe,  that  is,  it  is  the 
greatest  power  of  all.  It  is  no  longer  necessary,  out  of  pity 
for  it,  to  falsify  history  and  traduce  Christendom. 

Of  the  two  works  on  wliich,  during  the  IVFiddle  Ages,  Jew- 
ish intellect  was  chiefly  employed,  the  Cabbala  is  on  all  hands 
allowed  to  be  mystical  nonsense.  Of  the  Talmud,  Dr.  Farrar, 
assuredly  no  Jew-baiter,  in  his  Preface  to  a  volume  of  selec- 
tions from  it,  says : 

"  Wisdom  there  is  in  the  Talmud,  and  eloquence  and  high  morality  ; 
of  this  the  reader  may  learn  something  even  in  the  small  compass  of  the 

*  See  Murray's  Handbook  to  the  CalhedniU  of  England.  Southern 
Divisir.n,  Part  I.,  p.  S>4. 


I'l 


244 


QIKSTIONS   OF   THK    DAY. 


\'  '. 


tollmviiig  pases.  How  cinilil  it.  bo  otliprvvisc  wiiou  wo  boar  in  iiiiiid  tliat 
tiie  'lalimid  lills  twolvo  laruc  fi>ii()  voiuiucs,  iimi  rcprosoiils  tho  main  liter- 
ature of  a  nation  (luring  several  Imndrod  years '.'  Hut  yet  I  venture  to 
say  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  find  less  wisdom,  less  elocjuence,  and 
le.ss  high  morality,  imbedded  in  a  vaster  bulk  of  what  is  utterly  valuele.ss 
to  maidiind,  —  to  .say  nothing  of  those  parts  of  it  which  are  indelicate 
and  even  obscene,  —  in  any  other  national  literature  of  the  same  extent. 
And  even  of  the  valuable  residuum  of  true  and  holy  thouglits,  I  doubt 
whether  there  is  even  one  which  had  not  long  been  anticijtated,  and 
which  is  not  found  more  nobly  set  forth  in  the  Scriptures  of  tlie  Old  and 
New  Testament." ' 


This  judgment  is  fully  borne  out  by  the  selections  which 
follow,  and  whicli  are  made  by  Mr.  Hershon,  a  known  Hebrew 
scholar,  (m  an  impartial  principle.  Jt  is  supported  by  other 
independent  critics,  such  as  Thirlwall,  who  spoke  of  the  Tal- 
mud as  an  ocean  of  nonsense.  The  writer  will  not  presume 
to  speak,  thougli  he  looks  back  upon  the  perusal  of  a  Latin 
translation  of  the  Mishna  as  one  of  the  least  pleasant  labours 
cf  a  student's  life.  Dr.  Uetitsch's  counterfeit  presentment,  to 
Avhich  Dr.  Farrar  refers,  is  a  standing  caution.  In  every  page 
of  the  volume  of  selections  we  have  such  things  as  this: 

"  There  were  two  things  which  God  first  tliought  of  creating  on  the  eve 
of  the  Sabbath,  which,  however,  were  not  created  till  after  the  Sabbath 
had  closed.  The  first  was  fire,  which  Adam  by  <livine  suggestion  drew 
forth  by  .striking  together  two  stones  ;  and  the  .second  was  the  mule,  pro- 
duced by  the  crossing  of  two  different  animals."  —  P'sachim,  fol.  54,  col.  1. 

"The  Kabbis  have  taught  that  there  are  three  reasons  why  a  person 
sliould  not  enter  a  ruin:  1.  Because  he  maybe  suspected  of  evil  intent; 
2.  Because  the  walls  might  tumble  upon  him  ;  3.  And  because  of  evil 
spirits  that  frecjuent  such  places."  —  Bcrachoth,  fol.  3,  col.  1. 

"The  stone  which  Og,  King  of  Bashan,  meant  to  throw  upon  Israel  is 
tlio  .subject  of  a  tradition  delivered  on  Sinai.  '  The  camp  of  Israel  I  .see,' 
lie  said,  '  extends  three  miles  ;  I  .shall  therefore  go  and  root  up  a  mom  tain 
three  miles  in  extent  and  throw  it  upon  them.'  So  off  he  went,  and  find- 
ing sucli  a  mountain,  raised  it  on  Ins  liead,  but  the  Holy  One  —  blessed  be 
lie!  —  sent  an  army  of  ants  against  liim,  which  so  bored  the  mountain 
over  Ids  head  tliat  it  slipped  down  upon  his  shoulders,  from  which  he 

1  A  Tahnmlic  Misrellany.  Compiled  and  translated  by  Paul  Isaac 
Hershon,  with  introductory  preface  by  Bev.  F.  W.  Farrar,  D.D.,  F.B.S. 


II 


iiiiiid  that 
itiiiiii  liter- 
venture  to 
lence,  and 
y  valueless 
indelicate 
ne  extent. 
s,  I  doubt 
)ate(l,  and 
e  Old  and 


IS  which 

by  other 
tlio  Tul- 
prcstiine 
a  Latin 
t  hibotirs 
:inent,  to 
ery  page 
[S: 

m  the  eve 
3  Sabbath 
tioii  drew 
nule,  pro- 

54,cul.  1. 

a  person 
il  intent ; 
ie  of  evil 

1  Israel  is 
lel  I  see,' 
nioui  tiiiii 
and  find- 
)lessed  be 
nountain 
wliicli  he 

lul  Isaac 
F.K.S. 


TIIK  .IK WISH   C^l  KSilON. 


245 


could  not  lift  it,  because  his  teetli,  i)rofruding,  liad  riveted  it  upon  him." 
—  Brrachoth,  fol.  r)J,  col.  2. 

"Three  tiiinjJ!s  are  said  respeetinj,'  the  tiiif^cr-nails :  lie  who  trims  his 
nails  and  buries  tlie  pariiif^s  is  a  pious  man  ;  he  who  burns  the.se  is  a 
righteous  man  ;  but  he  who  throws  them  away  is  a  wieked  man,  for  mis- 
cliance  mij^lit  follow,  should  a  female  step  over  them."  —  Mved  /ut'Kii, 
fol.  18,  col.  1." 

Abrahaiu'.s  height,  aceonliiig  to  the  Taliuudists,  was  that  of 
sevcuty-four  men  put  togetlier.  lli.s  t'ooil,  hi.s  dres.s,  ami  hi.s 
strength  were  those  of  seventy-four  men.  He  bnilt  for  the 
abode  of  liis  seventeen  children  by  Ketnrah,  an  iron  city,  th(» 
walls  wheri'of  were  so  lofty  tliat  the  sun  never  penetrated 
them.  He  gave  them  a  bowl  full  of  precious  stones,  the  bril- 
liancy of  whi(*h  supplied  them  with  light  in  the  abseiuie  of  the 
sun.  He  had  a  itreeious  stone  suspended  from  his  neck,  upon 
which  every  sick  jjcrson  who  gazed  was  heahid  of  his  disease, 
and  when  he  died  God  hung  up  the  stone  on  the  sphere  of  the 
sun.  liefore  his  time  there  was  no  suijh  thing  as  a  beard; 
but  as  many  mistook  Abraham  and  Isaac  for  each  other,  Abra- 
ham prayed  to  God  for  a  beard  to  distinguish  him,  aiul  it  was 
granted  him.  Every  one  has  a  thousand  malignant  spirits  at 
his  left  side,  and  ten  thousand  at  his  right.  The  crowding  at 
the  schools  is  caused  by  their  pushing  in.  If  one  would  dis- 
cover traces  of  their  presence,  he  has  only  to  sift  some  ashes 
on  the  floor  at  his  bedside,  and  next  morning  he  will  see  the 
footmarks  as  of  fowls.  If  he  would  see  the  demons  them- 
selves, he  must  burn  to  ashes  the  afterbirth  of  a  first-born 
black  kitten,  the  offspring  of  a  first-born  black  cat,  put  some 
of  the  ashes  into  liis  eyes,  and  he  will  not  fail  to  see  the 
demons.  The  medical  and  physical  apophthegms  of  the  Tal- 
mud do  not  give  much  evidence  of  sciencte:  "dropsy  is  a  sign 
of  «'n,  jaundice  of  hatred  without  a  cause,  and  rpiinsy  of  slan- 
der"; "six  things  possess  medicinal  virttie:  cabbage,  lung- 
Avort  beet-root,  water,  certain  parts  of  the  offal  of  animals, 
and,  m  the  opinion  of  some,  little  fishes."  Mr.  Hershon's 
collection  abounds  with  nonsense  on  this  subject  as  absurd  as 

'  Quoted  in  IIer.shon'.s  Miscellany. 


W 


w^ 


r   i 


'I;  t 


246 


(4UKSTIONS   OF  THE   DAY. 


anything  in  mediseval  quackery.  Other  featiues  of  the  work 
are  an  Oriental  indelicacy  and  a  pride  of  liabbinical  learn- 
ing ■which  treats  illiteracy  as  almost  criminal,  looking  down 
upon  the  illiterate  as  an  Amoric^an  would  look  down  upon  the 
negro.  The  most  superstitious  of  Christian  writings  in  the 
Dark  Ages  could  not  be  more  tainted  with  demonology  and 
witclicraft,  nor  in  any  monkish  chronicle  do  we  rind  fables  so 
gross.  Few  would  set  the  Talmud,  as  presented  by  Mi  Her- 
shon,  or  the  Cabbala  above  the  works  of  such  witers  as 
Anselm,  A<piinas,  the  author  of  "  Imitatio  Christi,'  or  the 
authors  of  hymns  and  liturgical  compositions  of  the  Christian 
Middle  Ages. 

We  have  been  speaking,  be  it  observed,  of  the  Talmud  as 
the  work  and  nu)nument  of  Jewish  intelligence  and  morality 
in  the  Dark  Ages ;  Ave  have  not  been  speaking  of  the  intelli- 
gence or  morality  of  the  J  aw  6  of  the  present  day.  The  charge 
is  constantly  brouglit  against  (,'hristendom  of  having  by  its 
barbarous  bigotry  repressed  the  beneficent  action  of  Jewish 
intellect,  which  would  otherwise  have  enlightened  and  civil- 
ised the  world.  The  answer  is  apparently  found  in  the 
Cabbala  and  the  Talmud.  From  a  perusal  of  the  Jewish  his- 
torian Graetz,  it  would  seem  that  liabbinical  orthodoxy  was 
not  less  opposed  than  Papal  orthodoxy  to  science,  philosophy, 
and  cidture.  We  are  led  to  l^elievi^  that,  at  last,  Talmudic 
bigotry  and  obscurantism  had  i)revailed,  when  Judaism  was 
rescued  by  Moses  Mendelssohn,  who  himself  owed  his  emaici- 
pation  to  Lessing.  Natlian  tlie  Wise  is  a  philoso})hv^r  and 
philanthropist  of  the  eighteenth  century,  not  a  Talnuulic  Jew. 

Still  more  notable,  however,  than  the  absurdities  are  the 
passages  indicative  of  a  tribal  nu)rality  which  jjrescribes  one 
mode  of  dealing  with  those  who  are,  and  another  mode  of 
dealing  with  those  who  are  not,  of  the  tribe. 


i 

i 


"  If  the  ox  of  an  Israelite  brui.se  the  ox  of  a  (leiitile,  the  Israelite  is 
exempt  from  paying  daiiiage.s  ;  but  should  the  ox  of  a  Gentile  bruise  the 
ox  of  an  Israelite,  the  (lentile  is  bound  to  recompense  him  in  full."  — 
Bavu  lutinn,  fol.  ;J8,  col.  1. 

"When  an  Israelite  and  a  Gentih  have  a  lawsuit  before  thee,  if  thou 


TllK   .JEWISH   QUESTION. 


Sit 


the  work 
3iil  learn- 
ing down 

upon  tlie 
gs  in  the 
)logy  and 

fables  so 
Ml  Her- 
^r' iters  as 
,'  or  the 
Christian 

'almud  as 

morality 

le  intelli- 

he  charge 

ng  by  its 

>f  Jewish 

and  civil- 

d    in    the 

wish  his- 

doxy  was 

iloso])hy, 

Talmui'.io 

aisni  ^v'as 

s  enia'.ici- 

])h.^r  and 

idic  Jew. 

s  are  the 

ribes  one 

mode  of 


Israelite  is 
bruise  the 
n  full."  — 


canst,  acquit  the  fdrmor  apcordiiis  to  the  laws  of  Israel,  and  tell  the  latter 
such  is  oitr  law  ;  if  thou  canst  ^vt  him  off  in  accordance  with  tJentile  law, 
do  so,  and  say  to  the  plaintiff  such  is  your  law  ;  but  if  he  cannot  be 
aciiuittcd  according  to  eitlier  law,  then  bring  forward  adroit  pretexts  and 
.secure  his  ac(iuittal.  Tliese  arc  tiie  words  of  the  Kabbi  Islnnael.  Habbi 
Akiva  .says,  '  No  ffxlse  i)rctext  should  be  brought  forward,  because,  if 
fouii  1  out,  the  name  of  CJod  would  be  blasphemed  ;  but  if  there  be  no 
fear  of  that,  then  it  may  be  adduced.'  "  —  lb.,  fol.  113,  col.  1. 

"  If  one  finds  lost  property  in  a  locality  where  a  majority  are  Israelites, 
he  is  boiuid  to  proclaim  it ;  but  he  is  not  bound  to  do  so  if  the  majority 
be  Gentiles."  —  Bnva  Metxia,  fol.  24,  col.  1. 

"  Rabbi  Shemuel  says  advantage  may  be  taken  of  the  mistakes  of  a 
Gentile.  He  once  bouglit  a  gold  plate  as  a  copper  of  a  Gentile  for  four 
zouzim,  and  then  cheated  liim  out  of  one  zouz  into  the  bargain.  '  av 
Cahana  purchased  a  hundred  and  twenty  vessels  of  wine  from  a  Gentile 
for  a  hundred  zouzim,  and  swindled  \\\n\  in  the  payment  out  of  one  of  tlie 
hundred,  and  tliat  while  the  Gentile  assured  him  that  he  confidently 
trusted  to  his  honesty.  Hava  once  went  parts  with  a  Gentile  and  bought 
a  tree  which  was  cut  up  into  logs.  'I'his  done,  he  bade  his  servant  go  and 
pick  him  out  the  largest  logs,  but  to  be  sure  to  take  no  more  than  tlie 
proper  number,  because  tiie  Gentile  knew  iiow  many  tliere  were.  As 
l{av  Aghi  was  walking  abroad  one  day  he  saw  some  grapes  growing  in  a 
roadside  vineyard,  and  sent  his  .servant  to  see  whom  they  belonged  to. 
'  If  they  belong  to  a  Gentile,'  he  said,  '  l)ring  some  here  to  me  ;  but  if  they 
belong  to  an  Israelite,  do  not  nuHUIle  with  tlieni.'  Tlie  owner,  who  hap- 
pened to  be  in  the  vineyard,  overheard  the  Habbi's  order  and  called  out, 
'  What !  is  it  lawful  to  rob  a  Gentile  ?'  '  ( )h,  no,'  .said  the  Habbi  evasively  ; 
'a  Gentile  might  sell,  but  an  Israelite  would  not.'  "  —  Bava  Kama,  fol. 
113,  r,>l.  2.1 

The  principle  which  animates  these  passages  appears  in  a 
milder  form  ii-  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  which  license  perpet- 
ual bondage  aiul  the  taking  of  interest  in  the  case  of  a  Gentile, 
not  in  tliat  of  a  Hebrew.  Uut  such  a  jirinciph  ,  however  mildly 
expressed,  was  too  likely  to  be  extended  in  practice.  Dr. 
Edersheim,  the  author  of  "The  l^ife  and  Times  of  Jesus  the 
Messiah,"  is  favouralile  eiumgh  on  religious  grounds  to  the 
.lews;  but  i  i  describing  their  relations  to  the  Gentiles,  as 
regulated  b^  the  Talnuid,  he  says : 


ee,  if  thou 


'  Hershon's  MixreUnni' 


rs'^Br 


Iff  '■ 


248 


QUESTIONS   OF   'PIIE    DAY. 


"To  begin  with,  every  (Iciitile  ciiild,  so  soon  as  born,  was  to  be 
regarded  as  unclean.  Those  who  actually  worshipped  mountains,  hills, 
bu.shes,  etc.  —  in  short,  gross  idolaters  —  should  be  rut  down  with  the 
sword.  But  as  it  was  impossible  to  exterminate  heathenism,  Rabbinical 
legislation  kept  certain  delinite  objects  in  view,  which  may  be  thus  sum- 
marised :  To  prevent  Jews  from  being  inadvertently  led  into  idolatry  ; 
to  avoid  all  participation  in  idolatry  ;  not  to  do  anything  which  might 
aid  the  heathen  in  the'r  worship  ;  and,  beyond  all  this,  not  to  give 
pleasure,  or  even  help,  to  heathens.  The  latter  involved  a  most  dan- 
gerous principle,  capable  of  almost  indetinite  application  by  fanaticism. 
Even  the  Mishna  goes  so  far  as  to  forbid  aid  to  a  mother  in  the  hour  of 
her  need,  or  nourishment  to  her  babe,  in  order  not  to  bring  up  a  child 
for  idolatry  !  But  this  is  not  all.  Heathens  were,  indeed,  not  to  be 
precipitated  into  danger,  but  yet  not  to  be  delivered  from  it.  Indeed, 
an  isolated  teacher  vei\tures  even  upon  this  statement :  '  The  best  among 
the  Gentiles,  kill ;  the  best  among  serpents,  crush  its  head.'  Even  more 
terrible  was  the  fanaticism  which  directed  that  heretics,  traitors,  and 
those  who  had  left  the  Jewish  faith  should  be  thrown  into  actual  danger, 
and,  if  they  were  in  such,  all  means  for  their  escape  removed.  No  inter- 
course of  any  kind  was  to  be  had  with  such,  —  not  even  to  invoke  their 
medical  aid  in  case  of  danger  to  life,  since  it  was  deemed  that  he  who 
had  to  do  with  heretics  was  in  imminent  peril  of  becoming  one  himself, 
and  that,  if  a  heretic  returned  to  the  true  faith,  he  should  die  at  once, — 
partly,  probably,  to  expiate  his  guilt,  and  partly  from  fear  of  relapse."  * 

Not  less  significant  are  the  Talniu(Ii(3  expressions  of  tri- 
bal pride  and  contempt  of  common  humanity.  "  All  Israel- 
ites are  princes."  "  All  Israelites  are  iioly."  "Happy  are  ye, 
0  Israel,  for  every  on(!  of  you,  from  the  least  even  to  the 
greatest,  is  a  great  philoso})her."  "  As  it  is  impossible  for  the 
world  to  be  without  air,  so  also  is  it  impossible  for  the  world 
to  be  without  Israel."  "One  empire  cometli  and  another 
passeth  away,  but  Israel  abideth  for  ever."  "Tlie  world  was 
created  only  for  Isra(d :  none  are  called  the  children  of  God 
but  Israel;  noiu'  are  l)eloved  before  God  but  Israel."  "Ten 
nunistires  of  wisdom  came  down  to  the  world.  The  land  of 
Israel  received  nine,  the   rest  of  the  Avorld  but  one  only." 

Critics  of  Judaism  are  accused  of  bigotry  of  race,  as  well  as 
of  bigotry  of  religion.     The  accusation  comes  strangely  from 

»  Vol.  I.,  pp.  00,  91. 


THE  JEWISH   QUESTION. 


249 


<M 


ras  to  be 
ins,  hills, 
with  the 
abbinical 
bus  smn- 
idolatry  ; 
ich  might 
it  to  give 
iiost  daii- 
inaticism. 
e  hour  of 
p  a  child 
not  to  be 
Indeed, 
;st  among 
veil  more 
itors,  and 
il  danger, 
No  inter- 
^oke  their 
it  he  who 
3  himself, 
it  once,  — 
lapse."  * 

of   tri- 

Israel- 

are  ye, 

to  the 

R  for  tlie 

le  world 

another 

n-ld  was 

of  God 

"  Ten 

hmd  of 

only." 

well  as 

ly  from 


those  who  style  themselves  the  Chosen  People,  make  race  a 
religion,  and  treat  all  races  except  their  own  as  Gentiles  and 
unclean. 

The  notion  thnt  the  Jews  are  to  be  maltreated  because  their 
ancestors  by  the  hand  of  Pilate  crucified  Christ,  has  long  been 
discarded  and  derided  by  all  enlightened  Christians.  But 
equally  baseless  is  the  notion  that  Christianity  owes  homage 
to  Judaism,  has  any  particular  interest  in  it,  or  any  particular 
duty  concerning  it.  To  Talmudic  Judaism,  at  all  events,  it 
owes  nothing.  Whether  in  its  origin  it  owed  anything  to  the 
liberal  school  of  Hillel,  we  cannot  tell.  The  Talmud  is  a  vast 
repertory  of  legalism,  formalism,  ceremonialism,  and  casuis- 
try. Nothing  can  be  more  opposed  to  the  spontaneity  of  con- 
science, trust  in  principle,  and  preference  of  the  spirit  to  the 
letter  characteristic  of  the  Gospel,  in  which  even  the  Ten  Com- 
mandments are  superseded  by  the  Two.  The  pervading  inten- 
tion of  the  Talmud  is,  by  multiplying  ceremonial  barriers,  to 
keep  the  Chosen  People  separate  from  tlie  Gentiles  among 
whom  they  lived,  in  other  words,  to  perpetuate  the  tribe. 
Christianity  is  a  religion  of  humanity.  Baptism  is  a  rite  of 
initiation  into  a  universal  brotherhood.  Circumcision,  the 
Jewish  circumcision  at  all  events,  is  the  mark  of  enrolment 
in  an  exclusive  tribe.  The  fundamental  antagonism  of  Juda- 
ism to  Christianity  was  shown,  not  only  in  the  murder  of 
Christ,  but  in  the  bitter  persecution  of  his  followers.  Chris- 
tianity had  its  antecedents,  but  it  begins  with  Christ:  it  has 
no  relation  to  Talmudic  Judaism  but  those  of  reaction  and 
secession. 

.  We  have  given  up  the  fancy  that  the  Jew  is  accursed.  We 
must  cease  to  believe  that  he  is  sacred.  Israel  was  the  favour- 
ite people  of  Jehovah,  as  every  tribe  was  the  favourite  of  its 
own  god.  Tlie  belief  that  the  Father  of  all  and  the  God  of 
justice  had  a  favourite  race,  made  Avith  it  a  covenant  sealed 
witJi  the  barbarous  rite  of  circumcision,  pledged  liimself  to 
promote  its  interest  against  those  of  other  races,  destroyed  all 
the  innocent  first-born  of  Egypt  to  force  Phuvaoh  to  let 
it  go,  licensed  its  aggrandisement  by  conquest,    stopped  the 


,   ■ 


m 


250 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE   DAY. 


■■w  \-' 


y    M 


sun  in  heaven  to  give  it  time  to  slaughter  people  whose  lands 
it  had  invaded  Avitliout  a  cause,  and  gratified  its  malignity  by 
cji joining  it  when  it  took  one  of  the  cities  which  Avere  given 
it  for  its  inheritance  to  save  alive  nothing  that  breathed, 
ought  now  to  be  laid  aside,  with  all  its  corollaries  and  conse- 
quences, including  the  passionate,  and,  to  the  Hebrew,  some- 
what offensive  effort  to  convert  tliis  particular  race  to  Chris- 
tianity. We  have  been  told  from  the  pulpit  that  at  the 
last  day  the  world  will  be  judgod  by  a  Jew,  and  a  religious 
lady  once  suggested  to  a  Jew  who  had  been  converted  to 
Christianity  that  he  should  go  on  circumcising  his  sons.  "We 
shall  have  little  right  to  complain  of  the  tribal  arrogance  of 
tlie  Jew  so  long  as  the  Old  Testament  continues  to  be  indis- 
criminately read  in  our  churches  and  while  Ave  persist,  by 
talking  of  a  chosen  people,  in  ascribing  favouritism  to  the 
Almighty.  The  belief  that  "God  has  made  of  one  blood  all 
nations  of  men  to  dwell  ou  the  face  of  the  earth,"  is  the  foun- 
dation of  a  religion  of  humanity,  and  Judaism  is  its  practi- 
cal denial. 

Jesus  called  himself  the  Son  of  Man.  He  was  a  Galilean, 
that  is,  in  higli  Jewish  estimation,  an  inferior  Jew,  set- 
ting aside  the  "endless"  or  "profitless"  genealogies  Avliich 
the  writer  of  the  First  Epistle  to  Timotliy  classes  with  fables 
and  bids  us  not  to  heed.  Born  into  Judaism,  he  accepted  it 
and  "fulfilled"  all  its  "righteousness,"  wliile  he  must  have 
known,  as  his  antagonists  did,  that  his  principles  would  sub- 
vert it.  Because  he  did  this,  we  have  taken  upon  our  under- 
standings and  hearts  a  belief  in  the  divine  authority  of  the 
Old  Testament,  that  is,  of  the  Avhole  mass  of  Hebrew  litera- 
ture; Ave  have  bound  ourselves  to  see  inspiration,  not  only  in 
its  more  elevated,  spiritual,  and  moral  parts,  but  in  those 
Avhich  are  not  elevated,  spiritual,  or  even  moral.  We  torture 
our  consciences  into  approval  of  the  spoiling  of  the  Egyptians 
by  a  fraud,  the  slaughter  of  the  Canaanites,  the  slaying 
of  Sisera,  the  hcAving  of  Agag  in  j)ieces  before-  the  Lord,  and 
David's  legacy  of  A'engeance;  our  intellects  into  the  accept- 
ance of  the  Book  of  Chronicles  as  authentic  historv,  and  of 


THE  jp]wiSH  qup:stion. 


251 


such  miracles  as  the  stopping  of  the  sun,  the  conversion  of 
Lot's  wife  into  a  pillar  of  salt,  the  speaking  ass  of  Balaam, 
the  destruction  of  the  children  who  mocked  Eliblia  by  a  bear, 
and  the  sojourn  of  Jonah  in  the  belly  of  a  Avhale.  In  church 
we  read,  with  psalms  of  universal  beauty,  psalms  of  Oriental 
vindictiveness.  We  constrain  ourselves  to  see  divine  mean- 
ing, not  only  in  the  sublime  passages  of  Isaiah,  but  in  the  ob- 
scurest and  most  incoherent  utterances  of  his  brother  prophets. 
We  read  theological  mysteries  into  a  love-song  because  it  is  a 
part  of  the  sacred  volume.  Till  this  superstition  is  cast  out 
we  shall  ill  appreciate  what  is  really  divine  in  the  Old 
Testamei't.  Not  in  the  darker  side  of  the  Puritan  character 
alone  are  v,    ?,  evil  effects  of  this  idolatry  to  be  traced. 

There  was  much  that  was  infinitely  memorable,  but  recent 
criticism  forbids  us  to  believe  that  there  was  anything  miracu- 
lous, in  the  history  of  Israel.  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
local  origin  of  the  Jews,  the  race,  we  may  be  sure,  was 
cast  in  the  same  primeval  mould  as  tlie  kindred  races.  The 
story  of  the  Patriarchs  and  the  Exodus  being  in  all  its  parts 
—  the  primitive  theophanies  in  the  tents  of  Patriarchs,  the 
supernatural  birth  of  Isaac,  the  destruction  of  Hodom  and 
(iomorrah,  the  transformation  of  Lot's  wife,  the  wrestling  of 
Jacob  Avitli  Jehovah,  the  marvellous  story  of  Joseph,  the 
miraculous  multiplication  of  the  Israelites,  the  competition 
between  the  envoys  of  Jehovah  and  the  Egyptian  magicians, 
the  plagues  of  Egypt,  the  drying  up  of  the  lied  Sea,  the  forty 
years'  wandering  in  tlie  barren  Sinaitic  desert,  the  prodigies 
which  there  took  place,  the  giants  of  Canaan,  and  the  stop- 
ping of  the  sun  —  manifestly  poetical,  it  would  seem  that  the 
narrative  as  a  whole  must,  in  accordance  with  a  well-knoAVii 
canon  of  criticism,  be  dismissed  from  history  and  relegated 
to  another  domain.^     Of  the  exact  process  by  which  the  finer 


1  It  seems  not  unlikely  from  annlogy  that  the  story  of  the  Exodus  may 
be  in  part  an  explanation  of  the  institution  of  tlie  Passover  and  other  Jew- 
ish rites  and  customs  of  whieh  the  origin  was  lost.  Tlie  figures  of  Jewish 
captives  on  Egyptian  monuments  may  be  accounted  for  by  Egyptian  con- 
quest. Nothing  can  be  less  satisfactory  than  Henan's  attempt  to  ration- 
alise tlie  story  of  the  Patriarchs  and  the  Exodus. 


t  I 

I! 


h 


B^  'i*ti 


m'n 


11 


■■    i 


252 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE   DAY. 


spirits  of  Israel  attained  a  tribal  monotheism,  which  at  last 
verged  on  monotheism  pure  and  simple,  and  carried  with  it 
a  high  morality,  while  the  grosser  spirits  were  always  hanker- 
ing alter  the  groves  and  images  of  their  idolatry,  no  exact 
account  has  been,  given  us,  though  the  prophets,  as  moral  re- 
formers, clearly  played  a  great  part  in  it.  But  it  involved  no 
miracle,  since  without  miracle  Socrates  and  Plato,  Marcus 
Aurelius  and  Epictetus  could  rise  to  the  same  level.  The 
doctrine  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul  was  extraneous  to 
Judaism,  and  was  rejected  by  one  of  its  sects.  The  tribal 
idea  of  immortality  is  the  perpetuation  of  the  family  in  the 
tribe. 

N^or  is  there  anything  miraculous,  penal,  or  even  mysteri- 
ous, about  Jewish  dispersion  or  its  commercial  character. 
The  case  of  Israel  is  only  one,  though  incomparably  the  most 
sharply  defined,  as  well  as  the  most  memorable,  of  a  number 
of  cases  of  parasitism,  to  borrow  that  phrase  from  botany. 
Other  cases  are  those  of  the  Armenians,  the  Parsees,  the  Greeks 
of  the  dispersion,  ancient  and  modern,  and  humblest  of  all, 
the  Gipsies,  by  the  disappearance  of  whose  wandering  camp 
with  its  swarthy  brood  from  the  country  wayside,  a  feature 
more  dear  than  respectable  has  been  taken  from  the  landscape 
of  rural  life  in  England.  The  Italians,  when  their  country 
was  in  the  hands  of  foreign  powers,  showed  a  tendency  of  the 
same  kind.  The  dispersion  of  the  Jews  was  anterior  to  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem,  for  Paul  found  Jewish  settlements, 
mercantile,  no  doubt,  wherever  he  went.  It  may  have  be- 
gun with  the  transplantation  to  Babylon,  and  have  been  ex- 
tended l)y  the  transplantation  to  Egypt  under  the  Ptolemies. 
But  its  principal  cause  probably  was  the  narrowness  of  the 
ilewish  territory,  combined  with  the  love  of  gain  in  the  Jew. 
The  Hebrew  was  the  near  kinsman  of  the  Phcenician,  who  by 
the  narrowness  of  his  territory  and  his  love  of  gain  was  like- 
wise impelled  to  adventure ;  and  Jewish  parasitism  is  the  coun- 
ter[)art,  under  another  form,  of  that  Phoenician  colonisation 
wlii(^h,  unlike  the  colonisation  of  the  Greek,  was  strictly 
mercantile  in  its  aim.     The  land  of  the  Jew  was  not  so  mari- 


THE  JEWISH   QUESTION. 


253 


time  as  that  of  the  IMioenician,  it  had  not  siicli  harbours,  such 
store  of  timber  for  ship-buiUIing  close  to  the  water,  or  such 
sites  for  seaboard  cities  like  Tyre  and  Sidon.  ^Moreover  when 
the  Jewish  character  was  being  formed,  the  Philijline  held  the 
coast.  Apparently,  there  was  a  religious  party  in  .Judea  which 
wished  to  make  the  people  simple  and  pious  tillers  of  the  soil, 
and  from  which  emanated  the  ideal  of  that  polity  of  husband- 
men Avith  hereditary  lots  and  a  year  of  jubilee,  ascribed  by  its 
framers  to  the  great  lawgiver  of  the  race.  Hut  the  trading 
instinct  was  too  strong.  In  the  stories  of  the  patriarch  who 
bought  the  birthright  of  his  Iningry  brother,  of  the  Jewish 
vizier  who  taught  Pharaoh  how  to  obtain  the  surrender  of  all 
the  freeholds  of  his  people  by  taking  advantage  of  the  famine, 
and  of  the  Hebrews  who  spoiled  the  Egyptians  by  pretending 
to  borrow  jewels  which  they  meant  never  to  return,  we  see 
the  gleamings  of  a  character  which  was  not  likely  to  be  con- 
tent with  the  moderate  gains  of  a  small  farming  community. 
Jewish  parasitism,  still  to  use  the  botanic  metaphor,  could 
not  fail  to  be  confirmed  by  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  which  de- 
prived the  dispersed  nationality  of  its  centre,  though  the  hoi}'' 
city  even  in  its  desolation  remained  the  ISIecca  of  Judaism. 
Renan  thinks  that  in  tlie  period  which  followed,  Israel  took 
up  extraneous  elements  by  conversion,  so  that  the  sui)posetl 
purity  of  race  is  imaginary,  and  the  identity  of  feature  is  only 
the  imprint  of  a  common  dwelUng-place  and  mode  of  life;  in 
which  case  the  rhapsodies  of  "Daniel  Deronda '"  have  little 
meaning.  There  is  a  passage  in  the  Talmud  wliich  suggests 
that  the  putative  descent  of  a  Gentile  from  the  ten  lost  tribes 
might  legalise  intermarriage  with  him.^  But  nationality  was 
preserved  by  the  Mosaic  law,  the  Talmud,  and  circumcis- 
ion, the  last  being  probably  the  strongest  bond  of  all.  "Tliat 
the  Jews,"  says  Spinoza,  "have  maintained  themselves  so  long 
in  spite  of  their  disorganised  or  dispersed  condition,  is  not  at 
all  to  be  wondered  at  when  it  is  considered  how  they  separated 
themselves  from  all  other  nationalities  in  such  a  wav  as  to 


1  See  Yevamoth,  fol.  16,  col.  2,  quoted  in  Ilerslion's  Tahnndic  Miscel- 
lany, p.  134. 


■ 


254 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY. 


If  ) 


■  I, 


U 


bring  upon  themselves  the  hatred  of  all,  and  that,  not  only  by 
external  rites  contrary  to  those  of  other  nations,  but  also  by 
the  sign  of  circumcision,  which  they  retain  most  religiously." 

Any  other  race  of  strong  vitality  with  the  same  bonds 
and  barriers  might  have  retained  their  nationality  equally 
well.  The  Parsees,  though  a  much  weaker  community  in 
their  origin,  have  retained  their  separate  existence  for  eleven 
centuries.  The  Gipsies  appear  to  have  retained  their  sepa- 
rate existence  for  five  centuries.  There  is  therefore  notliing 
miraculous  about  the  wandering  Jew,  nor  need  we  suppose 
that  he  is  the  special  object  either  of  the  Avrath  or  the  favour 
of  heaven. 

Circumcision,  deemed  by  Spinoza  the  bond  of  Judaism,  is  a 
practice  which,  if  Jews  are  to  be  citizens,  and  citizens  are 
to  be  patriots,  owing  the  community  not  bare  obedience  but 
the  allegiance  of  the  heart,  governments  would  seem  entitled 
to  restrain.  It  has  nothing  to  do  with  religious  opinion,  nor, 
in  repressing  it,  would  religious  liberty  be  infringed.  It  is 
a  barbarous  tribal  rite,  the  object  of  Avhicli  is  to  cut  off  the 
members  of  the  tribe  from  the  rest  of  mankind,  and  wliich  per- 
formed on  an  infant  dedicates  him  for  life,  without  his  own 
consenc,  to  a  social  antagonism  not  less  contrary  to  his  proper 
relations  with  his  fellow  citizens  than  it  is  obsolete  and  sense- 
less. That  Jewish  circumcision  was  really  tribal,  the  account 
of  its  origin^  seems  to  prove.  That  it  has  served  the  pur- 
pose of  tribal  isolation  since  the  dispersion  of  the  Jews  is 
certain.  Nor  could  a  more  effective  badge  or  barrier  have 
been  devised. 

Israel  thenceforth  definitely  became  Avhat  it  has  always 
remained,  a  tribe  scattered  yet  united,  sojourning  in  all  com- 
munities, blending  with  none,  and  forming  a  nation  within 
each  nation.  The  natural  tendency  of  a  race  without  a 
country  was  not  to  agriculture  but  to  such  trades  as  the  Jew 
has  plied,  especially  the  money  trade.  The  insecurity  and 
uncertainty  of  his  residence  would  deter  him  from  owning 
property  which  could  not  easily  be  removed.     Habit  became 


'  Exod.  iv.  12. 


sepa- 


THE  JEWISH  QUESTION. 


255 


ingrained  and  the  attempts  to  form  agricultural  colonies  ot 
the  Jews  at  the  present  day  appear  to  be  uniformly  unsu(!- 
cessful.  Laurence  Oliphant  was  interested  in  these  experi- 
ments, feeling  that  "the  great  fault  and  weakness  of  the  Jews 
was  their  inability  for  handiwork;  and  to  train  even  a  few 
into  that  and  into  a  co-operative  manner  of  life  would  be  a 
great  gain."  ^  But  the  trading  instinct  seems  to  liave  bmui  too 
inveterate  even  when  Jews  have  been  carried  back  to  tlunr  own 
land.  The  Jew  has  thus  worn  everywhere  the  unjjopular  aspect 
of  an  intruder,  who  by  his  financial  skill  was  absorbing  the 
wealth  of  the  community  without  adding  to  it.  Not  to  pro- 
duce but  to  make  a  market  of  everything  has  been  his  general 
tendency  and  forte.  Among  other  things  he  has  made  a 
market  of  war.  He  bought  Christian  captives  and  si)oils  of 
the  barbariaii  invaders  of  the  Roman  Empire.  He  bought 
up  at  forced  sales  the  property  of  those  who  were  departing 
for  the  Crusades.  He  has  constantly  followed  in  the  Avake 
of  armies,  making  his  profit  out  of  the  havoc  and  out  of  the 
recklessness  of  the  soldier.  General  Grant  found  it  necessary 
to  banish  Jews  from  his  camp.  On  the  field  of  Austerlitz 
Marshal  Lannes  bids  one  who  accosts  him  to  wait  till  he  has 
stopped  the  depredations  of  the  Jews. 

That  the  Jew  clings  not  only  to  his  religion  but  to  his 
nationality,  and  that  the  two  are  blended  together,  or  rather 
are  identical,  can  hardly  be  doubted  when  Ave  find  in  a  Jewish 
Catechism  such  a  passage  as  this: 

"  Q.  What  other  ordinances  has  God  made  to  prevent  our  falling  into 
sin  ? 

"  A.  Those  wliich  forbid  our  associating  with  bad  men  or  intermarry- 
ing with  wicked  and  idolatrous  nations. 

"  '  Thou  shalt  not  follow  a  multitude  to  do  evil.'  —  Exod.  xxiii.  2. 
"  '  Neither  shalt  thou  make  marriage  with  them  (the  nations) ,  thy 
daughter  thou  shalt  not  give  to  his  son,  nor  his  daughter 
shalt  thou  take  unto  thy  son.'  —  Deut.  vii.  3. 
"  §.   Is  this  latter  command  important? 

*  Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  Laurence  Oliphant,  Vol.  II.,  p.  231.  By 
Margaret  Oliphant  W.  Oliphant. 


1 


H' 


256 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE   DAY. 


M 


'k;^! 


"  A.  Yes,  it  is  of  the  greatest  moment,  aud  the  experience  of  the  past 
has  shown  its  importance. 
"  Q.  In  what  manner  ? 

"  A.  Wlicnever  our  people  have  intermarried  with  other  nations,  they 
liave  fallen  into  tiii'ir  idolatries. 

"  '  But  they  were  mingled  among  the  heathen  and  learned  their 
works  ;  and  they  served  their  idols  which  were  a  snare  unto 
them.'  —  I's.  evi.  ;5t,  .'J5. 
"  Q.   Does  the  law  lay  much  stress  upon  this  precept  ? 
"  A.   Yes,  we  are  repeatedly  enjoined  to  keep  from  admixture  of  race, 
and  many  of  the  laws  relating  to  the  soil  are  referable  to  this  subject." 

Again, — 

"  §.  Are  we  commanded  still  to  keep  ourselves  distinct  from  other 
nations  ? 

"^1.  Assuredly  ;  we  may  love  them  as  ourselves,  help  them  in  their 
need,  and  labour  with  them  for  the  good  of  our  fellow-creatures,  but  we 
must  not  intermarry  with  them,  lest  we  should  be  led  away  from  the 
Law."  1 

The  Roman  Catholic  Church,  it  is  true,  discourages  mixed 
marriages  on  religious  grounds.  But  she  does  not  teach  her 
children  that  "assuredly  they  are  a  nation,"  and  she  does 
try  to  bring  all  mankind  within  her  fold.  If  the  Jews,  as  one 
of  their  chief  Rabbis  seems  to  intimate,  are  not  a  natioii  but  a 
church,  wliy  do  they  not  proselytise?  How  came  it  to  be  said 
of  them,  by  one  of  their  own  race,  that  they  no  more  desire  to 
make  converts  than  does  the  House  of  Lords?  However,  sup- 
posing religion  to  be  the  bond,  it  is  the  religion  of  Moses. 
Does  not  the  religion  of  Moses  separate  the  people  of  Jehovah 
from  mankind?  The  Eastern  Jew,  the  Russian  or  Polish  Jew, 
and  the  orthodox  Jew  everywhere,  it  appears,  still  hold 
by  the  Talmud;  jMr.  Hershon,  at  least,  says  that  "to  the 
orthodox  Jew  the  Talmud  is  like  the  encircling  ocean,  —  inserts 
into  and  makes  itself  felt  in  every  nook  and  corner  of  his 
existence,  like  an  atmosphere  encompasses  the  whole  round  of 
his  being,  penetrates  into  all  centres  of  vitality,  presses  with 
incumbent  weight  upon  every  class  irrespective  of  age  or  sex 

1  Jewi.sh  School  Books  —  No.  1.  The  Lmc  of  Moses,  a  Catechism  of  the 
Jewish  Religion,  new  edition,  pp.  68,  09.    By  the  Rev.  A.  1*.  Mendes. 


TIIK   .IK WISH    QlKSriOX. 


967 


or  rank,  is  all-inspiriuff.  iill-includiug,  and  all-controllinf,', 
covers  in  the  regard  of  the  illuminated  the  whole  Held  of  life, 
and  with  its  principles  affects,  or  ought  to  affect,  every 
thought  and  every  action  of  every  member  of  the  Jewish 
state."  The  wealthy  and  enlightened  «Iew  of  I^ontlon,  Paris, 
or  New  York,  perhaps,  is  no  longer  Talmudic  ;  yet  even  he 
keeps  himself  much  apart  from  the  Gentiles,  and  if  he 
remains  a  Jew  at  all  he  must  observe  the  law  of  Closes,  that 
is,  a  separatist  law.  Those  wlio  have  studied  the  subject 
carefully  say  in  fact  that  alike  by  the  rich  Jew  of  Jiays water 
and  the  Middle  Class  Jew  of  Highbury  the  safeguards  of  tribal- 
ism are  kept  as  far  as  possible  without  actual  offence  to  Gen- 
tile society.  The  "Polish"  Jew,  alike  in  Poland  and  in 
Whitechapel,  is  still  strongly  Talmudic.  If  the  Jew  keeps 
Christian  servants  in  his  house  it  is  to  do  for  him  what  he  is 
not  permitted  to  do  for  himself  on  the  Sabbath. 

That  the  Jews  have,  as  a  rule,  observed  the  laws  and  per- 
formed their  civic  duties  in  the  countries  of  their  sojourn,  no 
one  will  deny,  and  it  was  natural  that  they  should  not  take 
more  upon  them  than  they  could  help  of  public  im})osts  which 
to  them  were  unsweetened  by  patriotism.  In  countries  where 
military  service  is  part  of  the  duties  of  a  citizen,  as  it  is  in 
Germany,  they  have  not  sought  to  evade  it,  and  it  is  under- 
stood that  they  behaved  well  as  soldiers  in  the  German  army, 
though  they  do  not  voluntarily  enlist.  Wealth  has  inclined 
them  to  conservatism,  and  the  stories  about  their  sinister 
activities  in  the  French  Revolution  are  fables,  though  Karl 
Marx  and  Lassalle  were  the  founders  of  Socialism,  and  Juda- 
ism is  believed  to  have  contributed  its  quota  to  Nihil isjn  in 
Russia.  When  a  Jew  plays  revolutionist,  we  may  generally 
expect  to  see  him  top  the  part.  To  top  the  part  is  natural 
when  it  is  played  in  a  spirit  of  exploitation.  Some  Jews 
have  been  noted  as  citizens  for  beneficence  not  confined  to 
their  own  tribe.  It  is  likely,  too,  that  in  lands  where  the 
Jew  has  been  long  established,  the  sentiment  of  home  has 
grown  strong  enough  to  countervail  that  of  tribal  nationality 
in  his  breast,  and  to  make  removal  very  cruel.     Still,  he  is 


268 


QUKSTIONS  OF  TIIK    DAV. 


''r, 


■I! 


i.* 


;i  Jew  (lw('llin<,'  iimont,'  G(!ntil«\s.  lla  is  one  of  the  Chosen 
I'eople.  lie  has  a  nationality  a[)art,  witii  Messianii;  ho^K's, 
mure  or  less  definite,  of  its  own,  and  vague  anticijjations  of 
future  ascendaney.  It  seems  inijjossible  that  any  n)an  should 
belong  in  heart  to  two  nationalities  and  be  a  patriot  of  eaeh. 
lie  nuiy  be  a  conforming  and  dutiful  citizen  of  the  community 
among  which  he  dwells  so  long  as  there  is  no  conflict  of 
national  interests.  But  when  there  is  a  conflict  of  national 
interests  his  attachment  to  his  own  nationality  will  prevail. 
Mr,  Oliphant,  in  his  "Land  of  Gilead,"  dwells  more  than 
once  on  the  great  advantages  which  any  European  government 
might  gain  over  its  rivals  by  an  alliance  with  the  Jews. 

"It  is  evident,"  he  says,  "that  the  policy  which  I  proposed  to  the 
Turkish  government  [i.e.  the  restoration  of  Palestine]  niif^ht  be  adopted 
witii  equal  advantage  by  England  or  any  other  Kuropean  I'ower.  The 
nation  that  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Jews  and  their  restoration  to 
Palestine,  would  be  able  to  rely  on  their  support  in  financial  operations 
on  the  largest  scale,  upon  the  powerful  influence  which  they  wield  in  the 
press  of  many  countries,  and  upon  their  political  co-operation  in  tlio.se 
countries,  which  would  of  necessity  tend  to  paralyse  the  diplomatic  and 
even  hostile  action  of  Powers  antagonistic  to  the  one  with  which  they 
were  allied.  Owing  to  the  financial,  political,  and  conunercial  importance 
to  which  the  Jews  have  now  attained,  there  is  probably  no  one  Power 
in  Europe  that  would  prove  so  valuable  an  ally  to  a  nation  likely  to  be 
engaged  in  a  European  war,  as  this  wealthy,  powerful,  and  cosmopolitan 
race."  i 

Perhaps  the  writer  of  these  words  hardly  realised  the  state  of 
things  which  they  present  to  our  minds.  We  see  the  govern- 
ments of  Europe  bidding  against  each  other  for  the  favour 
and  support  of  an  anti-national  money  power,  which  would 
itself  be  morally  unfettered  by  any  allegiance,  "would  be  ever 
ready  to  betray  and  secretly  paralyse  for  its  own  objects  the 
governments  under  the  protection  of  which  its  members  were 
living,  and  of  course  would  be  always  gaining  strength  and 
predominance  at  the  expense  of  a  divided  and  subser\ient 
world.     The  allusion  to  the  influence  wielded  by  the  Jews 


»■,■ 


!  i 


The  Land  of  Gilead,  p.  503.     By  Laurence  Oliphant. 


TllK   .11; WISH    liL'ESTIOX. 


•jr.i) 


in  tlio  Eui'opcuii  i)r('SH  li;is  ji  particularly  sinister  soinxl.  in 
the  social  as  in  tlu'  physical  sphere  new  diseasi's  are  continu- 
ally making  their  api»earance.  One  of  the  new  social  diseases 
of  the  present  day,  and  certainly  not  the  least  deadly,  is  the 
perversion  of  puljlic  opinion  in  the  interest  of  private  t)r  sec- 
tional objects,  by  the  clandestine  manipulation  of  the  press. 

Su(;h  a  relation  as  that  in  which  .Fuihiisni  has  [ilaccd 
itself  to  t\u-  peo[)les  of  each  country,  forming  everywhere  a 
nation  within  the  nation,  cherishing  the  pride  of  a  Chosen 
I'eople,  regarding  those  among  whom  it  dwelt  as  (Jentiles  and 
uncdean,  shrinking  from  social  intercourse  with  them,  en- 
grossing their  wealth  by  financial  skill,  but  not  adding  to  it 
by  labour,  plying  at  the  same  time  a  trade  which,  however 
legitimate,  is  always  unpojmlar  and  makes  many  vii'tims, 
could  not  possibly  fail  to  lead,  as  it  has  led,  to  nuitual  hatred 
and  the  troubles  which  ensue.  Certain  jis  may  be  the  gradual 
prevalence  of  good  over  evil,  it  is  a  futile  optimism  which 
denies  that  there  have  been  calamities  in  history.  One  of 
them  has  been  the  dispersion  of  the  Jews.  As  was  said 
before,  it  is  incredible  that  all  the  nations  should  have  mis- 
taken a  power  of  good  for  a  power  of  evil,  or  have  been 
unanimous  in  ingratitude  to  a  power  of  good.  None  of  them 
want  to  hurt  the  Jew  or  to  interfere  with  his  religious  belief; 
what  they  all  want  is  that  if  possible  he  should  go  to  his  own 
land.  As  it  is,  western  Europe  and  the  western  hemisphere 
are  threatened  with  a  fresh  invasion  on  the  largest  scale  by 
the  departure  of  Jews  from  Russia.  American  politics  are 
already  beginning  to  feel  the  influence.  A  party,  to  catch 
the  Jewisli  vote,  puts  into  its  platform  a  denunciation  of 
Kussia,  the  best  friend  of  the  American  Republic  in  its  day 
of  trial. 

That  the  Jew  should  be  de-rabbinised  and  de-nationalised, 
in  other  words  that  he  should  renounce  the  Talmud,  the  tribal 
parts  of  the  Mosaic  law,  and  circumcision,  is  the  remedy 
proposed  by  M.  Leroy-Beaulieu,  a  Avriter  by  no  means  unfav- 
ourable to  Israel.  There  seems  to  be  no  other  way  of  putting 
an  end  to  a  conflict  which  is  gradually  enveloping  all  nations. 


M 


ipai 


■-•I'l 


2(!0 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE   DAY. 


II 


3.,-4  I, 


'I 


This  being  done,  whatever  gifts  iind  graces  may  belong  to  the 
race  ol'  Moses,  David,  and  Isaiah,  of  the  writers  of  the  J*)Ook 
of  Job  and  of  the  Psalms,  of  Judas  Maceabieus  and  Ilillel,  will 
have  free  course  and  be  glorified.  If  Israel  has  any  message 
for  humanity,  as  he  seems  to  think,  it  will  be  heard.  Jewish 
merit  will  no  longer  be  viewed  with  jealousy  and  distrust  as 
having  a  sinister  confederation  at  its  bacik;  and  no  man  need 
fear  in  the  present  age  that  in  any  highly  civilised  com- 
munity he  will  suffer  persecution  or  dis})aragement  of  any 
sort  on  account  of  his  religion.  Hut  the  present  relation  is 
untenable.  The  Jew  will  have  either  to  return  to  Jerusalem 
or  to  forget  it,  give  his  heart  to  the  land  of  his  birth  ami 
mingle  with  humanity. 


:w;S^ 


fiSS! 


THE   IRISH   QUESTION. 


h':l 


i  1 


r   '  il 


111 


V  '('. 


r  ^  i 


THE    IRISH   QUESTION. 


It  is  proposed  that  Celtic,  and  Catholic  Ireland  shall  be  made 
a  separate  nation  with  a  Parliament  of  its  own,  and  that  into 
this  nation  Saxon  and  I'rotestant  Ulster  shall,  against  its 
will  and  in  spite  of  its  passionate  appeals  to  the  honour  of 
the  British  people,  be  forced. 

Why  are  the  Celtic  and  Catholic  districts  of  Ireland,  any- 
more than  tlie  Celtic  and  ]\[ethodist  districts  of  AVales,  to 
be  severed  from  the  United  Kingdom  and  invested  witli  a 
separate  nationality?  One  reason,  or  rather  one  motive, 
ojvrntiiig  in  a  certain  quarter  presents  itrself  to  view  as  often 
at  Iroi.t  the  gallery  of  the  House  of  Commons  we  look  down 
upon  the  group  of  Irish  members,  and  mark  what  its  demean- 
our indicates,  or  read  the  account  of  the  disputes  between  its 
two  sections  over  tiie  control  of  the  party  fund.  If  the 
I  Tome  Rule  liill  were  passed,  these  men  would,  besides  com- 
manding a  legislature  and  a  government,  enter  into  the  (con- 
trol of  a  great  revenue  and  into  the  possession  of  a  patronage 
wliicli,  as  at  the  outset  everything  would  have  to  be  given 
away  at  once,  would  be  dazzling.  A  fanatical  hatred  which 
breaks  forth  wluMiever  it  is  not  restrained  by  policy,  would  be 
gratilicd  at  the  sanu^  time. 

l)Ut  another  separatist  interest  b<\sides  that  of  the  squadron 
of  Irish  politicians  is  at  work  for  the  disnuMuberment  of  the 
United  Kingdom.  On  the  other  side  of  St.  George's  Channel 
stands  the  Catholic  Pri<'sthood,  ready  as  .soon  as  Ireland  is 
cast  adrift  by  Great  Britain  to  renew  its  reign.  It  stands 
witli  the  Encycdicnl  and  Syllabus  in  its  hand,  to  be  ext'cuted 
wlierever  and  wlienever  it  lias  tlie  power. 

Tiu^sc  two  iiitiu'csts  commantl  by  organisations,  jmlitical  or 

2(ia 


,,,;    , 

■! 

) 

l| 

i            ' 

i     * 


QUESTIONS   OF  THE   DAY. 


ii 


s;i(!('nlutal,  before  wliich  the  peasant  cowers,  the  people  of 
the  Celtic  and  Catholic  districts.  The  voice  wliich  we  hear, 
thougli  it  is  called  that  of  Ireland,  is  theirs. 

There  has  never  been  an  Irish  nation.  The  savage  tribes, 
perpetually  waging  intertribal  war,  in  whose  occni)ation 
Strongbow  found  the  island,  were  not  a  nation.  The  Celtic 
tribes  and  the  Anglo-Saxon  Pale,  waging  i)erpetual  war  with 
each  other,  while  the  wars  between  the  tribes  themselves 
never  ceased,  were  not  a  nation.  The  English  or  Scotch  and 
Protestant  colonies  in  Leinster  and  Ulster,  encircled  by  the 
Celtic  and  Catholic  tribes,  with  wliich  internecine  war  was 
still  carried  on,  were  not  a  nation.  The  dominant  race  of 
Grattan's  Parliament,  and  the  subject  race  which  was  excluded 
from  that  Parliament  and  treated  by  it  as  a  race  of  political 
and  social  serfs,  we.e  not  a  nation.  Tyrconnel's  Celtic  and 
Caiiiolic  Parliament,  with  its  sweeping  proscrijjtion  of  all  the 
Saxoii  and  Protestants,  was  not  even  so  much  as  Grattan's 
Parliament  the  Parliament  of  a  nation.  Nor  would  the 
Parnellite  Parliament  be  the  Parliament  of  a  nation  when  it 
proceeded,  as  assuredly  and  almost  avowedly  it  would,  to 
legislate  in  the  same  spirit. 

There  are  not  within  the  range  of  the  United  Kingdom  any 
other  two  districts  between  Avliich  so  strong  an  antagonism 
prevails  as  prevails  between  Celtic  Ireland  and  Uls*ci,  of 
which  it  is  proposed  by  Liberals  and  philosophers  to  com- 
pound with  the  bayonet  this  Irish  nation. 

The  populations  of  the  two  islands  are  now  intermixed. 
There  is  a  larg(^  Saxon  element  in  Ireland;  then^  are  masses 
of  Celtic  Irish  in  Great  I^ritain,  as  the  Pritish  i^tisan  knows 
to  his  cost.  T'he  language  of  both  islands  is  tlie  same;  Erse, 
at  least,  is  on  tlie  verge  of  extinction,  and  Ireland  has  no 
literature  but  the  English.  She  has  no  political  institutions 
but  those  which  she  has  derived  from  England.  She  iias  no 
history  of  her  own  except  one  of  savage  wars  of  race  and 
religion.  The  Celts  have  no  native  dynasty  or  centre  of 
political  unity  of  any  kind,  unless  it  be  their  religious  subjec- 
tion to  a  fori'ign  priest. 


THE   TRTSH   QUESTION. 


265 


.1  I 


The  Channel  has  been  a  great  obstacle  to  union,  but  it 
is  now  bridged  by  steam.  If  an  arm  of  the  sea  were 
always  to  bo  fatal  to  union,  Corsica  could  not  be  united  to 
France,  Sardinia  and  Sicily  to  Italy,  ^Majorca  and  Minorc;i  to 
Spain,  the  Ionian  Islands  to  Greece,  Prince  Edward  Island 
to  Canada.  The  central  desert  of  America  is  a  good  deal 
broader  than  the  Irish  Channel,  yet  it  does  not  prevent  the 
union  of  Pacific  Avith  Atlantic  States.  Politicians  like  Lord 
Rosebery,  wlio  propose  to  unite  the  ends  of  the  earth  under 
an  Imperial  Federation,  can  hardly  say  that  nature  forbids 
the  union  of  the  two  British  islands  under  one  government. 
The  population  of  the  two  islands  is  not  so  large  as  that 
of  France,  nothing  like  so  large  as  that  of  Germany,  Kussia, 
or  the  United  States.  Not  Kent  itself  is  more  thoroughly 
incorporated  with  tlie  United  Kingdom  than  the  North  of 
Ireland.  Not  Kent  itself  in  being  torn  from  the  United 
Kingdom  would  feel  a  greater  pang. 

The  map  sliows  at  once  that  the  destinies  of  the  two  islands 
are  linked  together.  The  two  will,  in  all  probability,  either 
be  united  or  be  enemies,  and  if  they  are  enemies,  woe  to  the 
weaker.  The  smaller  island  is  cut  otf  from  the  continent  by 
the  larger  and  tluis  placed  under  its  ])Ower.  Economically,  tlie 
two  are  complements  of  each  otlier,  Groat  Pritain  having 
the  wheat  land  and  the  coal,  wliile  Ireland  has  the  grass. 
When  people  wail  over  the  decrease  of  population  in  Ireland, 
they  forget  the  numbers  of  Irish  who  find  bread  in  the  manu- 
facturing cities  of  Great  Pritain,  and  wlio,  wliile  Ireland 
remains  in  the  United  Kingdom,  are  as  much  in  their  own 
country  as  if  they  Avere  at  (Jork. 

Territorial  rapacity  is  folly  as  well  as  Avickedness.  Let 
every  nation  be  content  with  that  which  by  nature  it  has. 
Rut  a  nation  has  a  right  to  maintain  its  natural  boundaries 
against  secession  as  well  as  against  invasion.  This  Ameri- 
cans, at  all  events,  cannot  deny.  The  doctrine  of  rebellion  as 
a  universal  right  and  an  object  of  unlimited  sympathy  could 
not  survive  the  first  shot  of  the  Civil  War.  Hy  the  loss  of 
the  sister  island.  (Jreat  Pritain  would  be  redneed  to  a  second- 


I 


It 


I'i  i 


2()6 


liy  i  I 


I 


QUESTIONS   OF   TliE    DAY. 


rate  power;  amidst  a  circle  of  militar}-  nations  she  would 
live  ill  peril.  Her  citizens,  at  least,  may  be  pardoned  lor 
thinking  that  her  fall  would  be  a  misfortune  not  to  herself 
alone,  that  her  influence  would  be  missed  by  the  nations  of 
her  hemisphere,  and  that  European  progress  would  lose  its 
moderating  power.  Italian  Liberals  are  among  the  best  of 
Liberals.  How  much  sympathy  have  they  shown  with  Irish 
secession? 

Irish  liistory  is  a  piteous  tale.  l>ut  there  is  no  sailing  up 
the  stream  of  time.  We  must  deal  with  things  as  they  are 
now,  not  immolate  present  policy  to  the  evil  memories  of  the 
past.  Detestable  is  the  art  of  the  demagogue  who  rakes  up 
those  memories  to  obtain  for  his  schemes  from  passion  the 
supi)ort  which  reason  and  ])atriotisin  would  not  give.  No 
living  man  is  now  responsible  for  anything  done  seven  cen- 
turi(>s  or  a  single  century  ago.  He  who  persists  in  accusing 
England  of  cruelty  to  Ireland,  when  the  last  three  or  tmir 
generations  of  Englislimeu  have  been  as  mucli  as  possible  the 
reverse  of  cruel,  only  gives  way  to  his  temper  and  darkens 
counsel. 

liace  character  may  not  be  congenital  or  iniUdible.  I  Jut 
there  is  no  disjiuting  tliat  its  influence  has  been  strong  and 
in  the  case  of  the  Celt  is  marke(L  Mommsen,  in  a  well- 
known  ])assage,  ends  a  review  of  Celtic  eliaraeter,  with  its 
graces  and  weaknesses,  by  ])ronouncing  the  race  jxditically 
worthless.  He  holds,  and  (h^elares  liis  judgment  in  language 
to(t  frank  to  be  gruejously  repeated,  that  the  Ci'll  politi- 
cally is  only  material  to  be  worked  up  by  hlronger  races. ^ 
.Monnnsen  lias  Misniarckian  iron  in  his  blond  as  In'  has  the 
tramp  of  the  (jcrnian  armies  in  his  style.  IJut  lUshop  Light- 
foot  has  no  nisiii.  ''ckian  iron  in  his  lilood.     He  says: 

•'Till  main  tVatiut'.'s  nf  llii>  (iaulisli  cliarnoter  arc  traced  witli  groat 
distinctncrtH  liy  tlie  Hoinau  writers.  Quickness  cf  ni>prcheiisioii,  in-diiipti- 
tude  in  action,  great  Iniiire.Hslhllity,  an  cagei;  craving  after  knowledge, — 
tliis  ia  the  brigliter  aspect  of  the  fcltic  eliaraeter.     Ineonstant  and  qiiar 

'  S(  e  his  UiHtary  of  limnc,  Bk.  \.,  eh.  \ii 


II 


I'.ut 
<f  and 


iruage 


lO 


liti- 


rniiipti- 
d  iiUlW- 


THE    IRISH    QUKSTION. 


267 


relsome,  treacherous  in  tlioir  (lcalin.i,'s,  iiioaimbU'  of  stistainod  effort,  easily 
disliearteiieil  by  failure,  — such  they  appear  when  viewed  on  thfir  darker 
side.  It  is  curious  to  note  the  same  eai^er,  in<iuisitive  temper  revealinj,' 
itself  under  widely  different  circumstances,  at  opposite  limits  both  of  time 
and  space,  in  their  early  barbarism  in  the  Wi  si  and  tiifir  wnni-out  civili- 
sation in  the  Kast.  The  j^rcat  Honian  captain  relates  how  the  (iauls 
would  gather  about  any  nu'rchant  or  travilhr  who  came  in  their  way, 
iletainiui?  him  even  against  his  will,  and  eagerly  jn'essing  him  for  news. 
A  late  (ireek  rhetorician  commends  the  (ialatians  as  more  keen  and 
quicker  of  apprehension  tiiaii  the  genuine  (ireeks,  aildiug  that  the  moment 
they  catch  sight  of  a  philosopher  they  cling  to  the  skirts  of  his  cloak  as 
the  steel  does  to  the  magnet.  It  is  chit  Hy,  however,  on  the  more  forbid- 
ding features  of  their  character  that  contemporary  writers  dwell.  Fickle- 
ness is  tlie  term  u.sed  to  express  their  temperament.  'I'his  instability  of 
character  was  the  great  difficulty  against  which  Ca'sar  had  to  contend  in 
liis  dealings  with  tlu;  (Jaul.  He  comjilains  that  they  all,  with  scarcely  an 
exception,  are  imi)elled  by  the  desire  of  change.  Nor  did  they  show 
more  C(»nstancy  in  the  discharge  of  their  religious  than  of  their  .social  obli- 
gations. The  liearty  zeal  with  which  they  embraced  the  Apostle's  teach- 
ing, followed  by  their  rapid  apostasy,  is  only  an  instance  out  of  many  of 
the  reckless  facility  with  which  they  adojited  and  discarde<l  one  religious 
system  after  another.  To  St.  Paul,  who  had  had  nuich  bitter  exi)erience 
of  hollow  profession  and  fickle  (Hirposes,  this  extraordinary  lev'ty  was 
yet  a  matter  of  unfeigned  surprise.  'I  marvel,'  he  says,  'that  ye  are 
changing  so  rjuickly.''  He  looked  upon  it  as  .some  strange  fascination. 
'Ye  senseless  Gauls,  who  did  bewitch  you'?'  The  language  in  which 
Hoinan  writers  speak  of  the  martial  courage  of  the  Gauls,  impetuou.s  at 
the  lirst  on.set,  but  rapidly  melting  in  the  heat  of  the  fray,  well  describes 
the  .short-lived  prowess  of  these  converts  in  the  warfare  of  the  Christian 
Church. 

"  K(|ually  important  in  its  relation  to  St.  Paul's  epistle  is  the  type  of 
religious  worship  which  seems  to  have  pcrv.uli'd  the  Celtic  nations.  The 
(Jauls  arc  described  as  a  superstitious  pcoi)le,  given  over  to  ritual  observ- 
ances. ^■or  is  it,  perhaps,  a  mere  accident  that  the  only  Asiatic  (iaul  of 
whom  history  affords  more  than  a  passing  glimpse,  Deiotarus,  the  cli(  nt 
of  Cicero,  in  his  extravagant  devotion  to  auuury.  bears  out  the  cliaracter 
a.scril)ed  to  the  parent  race."  ' 

111  Franco  tlio  Ct'lt  iindorwont  Roman  and  aftorwavds  Frank- 
i.sli  ti;iiiiint;.  Wliat  ho  wonld  li.tvc  IxH'n  Avitlioiit  tliat  training 
Iirittany,ainiablc  but  thriftk'.ss,  slatternly,  priest-ridden,  saint- 

1  Thr  Epixtlcsnf  St.  Paul:  Epistle  to  the  (;<ihai(}ns,\n\vn(\w\\n\\  \   1,2. 


p,  ■.  ' 


2(i8 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE    DAY. 


'*  i      ' 


\voi'sliip[)ing,  legendary,  is  left  to  tell.  AV^e  know  how  even 
the  Celt  wlio  had  undergone  Roman  and  Fnuikisli  training 
behaved  in  the  French  Ke volution.  Nor  is  it  likely  that 
the  strongest  and  most  gifted  i)art  of  the  race  would  be  that 
which  in  the  primeval  struggle  for  existence  was  thrust  away 
to  the  remotest  island  of  the  West. 

The  mountains,  bogs,  rivers,  and  forests,  for  forests  there 
then  were,  of  Ireland,  like  the  isolated  glens  of  the  Scotch 
Highlands,  helped  to  per})etuate  the  tribal  divisions  with 
their  clannish  ways  and  sentiments,  the  mould  in  Avhich  the 
political  character  of  the  Irish  v,as  formed;  for  the  Celtic 
Irisliman  is  still  not  a  constitutionalist  but  a  clansman,  with 
clannish  attachments,  clannish  feuds,  and  clannish  love  of 
political  spoils.  Between  the  general  influence  of  race  and 
that  of  the  local  circumstances  of  the  Irish  Celt,  a  character 
wns  formed  whicli  is  as  distinct  as  that  of  any  individual  man, 
and  which  it  would  be  as  absurd  to  overlook  or  to  pretend  not 
to  see  in  dealing  with  the  race  as  it  would  be  to  overlook  or 
to  pretend  not  to  see  personal  character  in  dealing  Avith  a  man. 
That  the  Irish  Celt  has  gifts  and  graces,  or  that  under  a  good 
master  or  commander  ho  makes  a  good  worker  or  soldier, 
nobody  wlio  knows  anything  of  him  denies.  Xobody  who 
knows  liow  Irish  emigrants  have  been  assisted  by  their  kins- 
men in  America  will  deny  that  the  Irishman  has  strong 
domestic  affections  and  a  generous  heart.  l)ut  nobody  who  is 
not  angling  for  his  vote  will  affirm  tliat  in  Cork,  in  Liverpool 
or  (rlasgow,  in  New  York,  or  in  the  Australian  colonies,  or 
anywhere,  he  has  as  yet  become  a  good  citizen  under  free  insti- 
tutions. Xobody  Avho  is  not  angling  for  his  vote  will  affirm 
tliat  he  is  by  nature  law-alnding,  or  tliat  when  liis  passions 
are  excited,  wliether  his  victims  be  his  agrarian  enemies  in 
Ireland  or  the  hapless  negroes  in  New  York,  he  is  not  capable 
of  dreadful  crimes.  Tlie  Anglo-Saxon,  when  he  takes  to 
rioting,  may  be  brutal;  in  tlie  Lord  George  Gordon  riots  he 
was  brutal  enough;  but  he  does  not  card  or  hough,  nor  does 
he  cut  off  the  \idders  of  kine.  The  Phoenix  Park  murders 
were  a  Celtic',  not  an  Anglo-Saxon,  deed. 


I'llK    lUlSlI   QUESTION. 


Lists  are  given  of  Irish  statesmen  and  eommanders,  sueli  as 
Canning,  Castlereagli,  Clare,  Wellington,  Wellesley,  (riattan, 
Plunket,  the  two  Lawrences,  Napier,  l{ol)erts,  and  Wolseley. 
These  are  Saxon,  not  Celtic  Irish.  Even  Parnell  and  IJutt 
before  him  were  of  that  intrusive  race  which  it  was  the  object 
of  their  movement  to  expel.  Of  I'arnell,  Mr.  T.  V  O'Connor 
tells  ns  tliat  his  manner  was  Saxon  in  its  reserve  and  his 
speech  was  still  more  Saxon  in  its  rigidity.  I'arnell  jiroba- 
bly  owed  largely  to  the  (!ool  tenacity  of  liis  Saxon  character 
his  despotic  ascendancty  over  his  train.  There  has  been  no 
Celtic  leader  of  eminence  except  U'Connell,  wlio  was  an  agita- 
tor, not  a  statesman.  lUirke  had  in  him  a  Celtic  strain  which 
showed  itself  in  his  more  declamatory  and  passionate  moods. 
That  the  Celt  is  politically  weak,  ten  centuries  of  wail  with- 
out achievement  are  surely  proof  enougli. 

In  the  North  of  Ireland  are  jjrosjierous  industry  and  com- 
merce with  Protestant  liberty  of  conscience.  In  the  South 
are  unthrift  and  poverty  under  the  dominion  of  the  priest. 
The  political  institutions  and  the  relation  to  Great  liritain 
are  exactly  the  same  in  both  cases;  it  seems  to  follow  that 
the  character  of  the  people  is  not. 

When,  beckoned  by  tribal  revenge,  the  Norman  Strnngbow 
landed  in  Ireland,  he  found  there  no  germ  of  national  unity 
beyond  the  transient  ascendancy  of  jiowerful  chiefs,  nor,  except 
in  the  little  Danisli  settlements  of  tlie  sea-board,  any  ele- 
ments of  civilisation,  unless  we  so  designate  a  taste  for  orna- 
m'Mit,  of  which  the  monuments  are  in  the  Celtic  Museum  at 
Dublin.  Everywhere  were  tribal  divisions  and  intertribal 
wars.  The  brief  reign  of  tlie  i)0werful  chief,  or  King,  as  he 
is  styled,  Brian  Born,  liad  served  only  to  sliow  by  its  result 
the  ])revaleu(;e  of  the  centrifugal  force.  The  Brehon  Law  was 
common  to  the  tribes,  but  it  was  a  mere  repertory  of  tribal 
customs,  real  or  imaginary;  the  jurisdiction  of  its  courts 
went  not  beyond  the  assessment  of  damages  or  the  iini)osition 
of  fines;  nor  was  there  any  authority  to  enforce  it.  saving 
habit  and  a  precarious  opinion.  There  was  hardly  any 
agriculture ;    cattle  were   the   only  wealth.      There  were  no 


l«i 


:  I     t! 


270 


QUEWTIONS  OF  THE    DAY, 


cities  ;  the  Irisli  indeed  have  not  founded  cities  either  in  their 
own  hind  or  in  America,  tliough  as  hihourers  they  liave  helped 
to  build  many.  Tiie  Churcli,  a  sur\  iving  remnant,  like  that  in 
Wales,  of  the  Cluireh  of  the  IJritish  Celts  before  Augustine, 
ruder  than  that  of  Kome,  but  not  uu>re  J'rotestant,  liad  for  a 
moment  marvellously  shone  in  missionary  entt'r])rise,  and,  if 
Irish  traditions  are  true,  in  pursuit  of  learning.  JUit  without 
cities  it  could  not  be  opulent  or  imi)osiug.  it  seems  to  luive 
suffered  severely  at  the  lumds  of  the  Danes.  It  was  ])resently 
crushed  under  the  hoofs  of  tribal  barbarism  and  rapacity, 
and  stretched  out  its  hands  to  Canterbury  for  aid.  Its  chief 
monunu'uts  are  those  romantic  Hound  Towers,  its  refuges 
}>robably  in  time  of  raids.  The  chief,  whose  revenge  had 
called  in  Strongbow,  plucked  after  the  battle  from  a  heaj)  of 
heads  that  of  his  enemy,  and  mangled  it  with  his  teeth. 

AlarnuHl  at  the  progress  of  his  vassal,  Henry  II.  produced 
and  ])roceeded  to  execute  a  Papal  Decree,  awarding  him  the 
lordship  of  Ireland  under  the  Pope  if  he  would  reform  the 
manners  of  the  peoi)le,  bring  their  Church  luuler  the  domin- 
ion of  Rome,  and  make  the  island  pay  Peter's  pence.  This 
warrant,  a  laughing-stock  now,  was  deemed  valid  in  those 
days.  The  Anglo-N(U'man  conquest  of  Ireland,  falsely  called 
the  English  con(]Ut'st,  was  thus  a  supplement  to  the  conquest 
of  England  by  a  Norman  who  bore  the  signet  ring  of  Kome 
and  came  to  subdiw  the  national  Church  of  England  for  the 
Papacy  as  well  as  the  Kingdom  for  himself.  The  Synod  of 
Cashel  at  which  the  Irish  Church  became  the  vassal  of  Kome 
was  the  counterpart  of  the  Synod  of  Winchester  at  which  the 
English  Church  bowed  her  neck  to  the  aiune  yoke.  Henry 
received  the  submission  of  the  chiefs,  and  though  at  his  de- 
l)arture  they  returned  to  their  wilds,  they  had  become  his 
liegemen,  and  he  and  his  successors  might  thenceforth  deem 
themselves  lawful  lords  of  Ireland. 

Unhapitily,  neither  Ilenvy  II.  nor  his  successors  for  three 
centuries  uuule  good  their  lordship.     The  Norman  conciuest  of 


Englan 
plete. 

d  by 
It  gt 

agi 
ive 

•eat  army,  with 
birth  over  the 

the  Kii 
whole 

ig  at  its  head, 
country  to  a 

was 
new 

com- 
order 

k         

•* 

TIIK    lUISII   QUKSTION. 


871 


of  things  ;ui(l  to  an  luistocriicy  which  itiescntly  hccanio 
national,  anil  at  length  the  ('hanii)ion  and  tiusU'e  of  national 
liberty.  But  in  Ireland  once  only  aftei-  Henry  II.,  in  the  [.er- 
son  of  Kiehard  II.,  did  the  king  with  the  power  of  thi'  king- 
dom for  a  moment  a[)i)ear  on  the  s(!ene.  The  centre  of  the 
English  power  was  distant,  the  natural  route  lay  through 
Welsh  mountains,  with  a  wild  po[)ulation  long  unsubdued  or 
half  subdued,  while  the  arm  of  the  sea  was  broad  in  the  days 
before  steam.  A  idumerical  ambition  diverttMl  the  power  of 
the  monarchy  from  its  jjroper  work  of  consolidating  the  island 
realm  to  what  seenu;d  brighter  antl  richer  fields  of  enterprise 
in  France.  Ireland  was  left  to  private  adventure,  which,  from 
its  weakiu'ss,  its  want  of  unity,  the  difficulties  of  a  country 
ill  suited  for  the  action  of  men-at-arms  or  an-hers,  and  the 
mobility  of  the  pastoral  tribes,  totally  failed.  There  residted 
an  Anglo-Norman  Pale,  with  Dublin  and  the  grave  of  Strong- 
bow  for  its  centre,  carrying  on  incessant  war  with  the  tribes, 
which  continued  to  war  with  each  other  and  to  lift  each 
others'  cattle  at  the  same  time.  Some  of  the  Anglo-Xorman 
Barons,  finding  tribal  even  more  lawless  than  feudal  anandiy, 
doffed  the  hauberk,  donned  the  saffron  mantle  of  Irish  tribal- 
ism, and  became  chiefs  of  bastard  Sej)ts.  Th(>  Crown,  by 
enactments  which  sound  like  an  iidiuman  perpetiuition  of  the 
estrangement  l)etween  the  races,  strove  to  ])revent  this  lapse 
of  the  Englishry  into  barbarism,  but  strove  in  vain. 

Without  a  king,  the  feudal  system,  introduced  into  Ireland, 
lacked  its  regulative  and  controlling  ))ower.  The  grantees  of 
great  fiefs  were  counts  palatine  without  a  suzerain.  When, 
by  the  degeneration  of  the  Anglo-Xoruian  lords,  the  chief  was 
blended  with  the  feudal  baron,  the  result  seems  to  have  been  a 
mixture  of  the  evils  of  both  systems.  The  earl-chieftain 
became  the  leader  of  a  band  of  lawless  and  insolent  merce- 
naries or  gallow^glass,  who  were  (quartered,  under  the  name  of 
Coyne  and  Livery  and  other  titles  of  extortion,  on  the  haj)less 
people.  The  historic  threail,  if  slight,  is  not  invisible  which 
connects  these  Bosses  with  the  Bosses  of  Xev,-  York. 

The  very  presence  of  royalty,  as  a  power  superior   to   all 


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272 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE   DAY. 


these  anarchies,  did  good.  The  sojourn  of  Li'iiel,  Duke  of 
Clarence,  son  of  Edward  III.,  produced  a  momentary  reforma- 
tion. "Because,"  says  Sir  John  Davis,  "the  people  of  this 
hind,  both  English  and  Irish,  out  of  a  natural  pride,  did  ever 
h)ve  and  desire  to  be  governed  by  great  persons."  If  British 
monarchs  could  only  have  seen  this  and  done  their  duty ! 

Bad  was  only  made  worse  when  Ireland  was  invaded  by 
Edward  Bruce,  brother  of  the  Norman  adventurer,  who  had 
won  for  himself  the  throne  of  Scotland.  The  campaign  was 
like  those  of  the  Bruces  and  Wallace  in  their  own  lands,  one  of 
merciless  destruction.  The  death  blow  was  dealt  to  the  ambi- 
tion of  Edward  Bruce  by  the  generalship  of  John  de  Ber- 
mingham,  which  turned  the  wavering  scale  in  favour  of 
British  connection.  But  Bruce,  though  he  was  called  in  by 
the  Irish  chiefs,  seems  to  have  experienced  the  fickleness  of 
Irish  alliances.  The  Irish  Annals  of  Clonmacnoise  declare  that 
he  was  slain  "  to  the  great  joy  and  comfort  of  the  whole  King- 
dom in  general,  for  there  was  not  a  better  deed,  that  redounded 
more  to  the  good  of  the  Kingdom  since  the  creation  of  the 
world,  and  since  the  banishment  of  the  Fine  Fomores  out  of 
this  land,  done  in  Ireland,  than  the  killing  of  Edward  Bruce ; 
for  there  reigned  scarcity  of  victuals,  breach  of  promises,  ill 
performance  of  covenants,  and  the  loss  of  men  and  women, 
throughout  the  whole  Kingdom,  for  the  space  of  three  years 
and  a  half  that  he  bore  sway ;  insomuch  that  men  did  com- 
monly eat  one  another,  for  want  of  sustenance,  during  his 
time."  1 

Nothing  is  more  cruel  or  more  hideous  than  a  protracted 
struggle  of  semi-civilisation  with  savagery.  A  native  was  to 
the  Englishman  as  a  wolf,  and  the  native  skene  spared  no 
Englishman.  Nothing  could  prosper.  In  the  little  English 
sea-board  towns,  petty  commonwealths  in  themselves,  there 
was  order  and  some  commerce.  Galway  preserves  in  her 
architecture  and  her  legends  the   picturesque   and   romantic 

1  Quoted  by  A.  G.  Rlchey,  LL.D.,  in  his  Short  History  of  the  Irish 
People,  pp.  19(3,  197.      Edited  by  K.  K.  Kane,  LL.D. 


mwmmmifi^^mmrmmr^wr 


THE   IRISH   QUESTION. 


273 


traces  of  her  trade  with  Spain.  Elsewhere  was  nothing  but 
turbulence  and  havoc.  A  Parliament  there  was  in  the  Pale, 
but  it  was  a  scarecrow.  Judges  there  were  in  the  Pale,  after 
the  English  model,  but  they  had  little  power  to  uphold  law. 
The  Church  was  feeble,  coarse,  and  almost  worthless  as  an 
instrument  of  civilisation.  What  there  was  of  it  was  rather 
monastic  than  parochial,  the  monastery  being  a  fortalice,  and, 
in  a  general  reign  of  crime,  probably  drawing  endowment  from 
remorse.  Only  the  Friars  were  zealous  in  preaching.  The 
Church  seems  not  to  have  acted  as  a  united  body,  to  have 
held  no  synods,  and  to  hav-  been  intersected,  like  the  peoi)le, 
by  the  race  line.  Ecclesiastics  fought  like  laymen,  and  appear 
to  have  been  as  little  revered.  A  chieftain  pleaded  as  an 
excuse  for  burning  down  a  cathedral  that  he  had  thought  the 
Archbishop  was  in  it.  In  the  Celtic  distri(!ts  the  calendar  of 
ecclesiastical  crimes,  or  crimes  against  ecclesiastics,  given  by 
the  Four  Masters  between  1500  and  1535,  comprises  Barry  More, 
killed  by  his  cousin,  the  Archdeacon  of  Cloyne,  who  was  him- 
self hanged  by  Thomas  Barry  ;  Donald  Kane,  Abbot  of  Macos- 
quin,  hanged  by  Donald  O'Kane,  who  was  himself  hanged  ; 
John  Burke,  killed  in  the  monastery  of  Jubberpatrick ;  Donagh- 
moyne  Church,  set  on  fire  by  M'Mahon  during  mass;  Nicholas, 
parson  of  Devenish,  wrongfully  driven  away  by  the  laity; 
Hugh  Maguinness,  Abbot  of  Newry,  killed  by  the  sons  of 
Donald  Maguinness ;  the  Prior  of  Gallen,  murdered  by  Tur- 
lough  Oge  Macloughlin  ;  O'Quillan,  murdered,  and  the  Church 
of  Dunboe  burned,  by  O'Kane.^ 

While  England  was  torn  and  her  government  paralysed  by 
the  War  of  the  Roses,  the  Pale  was  reduced  to  a  district  com- 
prising parts  of  four  counties,  and  defended  by  a  ditch.  Had 
there  been  among  the  Celts  any  national  unity  or  power  of 
organisation,  here  was  their  chance  of  winning  back  their 
lands.  But  they  were  fighting  among  themselves  just  as 
fiercely  as  they  fought  with  the  Pale.  As  Richey  says, 
patriotism  did  not  exist ;  there  was  no  sentiment  broader  than 


J  Richey,  p.  284. 


Ir:  I 


274 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE    DAY 


that  of  the  clan,  nor  was  the  rival  clan  less  an  object  of  enmity 
than  the  Englishry. 

Soon  the  chance  of  the  Celts  was  lost.  Out  of  the  wreck  of 
the  aristocracy  in  the  civil  war  rose  the  powerful  monarchy 
of  the  Tudors.  In  Ireland  conquest  resumed  its  march. 
Henry  VII.  brought  the  Irish  Parliament  under  the  control  of 
the  Privy  Council  by  Poyning's  Law.  Henry  VIII.  crowned 
himself  King  of  Ireland,  instead  of  being  only  Lord  under  the 
Tope.  The  policy  first  tried  was  that  of  ruling  Ireland  through 
great  native  chiefs.  This  failing,  dominion  was  advanced  by 
arms.  Could  the  full  force  of  the  monarchy  have  been  thrown 
on  Ireland,  there  would  have  been  a  merciful  end  of  the  strug- 
gle. But  the  greater  part  of  that  force  was  engaged  upon  the 
continent,  lirst  by  the  vanity  of  Henry  VIII.,  or  the  schemes 
of  his  minister,  and  afterwards  by  the  dire  exigencies  of  the 
conflict  with  the  Catholic  powers.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  the 
unwise  parsimony  of  Elizabeth  starved  the  service.  Instead 
of  systematic  subjugation,  there  were  hostings  or  military 
raids,  and  the  soldiers,  being  luipaid,  lived  by  rapine.  The 
conquest  was  very  slow,  and  forms  an  exceptionally  cruel 
page  even  in  the  cruel  history  of  the  conflict  between  the  half- 
civilised  and  the  savage.  As  the  Ked  Indian  is  to  the  A.meri- 
can  frontiersman,  so  was  the  Irishman  under  the  Tudors  to 
the  Englishman  in  Ireland.  The  gentle  Spenser,  in  speaking 
of  him,  forgets  the  language  of  humanity.  Spenser,  like 
Raleigh,  was  one  of  a  body  of  adventurers  who  took  part  in 
the  conquest  and  were  paid  by  sweeping  confiscations  of 
native  land.  Xothing  can  be  more  horrible  or  heartrending 
than  the  pictures  of  the  state  of  the  island  and  its  people, 
drawn  by  the  conquerors  themselves. 

That  the  Irish  at  this  time  were  uncivilised  is  clear.  Cuellar, 
a  Spaniard,  who  had  been  thrown  among  them,  says : 


"The  habit  of  those  savages  Is  to  live  like  brutes  in  the  mountains, 
whicli  are  very  rugged  in  the  part  of  Ireland  where  we  were  lost.  They 
dwell  in  thatched  cabins.  The  men  are  well  made,  with  good  features, 
and  as  active  as  deer.  They  eat  but  one  meal  and  that  late  at  night,  oat- 
cake and  butter  being  their  usual  food.    They  drink  sour  milk  because 


THE    IRISH   QUESTION. 


275 


they  liave  nothing  else,  tor  they  use  no  water,  though  they  have  tlie  best 
in  the  world.  At  feasts  it  is  their  custom  to  eat  lialt'-cooiced  meat  without 
bread  or  salt.  Their  dress  matciies  themselves  —  tiglit  breeches  and 
short,  loose  jackets  of  very  coarse  texture  ;  over  all  they  wear  blankets, 
and  their  hair  comes  over  their  eyes.  They  are  great  walkers,  and  stand 
much  work,  and  by  continually  fighting  they  keep  the  Queen's  English 
soldiers  out  of  their  country,  which  is  nothing  but  bogs  forty  miles  either 
way.  Their  great  delight  is  robbing  one  another,  so  that  no  day  passes 
without  f.ghting ;  for  whenever  the  people  of  one  hamlet  know  that 
those  of  another  possess  cattle  or  other  goods,  they  immediately  make 
a  night  attack  and  kill  each  other.  When  the  English  garrisons  find  out 
who  lias  lifted  the  most  cattle,  they  come  down  on  them,  and  they  liave 
but  to  retire  to  the  mountains  with  their  wive^^  and  herds,  having  no 
houses  or  furniture  to  lose.  They  sleep  on  the  ground  upon  rushes  full 
of  water  and  ice.  Most  of  the  women  are  very  pretty  I)ut  badly  got  u}), 
for  they  wear  but  a  shift  and  a  mantle,  and  a  great  linen  cloth  on  the 
head  rolled  over  the  brow.  They  are  great  workers  and  housewives  in 
their  way.  These  people  call  themselves  Christians  and  say  mass.  They 
follow  the  rule  of  the  Roman  Church,  but  most  of  their  churches,  mo" 
asteries,  and  hermitages  are  dismantled  by  the  Engli.sh  soldiers  and  o> 
their  local  partisans,  who  are  as  bad  as  themselves.  In  short,  there  is  no 
order  nor  justice  in  the  country,  and  every  one  does  that  which  is  right 
in  his  own  eyes.  The  savages  are  well  affected  to  us  Spaniards,  because 
they  realise  that  we  are  attacking  the  heretics  and  'are  their  great 
enenues.  If  it  was  not  for  those  natives  who  kept  us  as  if  belonging  to 
themselves,  not  one  <jf  our  people  would  have  escaped.  We  owe  them  a 
good  turn  for  that,  though  they  were  the  first  to  rob  and  strip  us  when 
we  were  cast  on  shore,  from  whom  and  from  the  three  ships  whi  ii  con- 
tained so  many  men  of  importance  tiiose  savages  reaped  a  rich  harvest  of 
money  and  jewels."  i 

The  Lord  Deputy  Sidney  wrote  in  1567  of  the  people  of 
Munster  and  Connaught : 

"  Surely,  there  was  never  people  tliat  lived  in  more  misery  than  they 
do,  nor  as  it  should  seem  of  worse  minds,  for  matrimony  among  them  is 
no  more  regarded  in  effect  than  conjunction  between  unreasonable  beasts. 
Finally,  I  cannot  find  that  they  make  any  conscience  of  shi,  and  I  doubt 
whether  they  christen  their  children  or  no  ;  for  neither  find  I  place  where 
it  should  be  done,  nor  any  person  able  to  instruct  them  in  the  rules  of  a 


'  Duro's  Ainnctcla   InvoncJhlo,  Vol.  11.,  pp,  SaS-TiO.     Quoted  by  Mr. 
Richard  Bagwell  in  his  Ireland  under  the  Tudurs,  Vol,  III.,  pp.  185,  IHO. 


i, 


II 


Iv       ' 
,      ■      1 

1  , 

1 

Pt!i 

' 

%f  \  \ 

270 


QrESTIONS  OF  THE   DAY. 


('hristian  ;  or  if  they  were  tuuglit,  I  see  no  grace  iu  them  to  follow  it ;  and 
when  they  die,  I  cannot  see  they  make  any  account  of  the  world  to  come."  i 

Sidney  may  have  been  an  adverse  witness,  but  lie  was  a 
man  of  high  character,  and  in  describing  that  which  was 
before  his  eyes  we  may  believe  that  he  spoke  the  truth. 

The  wars  of  the  Irish  chiefs  among  themselves  did  not 
(;ease  and  were  hardly  less  cruel  than  that  waged  upon  the 
natives  by  the  invaders.  "It  is  but  fair,"  says  the  learned 
and  impartial  llicjhey,  "to  judge  the  Celtic  tribes  by  their 
own  historians,  not  by  the  reports  of  English  statesmen  con- 
cerning them.  The  Annals  of  the  Four  Masters  are  thoroughly 
imbued  with  the  Irish  spirit  of  this  period.  Although 
detailed  as  to  the  annals  of  the  Ulster  and  Connaught  clans, 
they  pass  by  without  notice  many  of  the  transactions  of 
Leinster  and  Munster,  and  the  events  they  record  do  not  com- 
prise the  entire  history  of  the  period;  yet  the  analysis  of  the 
annals  from  1500  to  1534:  gives  the  following  results:  Bat- 
tles, plundering,  etc.,  exclusive  of  those  in  which  the  English 
government  Avas  engaged,  IIG;  Irish  gentlemen  of  family 
killed  in  battle,  102;  murdered,  1(58, —  many  of  them  Avith 
circumstances  of  great  atrocity;  and  during  this  period,  on 
the  other  hand,  there  is  no  allusion  to  the  enactment  of  any 
law,  the  judicial  decision  of  any  controversy,  the  founding  of 
any  tow^n  monastery,  or  church;  and  all  this  is  recorded  by 
the  annalist  without  the  slightest  expression  of  regret  or 
astonishment,  and  as  if  such  Avere  the  ordinary  course  of  life 
in  a  Christian  nation."  '^ 

Another  and  a  terrible  element  of  evil  had  now  come  in. 
To  the  enmity  of  race  that  of  religion  had  been  added.  The 
history  of  Ireland  must  henceforth  be  read  not  by  itself  but  in 
connection  with  the  great  European  struggle  between  Catholi- 
cism and  Protestantism,  in  which  to  its  ruin  the  island  was 
involved.  England  and  the  Pale  had  become  Protestant,  at 
least,  had  revolted  from  the  Pope.     This  was  enough  to  make 

1  Quoted  by  Mr.  Bagwell,  II.,  113. 
a  Pp.  247,  248. 


THE   IRISH   QUESTION. 


277 


ding  of 


the  native  Irishman  more  Papal  than  before.  Moreover,  the 
form  in  wliich  the  new  faith  was  presented  to  the  Irish  was 
most  unliappy.  Anglicanism,  sober,  decorous,  and  genteel, 
has  never  suited  tlie  hot  and  entlmsiastic  Celt.  The  dissolu- 
tion of  the  monasteries  bore  hard  on  Ireland,  where  the 
Church  was  eminently  monastic;  so  did  iconoclasm,  the 
images  and  relics  being  dear  to  the  Irish  heart.  Disaffected 
Ireland  presented  itself  to  tlie  Catholic  powers  as  the  point 
for  a  diversion  against  England.  Spanish  and  Italian  troops 
landed,  and  the  tragedy  of  Smerwick,  where  a  body  of  Italian 
troops  Avas  put  to  the  sword  after  surrender  by  the  Lord 
Deputy  Grey,  might  be  compared  to  the  atrocities  perpe- 
trated by  the  Eoman  Catholic  soldiery  of  Alva  and  Parma,  or 
afterwards  by  that  of  Tilly.  Tlie  alliance  did  not  prevent  the 
savage  Irish  from  stripping  and  murdering  the  crews  of  the 
Armada  cast  upon  their  coast.  But  Catholic  Ireland  had 
become  the  feeble  satellite  of  the  Catholic  powerc,  of  whose 
acts  she  was  deemed  the  accomplice,  and  another  vial  of  wrath 
was  thus  poured  out. 

By  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  James  I.  the  conquest  had 
been  completed  .t Iter  a  fashion;  the  last  great  chief  had  been 
dispossessed;  the  last  tribe  iiad  been  broken  up;  Ireland  had 
been  carved  into  English  shires;  English  institutions  and 
English  law,  the  land-law  of  England  among  the  rest,  osten- 
sibly prevailed.  James  I.  was  weak,  but  he  was  cultured  and 
he  liad  P.acon  at  his  ear.  He  tried  to  endow  Ireland  with 
Englisli  civilisation.  He  called  a  Parliament  for  all  Ireland. 
When  it  met  there  was  a  division  on  the  Speakership.  While 
tlie  majority  was  out,  the  minority  seated  its  man  in  the  chair. 
The  majority,  when  it  returned,  seated  its  man  in  the  other 
man's  lap.  Under  James,  however,  was  founded  tlie  Scotch 
colony  in  the  north  of  Ireland,  the  beginning  of  Ulster,  the 
hope  of  industry,  commerce,  and  civilisation. 

It  seems  pretty  clear  that  for  the  people  the  change  from 
the  tribal  to  the  manorial  system  in  itself  would  have  been  a 
blessing.  Whatever  the  fanfv  about  clan  brotherhood  might 
be,  the  fact,  according  to  the  best  authority,  appears  to  have 


\H\: 


I 


i 

U 
1.1 1 


Vi|: 


in 

278 


QUESTIONS   (^F   TIIK    DAY 


been  that  tlie  huniblo  clansnuiu  was  more  degraded,  more 
trampled  on,  more  plundered  by  the  coshering  chief,  with  his 
brigand  tail  of  gallowglass,  than  ever  Avas  tenant  or  peasant 
under  the  lord  of  a  manor.  The  owners  and  lenders  of  cattle, 
Avhich  constituted  wealth  and  v.'as  the  indis[)ensable  means 
of  livelihood  in  a  grass  country,  a^tpear  to  have  been  not  less 
tyrannical  than  are  owners  of  land.  The  law  might  not  be 
rational  or  suitable;  but  the  people,  at  all  events,  were 
brought  under  the  domain  of  law,  with  the  hope  that  the  code 
would  become  rational  and  be  administered  Avith  justice. 
Unhappily,  the  lord  of  the  jnanor  was  a  stranger  by  race  and 
by  religion,  while  to  the  chief  there  had  been  an  hereditary 
tie  which  had  partly  reconciled  his  clansmen  to  liis  oi)pres- 
sion.  The  land,  confiscated  by  James  I.  as  the  property  of 
the  rebel  chiefs,  was,  in  theory  at  least,  the  property  not  of 
the  chief  but  of  the  tribe,  tliough  the  chief  being  a  local 
despot,  this  may  have  been  a  distinction  rather  tlian  a  differ- 
ence. How  deep  the  sense  of  the  Avrong  thus  done  sank  into 
the  heart  of  the  people,  and  how  far  the  recollection  has  liven 
and  helped  to  sustain  agrarian  war,  are  questions  about 
which  autliorities  are  not  agreed.  The  sequel  proves  clearly 
enough  that  the  Celts  bitterly  resented  the  transfer  of  the  land 
to  the  stranger. 

Nothing  can  keep  the  peace  between  hostile  races  on  the 
same  soil  but  an  authority  superior  to  them  both  and  wielded 
by  an  impartial  hand.  Strafford  Avas  born  to  rule,  and  his 
despotism  in  Ireland  would  have  been  beneficent  had  he  not 
been  under  the  necessity  of  providing  a  force  to  supjiort 
absolutist  and  High  Church  reaction  in  England.  This  drove 
him  into  sweeping  confiscations  of  land  under  form  of  law. 
At  the  same  time,  by  the  policy  which  made  Ireland  a  lever  of 
Stuart  conspiracy  against  English  liberty  and  religion,  yet 
another  vial  of  wrath  was  poured  out. 

By  the  quarrel  between  Charles  and  the  Parliament  an 
opportunity  was  once  more  given  to  the  Celts.  They  em- 
braced it  by  either  murdering  outright,  or  casting  out  to  perish 
of  destitution  and  nakedness  all  the  I*rotestants  on  whom  they 


THE   IKISII   QUESTION. 


270 


yet 


could  lay  luuuls.     Dublin  narrowly  escaped.     To  doubt  that 
there   was  a  nuxssacre   seems  absurd,    whether  the  nuissaere 
was  premeditated  or  not,  and  however  great  the  exaggerations 
may  have    been.     Could   Clarendon,   with  the    best  possible 
means  of  information  and  no  tendency  to  magnify  Puritan 
wrongs,   have   said  that  forty  or  fifty  thousand  I'rotestants 
had  been  killed  if  tiiere  had  been  no  killing  at  all?     There 
followed  a  general  insurrection  headed  by  ecclesiastics,  with 
the  Jesuit  in  the  background,  and  a  revolutionary  government 
was  formed  at   Kilkenny  under  the   presidency  of  a  Papal 
Envoy.     The  English  force  was  not  only  small,   but  divided 
against  itself,  and  might  have  been  easily  overcome.    But  the 
Celts  showed  their  usual  lack  of  the  powers  of  organisation 
and  self-government.     The  party  whose  chief  aim  was  the 
recovery  of  the  land  quarrelled  with  the  party  whose  chief 
aim  was  the  restoration  of  the  Church.     No  one  worthy  to 
command  appeared.     There  ensued  a  murderous,  aimless,  and 
bootless  civil  war,  in  which  fearful  atrocities  Avere  committed 
on  both  sides,  and  quarter  was  given  on  neither.     The  Irish 
population  of  Island  Magee,  though  not  involved  in  the  rebel- 
lion, was  massacred,  man,  woman,  and  child,   by  the  Scotch 
garrison  of  Carrickfergus.     According  to  the  Protestant  liis- 
torian,  Borlase,  Sir  W.  Cole's  regiment  performed  the  exploit 
of  starving,  of  the  vulgar  sort  whose  goods  were  seized  on 
by  it,  seven  thousand.     One  redeeming  incident  alone  there 
was.     The  evangelical  virtues  of  the  Protestant  Bishop  Bedell 
protected  him  and  those  who  took  refuge  with  him  from  the 
rage  of   the  Catholics.      He  was   made  a  prisoner,   but   was 
treated  Avith  kindness  by  his  captors,  and  Avhen  he  died  the 
Irish  army  buried  him  with  military  honours,  and  joined  over 
his  grave  in  the  prayer  that  the  last  of  the  English  might 
rest  in  peace. 

At  last  on  the  wings  of  victory  came  Cromwell,  and  with 
one  terrible  stroke  made  peace.  The  great  man  himself 
deplored  the  necessity,  in  which  some  of  his  worshippers  now 
exult.  Quarter  in  those  ages  was  not  given  to  a  garrison 
which  after  summons  had  stood  a  storm.     The  Catholic  and 


^'1 


280 


QUESTIONS   OK   TIIK    DAY. 


^*1 


Impcriul  arniios  put  to  tlin  sword  not  only  tlie  garrison  but 
tlu!  iuliabitauts  of  captunvl  cities.  Tlu'  Irish  Catliolics  had 
given  no  quarter.  Kinuccini,  tlic  Papal  Envoy,  rejjorts  with 
exultation  that  after  a  victory  no  prisoners  were  taken; 
"every  one,"  says  the  holy  man,  "slaughtered  his  adversary, 
and  Sir  IMielini  O'Neill,  who  bore  himself  most  bravely,  when 
asked  by  the  colonels  for  a  list  of  his  prisoners,  swore  that 
his  regiment  had  not  one,  as  he  had  ordered  his  men  to  kill 
them  all  without  distinction."  ^ 

With  the  ruthlessness  common  to  all  parties  in  those  days, 
Cromwell  deported  or  sent  into  exile  a  good  deal  of  the  loose 
savagery  which  the  civil  war  had  left  behind.  That  he  meant 
to  extirpate  the  Irish  people  is  a  fiction,  but  he  did  mean  to 
extirpate  Irish  barbarism,  and  to  plant  law,  order,  and  in- 
dustry in  its  room.  Confiscation  of  land  there  was  on  a  terri- 
ble scale  to  satisfy  the  claims  of  the  soldiers,  who  had  been 
paid  in  land-scrip.  But  this  struck  the  Catholic  proprietors, 
who  had  played  their  game  and* lost,  not  the  peasantry,  who, 
if  they  chose  to  work,  would  probably  be  under  better,  cer- 
tainly under  thriftier,  masters.  Cromwell  proclaimed  to  the 
Catholics  liberty  of  private  conscience.  The  Mass  in  those 
days  he  could  not  have  tolerated  if  he  would,  and  when  we 
consider  what  the  Mass  is,  what  it  has  done,  and  how  soon  the 
common  people  would  have  been  weaned  from  it,  we  may  be 
rather  disposed  to  wink  at  this  departure  from  religious 
li^^erty.  The  Protector  treated  Ireland  as  "a  clean  paper,"  to 
use  his  own  expression,  for  the  introduction  of  legal  reforms 
for  which  the  professional  "  sons  of  Zeruiah  "  were  too  strong 
in  England.  But  the  greatest  of  all  the  benefits  conferred  by 
him  alike  on  Ireland  and  Great  Britain  was  the  Union,  which 
he  was  able  to  accomplish  Avithout  buying  anybody,  by  sim- 
ple exercise  of  a  might  which  in  this  case  assuredly  was 
right.  It  is  almost  heartrending  to  think  that  the  Irish 
Question  was  settled  in  the  right  way  nearly  two  centuries  and 
a  half  ago. 

Of  the  acts  of  the  Restoration  the  worst  was  the  dissolution 


77ie  Embassy  in  Ireland,  p.  175,  Annie  Ilutton's  translation. 


TIIK    1I{IS1I    CirKS'i'lON. 


•_>si 


to 


of  the  Union.  Protestant  i)roprietarv  in  froland  had  interest 
enongh  partly  to  hold  its  ground.  Hut  the  .strong  rrm  of 
beneficent  and  civilising  [)o\ver  was  gone,  and  llie  ha[)less 
country  and  its  people  were  left  to  their  own  courses  again. 
Another  eonseipience  of  the  Restoration,  big  witli  evil,  \v;is 
the  re-establishment  of  the  Anglican  State  ('hureh  in  Ireland. 

James  II.  renewed  the  attem[)t  of  his  father  against  Eng- 
lish liberty  and  religion,  and  in  a  form  more  dangerous  and 
hateful  than  that  in  which  it  had  been  made  by  his  father, 
a  form  which  threatened  with  extinction  the  political  and 
spiritual  life  of  the  nation.  Once  more  Ireland  had  the;  mis- 
fortune to  be  used  as  the  lever  of  the  Stuart  policy.  Eng- 
land saw  with  disgust  and  dismay  regiments  of  Irish  J'apists 
moving  along  he'-  highways.  Ireland  was  put  into  the  hands 
of  Tyrconnel,  who,  though  a  reckless  rutHan,  was  accepted 
as  the  leader  of  the  (!atholic  (Udts  at  that  time.  ITnder  this 
man's  aus])ices  a  Celtic  and  Oatholic  I'arliament  passed  an 
Act  of  Attainder  proscribing  at  one  swoo}),  without  regard  to 
age  or  sex,  the  whole  Trotestant  proi)rietary  of  Ireland.  It 
is  Tyrconnel's  Parliament,  a  ('eltic  and  Catholic;  Parliament, 
not  Grattan's  Parliament,  a  Parliament  of  Protestant  gentry, 
which  it  is  now  proposed  to  revive. 

Overwhelmingly  outnumbered  and  driven  to  bay  behind 
the  mouldering  walls  of  Derry,  the  stronger  race  showed  in 
extremity  a  force  which  in  extremity  it  nuiy  show  again. 
The  result,  as  all  know,  was  tlu;  victory  of  that  race  and  the 
miserable  subjection  of  the  (lelt.  The  most  warlike  of  the 
Celtic  youth  went,  and  for  a  (century  afterwards  (;ontiiuied  to 
go,  as  food  for  powder  and  at  the  same  time  as  the  soldiery  of 
reactionary  des])otism,  into  the  service  of  the  (/atholic  kings. 
In  that  service  Irish  soldiers  of  fortune  won  distiiuition,  though 
Brown  and  AVall  are  not  Celtic  names. 

Then  followed  the  era  of  the  ])enal  code,  cruel  and  hateful. 
Mark,  however,  that  the  penal  code  was  not  intended,  like 
the  religious  codes  of  Roman  (Catholic  countries  and  the 
Inquisition,  to  rack  conscience  and  compel  ;ipostasy,  but  to 
keep  the  Celts  disarmed,  socially  and  politically  as  well  as 


' 


u\ 


2H2 


QlKsrioNS    (»F     TIIK    DAY 


pliysicully,  uiul  prevent  tliciii  lioiii  ic|)t'iitiii^',  as,  if  the  powci- 
had  reverted  to  their  hands,  they  wouhl  have  repeated,  the 
a(^ts  ol'  Tyroonmd's  Parliament.  K«'niendier  too  what  was 
l)einti;  done  in  countries  where  Roman  Catholicism  .eigncd. 
Ivcniemhcr  how  in  evi'ry  lioman  Catholic  kinj,'doin  Protestant- 
ism was  treated  as  treason;  how  Louis  XI V\  was  banishing 
the  Huguenots,  l)utchering  them,  sending  their  ministers  to 
the  galleys;  how  the  auton  da  fe  wen;  going  on  in  Spain; 
how  the  Jesuit  was  still  busy  everywhere  with  his  conspiracy 
for  the  extirpation  of  Protestantism  by  the  ('atholic  sword, 
l^'orty  years  after  this  the  lioman  Catholic  Prince  liishop  of 
Salzburg  expcdled  the  whole  Protestant  population  from  his 
dominions.  Irish  history  in  these  times,  to  be  fairly  read, 
must  be  read,  not  by  its(df,  l)Ut  in  connection  with  that 
of  the  great  conflict  between  Protestantism  and  Konian  Cathol- 
icism over  all  Kuro})e.  Not  a  few  of  the  exiled  Huguenots 
settled  in  Ireland,  ocular  warnings  of  the  fate  which  the 
"Protestants  might  expect  if  their  enemy  were  unchained. 
When  danger  i)assed  away  and  cruel  fear  subsided,  the  penal 
code  was  ])ractically  relaxed,  the  growing  spirit  of  religious 
indifference  and  free-thinking  embodied  in  Chesterfield's 
Lord-Lieutenancy  helping  the  jiroccss,  and  before  the  autos 
(ki  fe  had  come  to  an  end  the  Konian  Catholics  in  Ireland, 
though  politically  nnenfranchised,  as  a  Church  had  become 
practically  free;  free,  at  least,  so  far  as  a  (.'hurcih  could  V)e 
while  another  Church,  and  that  of  the  minority,  was  estab- 
lished by  the  State. 

To  the  High  Church  bishops  of  the  Au'rUcan  establishment, 
the  Ronum  Catholics  Avere  less  the  objects  of  persecuting 
antipathy  than  the  Presbyterians  in  the  north  of  Ireland,  in 
whom  lay  the  hope  of  industry,  commerce,  and  civilisation 
for  the  rest  of  the  island.  Of  these,  the  bishops  succeeded  in 
harrying  many  out  of  the  country,  and  sending  them  to  fight, 
with  hearts  full  of  the  bitterness  of  Avrong,  against  Great 
Britain  in  the  American  Colonies.  The  Anglican  Church 
itself  did  nothing,  and  could  do  nothing,  either  for  religion 
or  for  civilisation.     Its  system   was  fatally  unsuited  to  the 


rilK    lUlMI    t^l  KSI'loN. 


'J  Ho 


ppojile.  [t  ii(>vor  made  converts,  where  tliorough-KoinL,'  and 
fervent  Protestantism,  if  it  had  only  had  a.  Iree  eoiirse, 
nii;^ht  have  made  many.  In  J"'raneis  Newmr.n's  "  I'iiases  of 
Faith,"  there  is  a  roniarkal»h'  account  of  the  imi)ression  which 
a  Vrotpstant  preacher  of  that  type  did  make.  'I'he  Anj^dican 
Church  showed  all  the  worst  nuirks  of  an  establisliment. 
Not  only  did  it  not  advance  or  i)ro[)aj,'ate;  it  sank  into  miser- 
able letharj^y,  its  churches  were  leit  unrepaired,  sinecurism 
and  pluralism  abonnded  in  it,  half  a  dozen  parishes  were 
clubbed  tofijether  to  make  an  income  for  onc^  man.  to  collect 
tithes  was  its  chief  care,  and  Irish  parsons  lived  in  English 
cities  on  pretence  tliat  there  was  no  parsonage  in  tlu'ir 
])arishes,  spending  the  money  whi(!h  the  tithe-^'-ctor  wrung 
for  them  from  a  starving  pi-asantry.  In  addition  i<>  the  usual 
evils  of  establishment,  the  State  Church  of  Ireland  had  those 
of  a  Church  alien  to  the  peoi)le;  "t  had  also  t1'^  je  of  a  })oli!\'al 
garrison.  Tts  heads  wen^  political  intriguers,  some  of  them, 
such  as  Stone,  of  the  worst  claos.  Swift  could  say  that  the 
licish  government  appointed  pious  and  learned  men  to  the 
Irish  bishoprics,  l)ut  they  were  all  waylaid  on  ilounslow 
Heath  by  highwaymen,  who  robbed  them  of  their  letters 
patent  and  stole  into  their  sees. 

In  the  early  ])art  of  the  eighteenth  century  Ireland  desired 
union.  Union  was  withheld.  The  refusal  was,  saving  the  dis- 
solution of  (h'omweli's  united  Commonwealth,  the  most 
calamitous  blunder  that  liritish  statesnianship  ever  made. 
If  the  sons  could  ever  deserve  to  suffer  for  the  sins  of  the 
fathers,  the  England  of  our  generation  would  deserve  to 
suffer  for  this  misdeed.  Commercial  jealousy  was,  in  all  prob- 
ability, the  main  cause.  (Jonimerce  has  served  civilisation 
well;  but  there  is  also  a  heavy  account  against  her  for  in- 
human cupidity,  monopoly,  and  commercial  war.  But  in 
Ireland's  expression  of  desire  for  union  the  voice  of  her  true 
interest  had  been  heard. 

Instead  of  union,  to  Poyning's  Law,  subjecting  the  legisla- 
tion of  the  Irish  Parlianrent  to  the  control  of  the  Privy  Coun- 
cil, was  added  the  Act  of  George  I.,  declaring  that  the  Pjritish 


iHI 


QUlvSTlONS   (»K   TllK    DAY. 


^i 


Parliament  had  power  to  legislate  lor  Iieland.  Thus  Ireland 
was  placed  in  the  position  of  a  lependenc;}'  with  a  vassal  Par- 
liament; that  arrangement  manil'estly  i)regnant  with  jealousy, 
discord,  and  revolt,  to  Avhich,  alter  decisive  experience  of  its 
results,  the  sagacity  of  Britisli  statesmen  now  desires  to 
return.  The  fetters  imposed  on  Irish  trade,  particularly  on 
the  trade  in  wool,  the  Irisli  staple,  for  the  sup[)osed  benefit 
of  the  English  trader,  bespoke  the  evil  spirit  which  was  uni- 
versal in  those  days,  and  were  counterparts  of  those  which 
were  laid  cm  the  trade  of  the  American  Colonies,  and,  fully 
as  much  as  any  stamp  or  tea  tax,  were  the  cause  of  the  Ameri- 
can revolt.  Their  ini(piitous  pressure,  together  with  the  fric- 
tion inevitablv  caused  bv  the  iK)litical  ai'rangenuMit,  the 
abust'S  of  the  Irish  i)ension  list,  and  the  aspirations  excited 
by  the  possession  of  a  Parliament,  gave  birth,  among  the 
dominant  race  at  least,  to  a  sort  of  bastard  nationality,  which 
began  to  assume  the  form  of  a  struggle  for  independence.  A 
bastard  luitionality  only  it  was,  since  the  mass  of  the  people 
remained  political  and  social  serfs.  Molyneux  sounded  the 
first  note  in  a  treatise  on  the  power  of  the  Pritish  Pai'l lament 
to  bind  Ireland.  Swift,  though  he  hated  and  despised  the 
country  to  which  his  character  had  banished  him,  out  of  nuu'e 
revenge  and  mischief,  played,  and  of  coilrse  played  veno- 
mously, a  patriot's  jiart. 

The  manorial  system  has  not  a  little  to  say  for  itself,  both 
economi(^ally  aiul  socially,  so  long  as  the  landlord  ])ays  for 
improvements,  does  his  duty,  resides  on  the  estat(%  and  main- 
tains kindly  relations  with  his  people.  Put  of  the  Irish 
landlords  many  were  absentees,  rack-renting  their  tenants 
through  merciless  middlenuMi.  Those  who  were  resident  were 
connnouly  aliens  in  ndigion,  and  as  a  class  improvident  and 
worthlesj^,  though  soim^  of  them,  especially  those  of  old  fami- 
lies, were  ))Oj)ular  with  the  [)easantry,  not  the  less  on  account 
of  the  reckless  ])r()fusion  which  often  brought  them  to  ruin. 
!More  oppressive  aiul  insolent  thnn  the  great  landlord  was 
the  squireen.  The  landlord  rack-rented  and  yet  did  not  pro- 
vide improvements.      Hence  agrarian  conspiracy  under  the 


^ 


THE    IllISll    Ql'KSTIOX. 


iS") 


name  of  Whiteboyisni,  and  ontrage  \vlii(tli  assnnied  forms, 
only  too  familiar  to  tlu' cruelly  t'X('ital)le  Celt,  siwh  as  card- 
ing, houghing,  and  nuitilatiou  not  only  of  men  but  of  cattle. 
It  was,  in  fact,  a  desperate  social  war  for  the  laml,  in  which  on 
both  sides  ferocity  reached  an  almost  lieroic  pitch.  A  party 
of  AVHiiteboys  entered  a  house  in  Avhich  were  a  man,  his  wife, 
and  their  daughter,  a  little  girl.  Tlu'  three  were  all  together  in 
tlie  same  room.  The  ruffians  rushed  into  the  room,  dragged 
the  man  out  of  tlie  house,  and  there  i»roceeded  to  nuirder  him. 
In  the  room  where  the  woman  and  the  girl  remained,  there 
was  a  closet  with  a  hole  in  its  door,  through  which  a  person 
placed  inside  could  see  into  the  room.  The  woman  concealed 
the  little  girl  in  this  closet,  and  said  to  her,  "Now,  child, 
they  are  murdering  your  father  downstairs,  and  when  they 
have  murdered  him,  they  Avill  come  up  here  and  nmrder  me. 
Take  care  that  while  they  are  doing  it  you  look  Avell  at  them, 
and  mind  you  swear  to  them  wlien  you  see  them  in  the  court. 
I  will  throw  turf  on  the  fire  the  last  thing  to  give  you  light, 
and  struggle  hard  that  you  may  have  time  to  tak(^  a  good 
view."  The  little  girl  looked  on  through  the  hole  in  the 
closet  door  while  her  mother  was  lieing  murdered.  Slie 
marked  the  nmrderers  well.  She  swore  to  them  when  she 
saw  them  in  a  court  of  justice;  and  they  were  convicted  on 
her  evidence. 

Tlie  people  multii)lied  heedlessly,  their  Clmrch  practically 
encouraging  them,  as  it  everywhere  does,  in  imj)rovidence. 
As  the  land  generally  would  not  well  bear  grain,  even  if  the 
holdings  had  been  large  enough,  the  only  food  by  which  the 
swarms  could  be  maintained  was  tlu'  potato.  i)recarious  from 
its  liability  to  disease,  as  well  as  barbarous,  to  forc(^  which 
the  soil  was  recklessly  exhausted  by  burning.  The  results 
were  peasants  living  on  potiito  mixed  with  seaweed  and  a 
reign  of  misery  which  Swift  grimly  characterised  by  propos- 
ing in  a  horrible  tract  that  babies  should  be  used  as  food. 

Praise  and  thanks  are  due  to  th(i  (Catholic  priesthood  for 
having  been  tlie  comfort  and  the  guide  of  the  Irish  j)easant  in 
liis  darkest  hour.     On  tlie  other  liand.  the  influence  of  an  anti- 


J!  9  r 


28G 


QUESTIONS   OF'   THK    DAY 


fti 


in- 
T 


economical  and  obscunuitist  Churcli  must  hi-  the  same  evory- 
wliere,  the  same  in  Ireland  as  in  Spain,  Portugal,  Southern 
Italy,  r>rittany,  and  the  Yalais.  Had  Ireland  been  left  wholly 
in  the  iiands  of  a  Spanisli  or  Calabrian  priesthood,  what 
would  have  been  its  state  now?  Tlie  history  of  Roman 
(Catholic  society  aft'ords  us  no  reason  for  believing  tliat  the 
jn'iest  would  liave  bearded  the  landlord  in  the  interest  of  the 
peasant.  It  affords  all  jiossible  reason  for  believing  that  he 
would  liave  compla(!ently  shared  tiie  fruits  of  rack  rent. 
This,  at  least,  is  what  he  did  in  Spain,  in  Italy,  and  in  France 
down  to  the  time  of  tlie  llevolution.  The  history  of  Ireland 
as  it  has  been  is  dark  enough.  What  it  might  liave  been 
witlumt  l>ritisli  connection  we  cannot  tell.  Tiiat  it  Avould 
have  been  bright  and  hapi)y,  there  is  nothing  either  in  the 
Irish  hor<)Sco])e  at  the  time  of  the  Norman  conquest  or  in  any 
subsequent  manifestations  to  lead  us  to  assume. 

When  Great  I'ritain  was  worsted  in  tiie  struggle  witli  the 
American  Colonies,  and  liad  France,  Spain,  and  Holland,  as 
well  as  the  Colonists,  at  her  throat,  the  Irish  i*rotestant  gen- 
try, Avho  after  all  depended  for  their  ascendancy  and  almost 
for  their  existence  as  an  order  on  their  connection  with 
her,  took  advanttvge,  with(mt  any  false  chivalry,  of  her  distress 
to  extort  from  her  Parliamentary  indei)endence.  This  she 
was  fain  to  concede;  th(nigh,  had  she  not  been  unnerved  by 
faction  as  well  as  depressed  by  defeat,  a  few  regiments  of 
regular  troops  would  probably  have  sufficed  to  quell  the;  ^'ol- 
unteers.  Urattan,  in  rhetorical  ecstasy,  on  his  knees  iidored 
the  newly-risen  nation  in  })resence  of  a  Parliament  which 
traced  its  pedigree  to  the  Parliament  of  the  Pale,  and  was 
holding  in  social  and  political  bondage  three-fourths  of  the 
Irisli  people.  • 

Left  to  themselves,  the  two  Parliaments  \vould  have  speedily 
flown  asunder.  They  did,  in  fact,  fly  asunder  on  the  (piestion 
of  the  Regency,  and  a  rupture  of  the  Kingdom  was  averted 
only  by  the  recovery  of  (xcorge  III.  (Jenerally  they  Avere 
held  together  in  uneasy  wedlock  by  Castle  patronage,  including 
all  the  rich  bishoprics  and  deaneries,  and  sheer  corruption, 


TFIK    IHISII   QrESTION. 


•287 


together  witli  a  large  iiuiiil)er  of  iK^iuiiiation  boroughs  in  the 
gift  of  the  Crown.  JUit  there  was  a  slill  stronger  tliougli 
hitent  bond.  Grattan's  Tarliament  of  Protestant  [)roprietors 
knew,  amidst  all  its  patriotic  declamation  against  J^ritish 
tyranny,  that  with  l')ritisli  connection  its  own  life  was  bound 
up.  lEad  it  brokcMi  with  I'higland,  Tyrconncd's  Parliament 
would  have  taken  its  place.  It  never  (hired  to  grant  Cathidic 
Kmancipation  or  i'arlianu'iitary  reform.  Al)out  its  last  meas- 
ure was  an  Act  of  Indemnity  for  the  illegal  infliction  of  tor- 
ture by  the  lash  on  suspected  Catholics.  It  must  always 
have  remained  what  it  was,  a  scion  of  the  Parliament  of 
the  Pale.  Eloiiutnit  speakers  it  had.  Its  corruption,  its 
orgies,  its  duelling,  are  facts  not  h^ss  certain.  The  evidence 
of  Sir  Jonah  Harrington  is  enougli. 

Pitt,  strong  in  his  great  majority,  and  lifted  above  commer- 
cial prejudices  by  the  teaching  of  Adam  Smith,  projected 
a  liberal  measure  of  commercial  union  for  Ireland.  He  w'as 
bafiled  as  much  by  Irish  jealousy  of  anything  that  came  from 
England  as  by  British  prejudice  or  faction.  He  designed  for 
Ireland  political  reform,  the  abolition  of  corruption  and  abuses, 
and  a  measure  of  justice  to  the  Catholics.  As  a  harbinger  of 
that  policy,  Fitzwilliam  was  sent  to  Indand.  lint  Fitzwilliam 
Avas  headlong  where  he  ought  to  have  been  most  cautious,  pre- 
maturely proclaimed  his  mission,  and  l)egan  to  dismiss  power- 
ful friends  of  government.  Pitt  was  at  the  head  of  a  coalition 
ministry,  of  which  one  wing  was  strongly  Tory.  The  conse- 
(juence  was  a  break-down  of  Pitt's  liberal  policy,  and  at  a 
moment  which  unhappily  proved  to  have  l)eeu  critical. 

Then  came  the  French  llevolution,  and  called  into  activity 
the  free-thinking  republicanism  which  the  intolerant  Inshops 
of  the  State  ('hurch  had  helped  by  their  vexations  to  foster 
at  Belfast.  Disturbance,  once  set  on  foot  among  the  dominant 
race,  spread,  as  it  had  done  in  the  time  of  (Jharles  T.,  to  tlie 
subject  race,  taking  the  usual  form  of  agrarian  conspii'acy  and 
outrage.  The  Catliolics  having  risen,  the  Protestants  turned 
on  them  as  their  immemorial  enemies,  and  there  ensued  over 
certain  districts  a  reign  of  terror  carried  on  by  the  l*rotestant 


w 


fil 


288 


QUESTIONS   OF   TIIK    DAY. 


I        t 


yeomanry,  whose  practices  were  floggiiit;'.  j)itcli-capi)iiig,  picket- 
ing, and  half-hanging,  as  those  of  tlie  CJatholics  were  slioot- 
ing,  carding,  and  lioughing.  Of  tlie  C'atliolic  priestliood  a 
few  favoured  the  insurrection,  and  oiu'  afterwards  became  tlie 
rebel  general ;  but  most  of  them  shrank  from  anytliing  con- 
nected with  the  Frenc'h  Kevolution,  and  not  on  their  order 
rests  any  of  the  resitousibility  of  this  civil  war.  At  this  time 
tliey  were  generally  educated  abroad,  and  identified  with  the 
Continental  Cimrch  whicli  the  Kevolution  was  threatening  to 
destroy.  Meantime  Wolfe  Tone,  the  only  real  leader  whom 
the  Celtic  insurrection  produced,  a  brave,  gay,  clever,  and 
sincere,  though  light  and  rather  tipsy,  man  of  action,  had  won 
the  ear  of  the  French  Revolutionary  government  and  obtained 
from  it  a  promise  of  assistance.  In  fulfilment  of  that  promise 
caniG  an  armament  commanded  by  Hoche,  which  was  only  pre- 
vented from  landing  by  weather,  and  which  had  it  landed  must 
for  a  time  have  overrun  Ireland,  though  it  Avould  presently 
have  been  cut  off  by  tlie  l^ritish  fleet.  Winds  and  waves 
saved  the  Kingdom.  Kapoleon,  left  supreme  by  Hoche's 
death,  liked  not  tlie  aspect  of  Irish  insurrection  and  refused 
to  repeat  Iloche's  attempt.  "Ireland,"  he  said  to  the  Direc- 
tory, "has  made  a  diversion  for  you;  what  more  do  yon  want 
of  it?"  To  the  furies  of  civil  war,  however,  those  of  invasion 
had  been  added.  It  is  useless  to  recount  the  infernal  history 
of  179S,  the  passions  of  which  only  the  vilest  demagogism 
would  wish,  for  political  purposes,  to  revive.  Amidst  that 
murderous  chaos  the  one  power  of  mercy,  let  the  traducers 
ol'  England  take  it  as  they  will,  was  the  regular  army  of  Great 
Britain.^ 

1  "The  respect  and  veneration  with  which  I  lieard  the  names  of  Hunter, 
Skeret,  and  Stewart  .  .  .  pronounced,  and  the  hi^h  encomiums  passed  on 
the  Scotch  and  En,i;lisli  regiments,  under  whose  protection  the  misguided 
partisans  of  rel)elli(m  were  enabled  to  return  in  safety  to  their  homes, 
convinces  me  that  the  .salvation  of  the  country  was  as  niueli  owing  to  the 
forbearance,  luunanity,  and  prudence  of  the  regular  troops  as  to  their 
discipline  and  bravery.  Tlie  moment  the  militia,  yeomanry,  and  Orange- 
men were  separated  from  the  army,  coniideuce  was  restored."  —  Wake- 
lit'ld's  Trohtnd,  II.  ;572.     The  answer  made  to  this  by  those  wlio  begrudge 


' 


TIIK    IRISH   QUESTION. 


280 


Grattan's  ]*arlianioiit  and  tlio  system  upon  whicii  it  stood 
had  sunk,  with  social  ordei-,  in  blood  and  flame.  That  Pitt 
liad  contemplated  union  before  is  most  likely.  Union  now 
was  evidently  the  only  course.  To  take  both  races  and  reli- 
gions under  the  broad  a'gis  of  the  Imperial  Parliament  was 
the  sole  chance  of  ending  a  civil  war  of  devils  between  them, 
and  of  saving  the  weaker  race  from  the  vengeance  which 
would  have  been  hailed  upon  it  by  the  stronger.  J>est  of  all 
would  it  have  been  to  follov^  the  example  of  Cromwell ; 
declare  Ireland  united  to  Great  Britain,  and  call  her  represen- 
tatives to  the  Imperial  Parliament.  On  this  Pitt  did  not  ven- 
ture. The  alternative  was  to  compound  with  a  powerful 
oligarchy  for  the  loss  of  its  field  of  ambition  and  patronage. 
This  was  done,  and  it  was  dirty  work,  as  Cornwallis  bitterly 
complains.  But  it  Avould  not  have  been  done  by  a  man  so 
upright  and  sensible  as  Cornwallis,  had  he  not  been  profoundly 
convinced  of  the  necessity  and  righteousness  of  the  measure. 
That  the  Union  was  carried  by  bribery  has  been  conclusively 
disproved  by  Dr.  Dunbar  Ingram,'  whose  treatises  they  oidy 
refuse  to  read  who  do  not  desire  to  know  the  truth.  The 
money  which  has  been  mistaken  for  bribes  was  compensation 
for  the  loss  of  nomination  boroughs  given  under  the  authority 
of  Parliament  in  accordance  with  the  notions  of  that  day,  and 
given  without  distinction  to  supporters  and  opponents  of  the 
Union.  That  the  measure  Avas  not  carried  by  British  force 
is  proved  by  Cornwallis's  confidential  statement  that  in  July, 
1799,  when  the  political  struggle  was  at  its  height,  the  force 
remaining  in  Ireland  was  sufficient  to  preserve  peace,  but 
totally  incompetent  to  resist  foreign  invasion.     In  September, 


honour  to  the  British  army  is  that  AVakefielcl  was  not  an  official  writer, 
and  tliat  he  wrote  fourteen  years  after  tlie  event ;  as  tliou,£:li  most  liisto- 
rians  were  official,  ...nd  a  writer  could  not  remember  an  important  and 
impressive  circumstance  for  fourteen  years.  The  troops,  of  which  Aber- 
crombie  spoke  of  as  "only  formidable  to  their  friends,"  were  mtt  the 
regulars,  but  the  militia.     (See  Cornwallis's  Despatch,  Sept.  2r),  1708.) 

1  Two   Chapters   of  Irish    Ilistori/,  and  .1  Hislonj  of  the  LeijisJntim 
Union  of  (h'cnt  Britain  and  Irehind. 


J^ 


< 


m 


200 


Ql'KSTIONS   (»F   Till-:    DAY 


■I  1: 


1798,  ho  reckoned  his  effeetive  I'orce  of  Uritish  regulars  at 
four  regiments,  comprising  in  all  eighteen  hundred  men,  and 
his  total  force  of  all  kiiuls  did  not  exceed  forty-tive  thousand. 
There  was  no  rising  of  any  im[)ortance  against  tlie  Union  even 
in  Dublin,  whicli,  as  the  capital,  luul  most  to  lose.  The  leaders 
of  the  Catholics  are  alleged  to  have  been  decoyed  by  a 
promise  of  Emancii)ation.  No  pledge  was  given  by  I'itt;  to 
what  extent  expectations  were  held  out  it  is  (lifii(!ult  to  decide. 
But  there  was  a  motive  for  acciuiescing  in  the  measure,  which 
amidst  recondite  s])eculations  and  conjectures  is  too  much 
left  out  of  sight.  All  who  had  j)roperty  to  be  plundered  or 
throats  to  bo  cut  were  likely  to  embrace  the  only  visible  mode 
of  escape  from  a  sanguinary  chaos.  That  there  was  a  con- 
certed destru(!tion  by  British  statesmen  of  their  papers  relat- 
ing to  this  period,  to  conceal  their  infamy,  is  an  imagination 
worthy  of  those  who  seem  to  think  that  there  was  no  honour 
or  beneficence  in  British  statesmen  before  their  own  day.' 

Some  of  the  leading  opponents  of  the  Union,  such  as  Foster, 
Ponsonby,  and  Parnell,  ratified  the  act  when  it  was  done  by 
the  acceptance  of  large  sums  as  compensation.  Grattan  sat 
in  the  Imperial  Parliament  for  an  English  nomination  bor- 
ough and  there  voted  for  a  Coercion  Bill.  Plunket  likewise 
sat  in  the  Imperial  Parliament.  He  had  said  that  he  would 
resist  Union  to  the  last  gasp  of  his  breath  and  the  last  drop  of 
his  blood,  that  he  would  swear  his  children  at  the  altar  to 
eternal  resistance  to  it.  Afterwards  as  a  member  of  the  United 
Parliament  and  the  great  advocate  of  Catholic  Emancipation 
there,  he  said:  "As  an  Irishman  I  opposed  that  union;  as  an 
Irishman  I  avow  that  I  did  so  openly  and  boldly,  nor  am  I  now 

1  The  solo  basis  for  the  stateiueut  appears  to  be  a  passage,  misread  by 
the  eyes  of  prejudice,  in  Hoss's  Preface  to  the  Cornwallis  Correspondence ; 
the  existence  of  which  correspondence  is  itself  a  confutation  of  the  state- 
ment. IJoss  uses  "  purposely,"  in  contrast  to  the  neglect  by  which  lie 
says  some  of  the  papers  have  perished.  He  does  not  hint  at  concert,  and, 
of  the  papers  purposely  dtstroyed,  some  were  destroyed  at  a  late  date 
and  by  persons  not  implicated  in  the  transactions.  He  says  that  all 
facilities  were  ijiven  to  his  in  vest  illations  both  at  the  State  Paper  Office 
and  in  Dublin  Castle. 


11) 'S 

11' 


TIIK    HJISII    QUKSTTOX. 


2'.n 


ashamed  of  what  I  then  ilid.  But  thoucfli  in  my  resistance  to 
it  T  had  been  prepared  to  go  the  h'ngtli  of  any  man,  I  am  now 
equally  prepared  to  do  all  in  my  power  to  render  it  close  and 
indissoluble.  One  of  the  apprehensions  on  which  my  opposi- 
tion was  founded,  1  am  haj)py  to  say,  has  been  disappointed 
by  the  event.  I  had  been  afraid  that  the  interest  of  Ireland, 
on  the  abolition  of  her  separate  legislatui-e.  would  come  to  be 
discussed  m  a  hostile  l*arliament.  lint  I  can  no.v  state  —  and 
J  wish  when  I  speak  that  F  could  be  heard  by  the  whole  of 
Ireland  — that  during  the  time  that  1  have  sat  in  the  United 
Parliament,  I  have  found  every  question  that  related  to  the 
interests  or  security  of  that  country  entertained  with  indul- 
gence, and  treated  with  the  most  deliberate  regard."" ' 

That  the  Union  was  [lolitically  unfair  to  Ireland  cannot  be 
pretended.  She  has  always  had  her  fair  share  of  the  repre- 
sentation. 8he  has  now  twenty-two  members  more  than  she 
is  entitled  to  have,  and  thus  swells  to  thirty-four  Mr.  Glad- 
stone's majority,  which  would  rightly  be  only  twelve.  For 
some  years  under  the  reign  of  the  Whigs,  her  members  held 
the  balance  between  the  parties,  and,  as  we  have  good  reason 
to  know,  hold  it  now. 

To  all  the  offices,  honours,  and  emi)loyments  of  the  Empire, 
the  native  of  Ireland  has  been  admitted  on  a  perfect  equality 
with  the  other  citizens  of  the  United  Kingdom.  India  has 
had  two  Irish  Viceroys ;  natives  of  Ireland  now  command  the 
British  armies;  the  Iiulian  Civil  Service  and  the  Indian  offices 
at  home  are  full  of  Irishmen. 

If  the  Irish  representation  in  the  House  of  Commons  has 
been  weak  in  character  and  has  been  disgraced  by  a  series  of 
adventurers  of  the  Sadleir  type,  this  has  not  been  due  to  any 
unfairness  in  the  terms  of  union,  nor  is  it  now  good  reason  for 
giving  Ireland  over  to  fucli  hands.  If  Ireland  may  fairly 
com])lain  that  Parliament  has  sometimes  neglected  her  needs 
to  spend  its  time  in  faction  tights,  England,  Wales,  and  Scot- 


'  PlnnkeVs  Life,  IT.  104.     Quoted  by  T.  Dunbar  Iiifjram  in  his  Ilistonj 
of  the  Leijishitife  Union  of  (!rp((t  Britain  itnd  Trduml,  pp.  98,  04. 


X 

Hi 

t 

1 
1 

v- 

1 

i 

!    \ 

•^1 1 

'1- 

1 

I! 


II 


202 


QUESTIONS   OF   TIIK    DAV. 


land  may  do  the  same,  and  the  remedy  is  the  abolition  ol' 
party  government,  not  the  erection  of  another  House  of  i)arty. 
If  Parliament  is  overburdened  with  local  matters,  the  remedy 
is,  at  all  events,  to  throw  off  a  part  of  the  burden  on  local 
assemblies  or  authorities  generally,  not  to  repeal  the  union 
with  Ireland.  Ignorance  of  Ireland  has  been  pleaded  by  Mr. 
Gladstone  as  an  account  of  his  change  of  mind,  and  he  may 
extend  the  plea,  it  is  believed,  to  Mr.  Morley,  his  reputed 
partner  in  the  authorship  of  his  Bill.  Bui  I'arliament,  as  a 
body,  has  not  been  uninformed ;  it  has  had  a  hundred  Irish 
members  to  inform  it.  To  say  that  British  statesmen  have 
not  cared  for  Irish  (questions,  that  the  Irish  problem  has  not 
received  their  anxious,  their  painfully  rnxious,  attention,  is 
most  unjust,  as  every  one  who  has  lived  among  them  knows. 

Pledged  or  unpledged,  Pitt  desired,  and  did  his  best  to  carry. 
Catholic  Emancipation.  That  he  was  insincere  and  secretly 
counted  on  the  King's  resistance  is  a  vile  calumny,  for  which 
no  shadow  of  proof  has  been  produced.  He  was  baffled  by 
the  intrigue  of  Wedderburn  and  the  bishops.  If  he  took 
time,  it  was  only  because  he  wished  to  get  his  Cabinet  per- 
fectly united  on  the  question  before  he  approached  the  King. 
He  paid  the  debt  of  honour  by  resignation.  He  afterwards 
returned  to  power  without  insisting  on  Catholic  Emancipation. 
But  was  he  to  leave  the  nation  leaderless  in  extremity,  or 
was  lie  to  depose  the  King?  Pitt,  acting  in  tremendous  times, 
sometimes  erred.  The  contrast  between  the  brightness  of  the 
lirst  half  of  his  career  and  the  cloud  which  overhung  the 
second  half  is  one  of  the  saddest  things  in  our  history.  But 
he  was  an  upright  English  gentleman ;  he  was  a  sincere  lover 
of  his  country ;  he  never  left  the  path  of  honour,  practised 
deceit,  or  uttered  untiiah.  We  could  as  easily  imagine  him 
traducing  his  country  in  a  foreign  press  as  giving  a  pledge  to 
the  Catholics  and  secretly  relying  on  the  King's  bigotry  for 
a  release. 

Catholic  Emancipation,  like  all  domestic  reform  and  im- 
provement, whether  for  Ireland  or  Great  Britain,  was  delayed 
till  the  end  of  the  mortal  conflict  with  revolutionary  France, 


TIIK    IIUSII    QIKSTIOX. 


203 


ami  afterwards  witli  the  Ijrigaiul  eiiii)ire  to  wliieli  she  had 
given  birth.  Tlieii  it  came  with  other  liberal  inr;isures,  though 
not  in  the  best  way,  and  when  by  postijoncnient  it  had  lost 
much  of  its  graee.  There  followed  another  pause,  after  whiiih 
came  the  disestablishment  of  the  State  Church.  In  respect 
of  religious  e([uality,  Ireland  is  now  in  advance  of  the  other 
two  Kingdoms,  verifying  in  this  case  CromweU's  saying  that 
she  offered  a  clean  paper  for  the  trial  of  reformers.  J)ises- 
tablishment  might  have  come  earlier  if  some  of  the  Irish 
members  in  the  House  of  Commons  would  have  devoted  their 
attention  to  justice  for  Ireland  instead  of  devoting  it  to  the 
CJalway  Packet  Contract,  as  for  more  than  one  session  they  did. 
Whatever  pledge  had  been  give<i,  whatever  expectation  had 
been  held  out  to  the  Catholics  at  the  time  of  the  Union,  was 
now  virtually  fulfilled.  The  compact,  if  compact  the  deed 
could  be  called  which  was  written  with  the  finger  of  necessity, 
was  now  perfectly  made  good,  and  the  last  stain  of  moral  in- 
validity was  removed. 

Ireland  also  received  from  the  Imperial  Parliament  a  sys- 
tem of  national  education  which  the  priests,  saving  a  few 
Liberals,  such  as  Moriarty,  opposed,  and  which,  if  Home  Rule 
were  granted,  the  priests  would  to-morrow  overturn.  Nor  can 
it  be  truly  alleged  that  the  Irish  since  the  Union  have  been 
subject  to  social  disparagement  in  the  slightest  degree,  what- 
ever discredit  may  have  been  brought  u\h)U  them  in  former 
days  by  Irish  heiress-hunters  and  adventurers.  To  say  that 
they  have  been  treated  with  more  studied  (!ontumely  than  the 
negro  in  the  United  States  is  the  very  delirium,  of  calumny. 
If  men  behave  as  Irish  members  behave  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  they  will  draAv  odium  on  themselves  and  those  who 
sent  them  there.  Otherwise,  the  peculiarities  of  Irish  charac- 
ter, like  those  of  English  or  Scotch  character,  may  have  been 
objects  of  harmless  jest,  objects  of  hatred  they  have  never 
been.  There  are  no  ])etter  mirrors  of  public  sentiment  than 
the  public  schools  and  the  universities ;  let  any  one  who  has 
been  at  them  say  whether  he  ever  knew  an  Irish  youth 
insulted  or  ill-treated  on  account  of  his  place  of  birth. 


.WF' 


*■:■» 


■Jttt 


(ilKSriONS    OF   TIIK    DAV. 


ii:l 


Abo\it  thirty  years  iij,'o  the  writer,  (hirin<^  a  summer  spent 
in  Irehuul,  enjoyed  the  intimate  eonverse  oi'  some  of  the  best 
Irisli  patriots  and  Ijiberals.  These  nuMi  were  staunch  Unionists, 
and  would  never  liear  of  iiny  palterinj^  witli  that  question. 
They  saw  the  necessity  of  soinal  and  economic'al  reforms,  but 
the  only  i)olitical  tfrievances,  so  far  as  the  writer  rememl)ers, 
of  which  tliey  (^om[»lained  in  connection  with  the  Union,  were 
the  expense  and  trouble  of  going  to  Westminster  for  ])rivate 
bill  legislation  and  for  appeals  to  the  House  of  Ijords.  The 
first  grievance  might  be  removed  by  allowing  Irish  committees 
of  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament  for  private  bills  to  sit  in  the 
vacation  at  Dublin,  and  to  rejiort  to  Westminster.  The  second 
might  be  mitigated  by  tin;  institution  of  a  delegate  court, 
though  the  unity  of  the  Su[)reme  Court  could  not  be  broken 
without  breaking  the  unity  of  law.  A  cai)ital  grievance  is 
now  made  of  the  Vice-ltoyalty,  or  Castle  government,  as  it  is 
styled,  which  is  dubbed  an  Austrian  Satrapy.  The  Vice- 
Koyalty  is,  no  doubt,  a  relic  of  dependence.  In  1850,  a  bill 
for  its  abolition  passed  the  House  of  Connuons  by  an  over- 
whelming majority,  and  was  dropped  in  deference  to  protests 
from  Ireland. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  shortcomings  of  Parliament 
in  legislating  for  Ireland  between  the  Union  ami  this  out- 
break, it  may  safely  be  said  that  the  s]urit  of  legislation 
has  been  just.  The  measures,  so  far  as  their  intention  has 
been  fulfilled,  have  always  made  for  justice.  To  treat  Ireland 
Avith  kindness  and  indemnify  her  for  sufferings  i)ast,  has  been 
the  general  desire  of  the  English  jjcople.  Foreign  statesmen, 
as  impartial  observers,  have  seen  this.  Guizot,  though  an 
admirer  and  student  of  English  institutions,  was  not  an  Anglo- 
maniac,  and  as  Prime  Minister  of  France  he  had  quarrelled 
nu)re  than  once  with  British  governments.  It  was  about 
1865,  before  the  disestablishment  of  the  Irish  Church,  that 
he  was  heard  to  say  that  the  conduct  of  England  towards 
Ireland  for  the  last  thirty  years  had  been  admirable.  He 
was  reminded  that  to  do  Ireland  complete  justice,  disestab- 
lishment was  still  required.     He  assented,  but  at  the  same 


' 


THK    IHISH    til'KSTION. 


2W) 


time  emphatically  repeated  his  eiifomium.  This  may  he 
contrasted  with  the  laiiguaj,'e  of  Amerieau-lrisii  ('onventions, 
which  charge  the  British  Parliament  with  organising  famine 
in  Ireland  to  destroy  the  people  whom  it  has  not  been  able  to 
extirpate  with  the  sword. 

Coercion  liills,  alas !  there  have  been  many,  but  they  have 
been  generally  agrarian,  not  political.  It  cannot  be  said 
tliat  for  agrarian  outrage  they  liave  not  l)een  needful.  Gov- 
ernment cannot  abdicate  its  i)rimary  functions,  nor  van  a 
country  be  left  to  savage  and  murderous  hiwlessness.  thougli 
the  law  may  r«!cpiire  change.  When  for  giving  unj)opular 
evidence  a  man  and  his  family  of  seven  were  burned  alive 
in  their  house,  and  (jutrages  of  this  kind  were  protected 
by  conspiracy;  when  a  farmer  for  defending  his  house  against 
nightly  ruffians  was  shot  at  the  chapel  door  in  the  pres- 
ence of  hundretls,  who  connived  at  the  murder ;  strong  meas- 
ures could  hardly  be  avoided  if  civilisation  was  to  Ije  saved, 
^lost  European  governments  would  have  declared  martial  law. 
That  of  Italy,  which  is  liberal  enough,  represses  agrarian 
conspiracy  by  armed  force.  The  number  of  the  Coercion  lUlls, 
thougli  it  sounds  api)alling,  is  really  a  proof  of  the  constant 
effort  to  do  without  coercion  and  go  back  to  the  ordinary 
course  of  law. 

Since  the  Union,  not  only  has  there  been  no  civil  war  or 
serious  conflict  between  the  races  and  religions  in  Ireland,  but 
there  has  been  no  i)olitical  rebellion  or  revolutionary  move- 
ment of  the  slightest  force.  O'Connell's  repeal  agitation  took 
no  hold,  and  at  last  degenerated  into  a  protracted  farce  or  an 
excuse  for  levying  O'Connell's  "  rent"  from  the  people.  Smith 
O'Brien's  insurrection,  in  1S4S,  though  the  air  of  Europe  was 
charged  with  revolution,  ended  in  ridicule  and  a  cabbage  garden. 
Other  political  conspiracies  have  flashed  in  the  pan.  This 
last,  it  seems,  had  its  origin,  not  among  Irish  })atriots,  but 
among  Irishmen  of  the  Anglican  Church,  who  resented  dises- 
tablishment, so  that  it  may  be  regarded  as  the  last  service  ren- 
dered by  a  State  Church  to  the  State. 

The  commercial  grievances  which  existed  before  the  Union 


I 


^w^ 


\\\ 


2ur. 


QUKsrin.Ns  ni'    I  in;   dav 


1 , 


m 


m 


have  been  wholly  swept  iiway.  (Jreat  Uritaiii  has  op«'iu'(l  for 
Irish  j)ro(lu(!e  the  best  market  in  tin-  world.  She  has  f^ivcii 
eniployiueiit  in  her  luanufacturiiij,'  citifs  to  hundri'ds  oi'  thou- 
sands of  Irish  who  would  have  starvcrl  on  their  own  soil. 
Her  (Mpital  would  open  u|t  Irish  resources  if  it  were  allowed, 
and  were  sure  of  receiving  dividends  in  money,  not  in  bullets. 
Watever  apiu^aranee  of  stren},'th  political  disaffecition  has 
shown  has  been  derived  from  aj,'rarian  discontent.  This 
is  emphatically  true  of  the  present  rel)(dlion.  It  cannot 
be  doubted  that  the  a}.,'rariiin  (piestion  in  Ireland  called  for 
legislative  interposition,  i'^rom  causes  already  nu'utioned,  the 
manorial  system  had  there  failed.  Absenteeism  was  only  ])art 
of  the  evil,  and  some  of  the  estatt's  of  absentees  were  very 
well  and  liberally  nuinaged,  though  to  the  Irishman,  of  all 
men,  nothing  can  make  \\\>  for  the  absence  of  his  social  chief. 
The  root  of  the  mis(diief  lay  not  so  nnudi  in  the  system  of 
tenure  as  in  the  swarming  of  the  2)eople,  under  a  Church 
which  practically  discourages  economy,  over  a  soil  unfit 
for  grain,  and  on  which  they  could  be  maintained  only  by  the 
treacherous  potato.  Rents  were  raised  to  an  excessive  amount 
by  the  desperate  bidding  of  the  jx'oide  against  each  other  for 
the  land  which  was  their  only  means  of  subsistence.  There 
would  be  distress  from  over-populatit)n  in  the  llonum  Catholic 
Province  of  Quebec  as  there  is  in  Roman  Catholic  Ireland, 
were  there  not  a  ready  outlet  into  the  United  States.  Unless 
thrift  could  be  given  to  the  Irish  peasant  with  security  of 
tenure,  he  would  soon  be  in  the  hands  of  the  money-lender, 
who  neither  resides  nor  remits,  and  the  more  money-lenders 
were  shot  the  higher  interest  would  be  xhe  Church,  too, 
would  probably  lay  her  hands  on  a  large  part  of  that  which  the 
landlord  had  resigned.  Those  who  write  most  sympathetically 
on  Irish  sorrow,  if  they  write  at  all  fairly,  do  not  omit  to  men- 
tion the  indis])osition  of  the  Irish  peasant  to  steady  labour ; 
and  the  defect,  whether  inborn  or  produced  by  long  discourage- 
ment, is  now  too  ])robably  ingrained  and  cannot  fail  to  tell. 
Still,  Irish  tenure  called  for  reform.  I'ossibly,  it  may  have 
been  necessary  to  provide  for  the  general  abolition  of  the  dual 


nil;    IIMMI    (ilKSTKjN. 


ownership.  Hut  this  slioulcl  iiiivc  bi-eii  donu  by  the  hand  (if 
(It'libcnite  (Mutioii  uml  iiiiit;irti;il  justice,  not  by  lawless  vio- 
lence, cUiss  piission,  uiid  the  unseiupulous  ni;di<,'nity  of  faction. 
As  it  is,  i'aith  in  contracts,  the  foundation  of  <  Mnunerce  and 
almost  of  civilisat'  'n,  has  been  seriously  shaken  in  the  process, 
and  pro[)erty  has  been  made  j^'enerally  insecure.  Tundiasers 
under  recent  Acts  of  rarliainent,  such  as  the  Kncnmbered 
Estates  Act,  purchasers  from  the  State  under  the  Disestab- 
lishment Act  have  ])een  despoiled  or  marked  for  spoliation 
without  comitunction,  or  rather  with  insolent  delight.  The 
present  JMiidsters  saw  what  morality  and  the  national  honour 
required.  They  showed  this  by  their  first  proposals  on  the 
subject,  which  recogiused  the  claim  of  the  landlords  of  Ireland 
to  protect'on  and  indemnification.  They  apju-ar  to  think  that 
they  can  :lraw  the  line  of  "  rapine "  at  Ireland ;  and  the 
factory  lords  who  vote  with  them  seem  to  thiidc  that  they 
can  draw  the  line  at  property  in  land. 

In  1.S47  the  [)otato  bro>ight  its  jieriodical  dearth  on  the 
most  frightful  scale.  Great  Britain,  (dnirged  with  organising 
famine  to  extirpate  the  Irish,  did  everything  in  her  power  for 
their  relief.  To  let  in  food  for  Ireland,  the  fiscal  system  was 
suspended  and  the  ports  were  thrown  open,  which  O'Connell 
had  salt'  only  an  Irish  Parliament  would  do.  The  present 
leader  of  the  Irish  party  in  the  House  of  Commons  has  borne 
witness  as  a  historian  to  the  good-will  and  generosity  shown 
on  that  occasion  by  the  English  people. 

There  was,  nevertheless,  a  vast  exodus  to  America  and  a 
proportionate  increase  of  Irish  influence,  both  on  the  domes- 
tic politics  of  the  United  States  and  on  the  relations  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  IJritain.  What  Irish  influence 
on  American  politics  and  on  the  iiffairs  of  American  cities  is,  it 
is  needless  to  say.  The  Irish  immigrants,  for  two  generations 
at  least,  do  not  become  American  citizens,  but, remain  Irish, 
prosecuting  their  chm  feud.  They  keep  their  national  or 
rebel  flag,  and  annually  unfurl  it  in  face  of  American 
nationality  over  the  City  Hall  at  Xew  York.  The  name  it 
probably  was   that   drew  thein    into   the    Democratic  party. 


I      ! 


I      t 


298 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE    DAY 


Into  that  [Jtu'ty,  iit  all  events,  they  went.  They  almost  to  a 
nwm  supported  slavery,  notwithstanding  the  generous  protests 
of  O'Connell.  At  the  time  of  the  Civil  War,  rising  at  New 
York,  they  abused  and  butchered  negroes,  till  the  Ameri- 
cans brought  up  trooi)S,  and  instead  of  passing  Coercion 
l)ills  proceeded  to  (pudl  murderous  lawlessness  by  summary 
execution.  It  may  safely  be  said  that  on  tliat  (hiy  twenty 
times  as  many  Irish  fell  as  have  suffered  for  i)olitical  offences 
since  the  Union.  To  proclaim  indemnity  for  crime  committed 
on  political  pretexts  would  be  to  ])ut  society  at  the  mercy  of 
any  brigand  who  chose  to  say  that  his  object  in  filling  the 
country  with  blood  and  havoc  was  not  plunder,  but  anarchy 
or  usurpation.  Irish  influence  upon  the  relation  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  P)ritaiu  has  given  rise  to  acts  of 
political  subserviency  and  breaches  of  international  (H)mity 
on  the  part  of  American  legislatures,  presidents,  and  states- 
men, of  which  i)atriotic  Americans  in  private  own  them- 
selves ashamed.  British  opponents  of  Irish  domination  are,  in 
fact,  labouring  to  redeem  the  politics  of  both  nations  from  a 
noxious  and  humiliating  yoke.  American  Fenianism  lias  rein- 
forced Irish  Fenianism  witli  rhetorical  vitriol,  and,  what  is  of 
more  consequence,  with  money,  the  large  contributions  of 
which,  being  at  all  events  for  a  sentimental  object,  would  be 
creditable  to  the  race  were  it  not  j)retty  certain  that  they  are 
to  a  great  extent  enforced.  Hut  here  the  danger  from  Ameri- 
can Fenianism  ends.  To  enlist  the  American  people  in  their 
own  elan  feud  and  drive  the  Ki^public  into  war  with  Great 
Ih-itain  is  the  constant  object  of  Irish  efforts.  But  the 
Americans,  whatever  tlieir  politicians  may  deem  it  necessary 
to  say,  have  no  intention  of  being  enlisted  in  any  one's  cla.n 
feud,  and  will  never  go  to  war  in  an  Irish  quarrel.  Nor  will 
they  put  up  with  Irish  conspiracy  beyond  a  certain  point. 
A  strong  reacti(m  was  caused  by  the  nnirder  of  Dr.  Cronin. 

To  the  sister  island,  also,  there  was  increased  exodus,  and 
the  dreadful  Irish  quarters  of  Liverjjool  and  Glasgow  became 
more  ei-owded  than  before.  Irish  colonisation  of  Great 
Britain,   while  it  practically  ludps  to  answer  the  charge  of 


Tin-:    lUISII    i2i;KST10N. 


•M) 


point. 


British  cruelty  to  Ireland,  is  a  serious  niatter  for  England  and 
Scotland  in  a  political,  a  social,  and  an  industrial  point  of 
view.  '"There  are  no  Irishmen,"  says  Mr.  T.  1'.  ()'('ounor, 
"  more  fierce  or  resolute  in  the  national  faith  than  the  Irish- 
men who  settle  in  England  or  Scotland."  *'  Tliey  are  far  more 
extreme  in  their  views,"  he  adds,  "than  the  majority  of  the 
Irish  in  America."  He  depicts  tliem  as  a  caste  with  a  feeling 
of  estrangement  from  tlu)se  around  them.  In  confirmation  of 
his  description,  it  may  be  said  that  not  all  of  those  who,  at 
the  time  of  the  Pha'nix  Park  murders,  were  going  about  in 
Irish  quarters  of  British  cities,  saw  reason  to  believe  that, 
as  Mr.  O'Connor  says,  the  blow  struck  in  the  Irish  cause  was 
regarded  by  the  whole  Irish  race  with  unmixed  sorrow.  It  is 
by  the  Irish  vote  in  not  a  few  cases  that  British  constituencies 
have  been  turned  in  favour  of  Home  Rule. 

Such,  in  general  outline,  is  the  story.  From  what  part  of 
it  would  any  reasonable  and  patriotic  num  draw  the  inference 
that  it  would  be  good  for  Great  IJritain  and  Ireland,  or  for 
either  of  them,  to  erect  Celtic  and  Catholic  Ireland  into  a 
separate  nation?  Whatever  unity  Ireland  has,  whatever  she 
has  of  constitutional  government,  of  free  institutions,  of 
civilisation,  has  come  to  her  from  her  partner  in  the  Union, 
though,  owing  to  unhappy  circumstances  either  of  nature  or 
of  history,  it  has  come  to  her  in  a  cruel  way.  The  past  may 
be  deplored;  undone  it  cannot  be;  by  an  unwise  policy  its 
evils  may  be  renewed.  We  see  into  what  hands  Ireland 
Avould  pass.  There  in  the  House  of  (Jommons,  turning  the 
debate  into  a  brawl,  sits  the  Home  Kule  l*arliament  of  Ire- 
land. In  Mr.  T.  P.  O'Connor's  lively  sketch  of  the  recent 
history  of  Irish  parties,  it  is  instructive  to  note  the  pervad- 
ing assumjition  that  the  Irish  ))()litician  who  comes  within 
reach  of  corruption  will  infallibly  be  corrupted.  Mr.  O'Connor 
describes  to  us  the  way  in  which,  under  O'Connell  the  ''Libe- 
rator," the  system  Wiis  worked.  "A  profligate  landlord,  or 
an  aspiring  but  briefless  barrister,  was  elected  for  an  Irish 
constituency  as  a  follower  of  the  popular  leader  of  the  duy 
and  as  the  mouthpiece  of  his  princuples.      When  he  entered 


;50(» 


(ilESriONS   OF   TllK    DAY 


!H 


ij  V 


I  ■ 


the  House  of  C'omiuons  he  soon  gave  it  to  be  understood  by 
the  distributors  of  State  patronage  that  he  was  open  to  a  bar- 
gain. The  time  came  wlien  in  the  i)arty  divisions  his  vote 
was  of  consequence,  and  tlie  bargain  was  then  struck,  the  vote 
from  liini  and  the  office  from  them."  Un(U'r  the  auspices  of 
the  Repeal  Association  there  was  returned,  >rr.  T.  I*.  O'Connor 
says,  "  instead  of  seventy  independent  and  honest  Irish  repre- 
sentatives, a  moth^y  gang  of  as  disreputabk^  and  needy  adven- 
turers as  ever  trafficked  in  the  blood  and  tears  of  a  nation." 
As  it  was  in  O'Connell's  time  so,  according  to  the  same 
authority,  it  continued  to  be  afterwards.  "  Since  the  break- 
up of  the  Butt  party,  a  number  of  his  most  prominent  follow- 
ers have  accepted  office,  and  the  few  that  still  retain  })laces  in 
the  House  of  Commons  have,  with  scarcely  an  exception,  gone 
over  to  the  Liberal  party,  and  are  notoriously  as  open  to  em- 
ployment as  tlu^  cabbies  in  Palace  yard."  Let  him  who  ac- 
(iuses  us  of  treating  Irish  politicians  with  disrespect  see  what 
estinuite  is  formed  of  them  by  their  own  kin.  The  O'Shea 
case  gave  us  a  measure  of  the  independence  of  Irish  constitu- 
encies. What  sort  of  security  would  there  be  against  tlie 
api)earance  of  a  series  of  Sadleirs  and  Keoughs  inaParlianunit 
at  Dublin?  These  battles  of  Parnellites  and  Anti-Parnellites 
over  the  money-bag  of  tlie  agitation,  do  they  not  show  us 
what  is  to  be  expected  in  the  way  of  disinterestedness  as  well 
as  of  coucord? 

At  first  the  priest  will  ])robably  share  the  power  and  the 
spoil  with  the  patriot.  Tluu-e  is  no  use  in  saying  that  the 
Roman  (yatholic  (Jhurch  would  not  do  what  it  is  a  necessity  of 
its  nature  to  do,  what  it  tells  you  plainly  in  the  Syllabus  and 
Encyclical  that  it  claims  a  right  to  do,  and  what  it  has  every- 
where done  to  the  full  extent  of  its  power.  It  would  begin 
by  putting  an  end  to  the  popular  system  of  education  which 
the  United  Parliament  has  establishi'd,  or  turning  the  com- 
mon schools  into  organs  of  ecclesiasticism  and  their  teach- 
ing into  a  preparation  for  the  first  communion,  as  it  has 
done  in  Quebec.  It  would  i)roceed  formally  or  informally  to 
establish  itself,  and  in  so  doing  it  need  fear  no  opposition  from 


TllK    I  WISH    QIKSTION. 


801 


(iladstoniau  Liberals  like  Mr.  Morley.  wiio  arc  fain  to  palli- 
ate its  tyrannical  action  ni  the  elections  and  to  n[)liold  the 
sinister  rule  wliicli  enables  the  priest  to  oversee  and  dictate 
the  illiterate  vote.  ]\Ir,  >rorley's  case  is  instviictive  because 
he  bitterly  denounced  Mr.  \V.  E,  Forster  for  apostasy  from 
sound  Liberal  principles  in  recognising  religious  schools. 
Small,  to  judge  from  all  experience  and  from  such  au  analogy 
as  that  of  priestly  rule  in  Quebec,  would  be  the  modicum  of 
political  freedom  which  tlu^  peasant  Avould  be  allowed  by 
his  Church  to  enjoy  when  the  last  legal  safeguard  was  with- 
drawn. In  time,  perhaps  ])retty  soon,  a  rujjture  would  come 
between  the  priest  party  and  th(>  revolutionary  party,  to  which 
the  more  thorough-going  Fenians  both  in  Ireland  and  America 
belong,  and  which  is  affiliated  to  the  revolutionary  party  in 
Europe.  The  torch  of  intestine  discord  would  then  be  kin- 
dled once  more.  Between  the  two  islands  the  relations  could 
not  fail  to  be  hostile,  when  L-eland  was  a  separate  nation,  owing 
lier  existence  to  successful  rebellion,  and  setting  out  with 
bitter  hatred  in  lier  soul.  Let  people  who  talk  sentimentally 
about  a  union  of  hearts,  instead  of  listening  to  the  voice  in 
Ireland,  subdued  to  the  tones  of  a  sucking  dove  while  the 
work  of  disunion  is  being  done,  listen  to  the  genuine  accents 
of  Chicago,  or  let  them  look  into  the  gra])hic  pages  of  Mr. 
T.  P.  O'Connor,  scan  the  portraits  of  the  Parnellite  leaders 
painted  there,  and  draw  their  inference  as  to  the  direction 
which  such  men  would  give  Irish  sentiment  and  policy  towards 
( Treat  Britain  when  they  had  an  Irish  Tarl lament  in  their 
liands. 

To  a  moral  certainty,  Ireland  would  become  a  thorn  in  the 
side  of  Great  l^ritain.  To  sustain  herself  against  her  power- 
ful neighbour,  she  would  attach  herself  to  some  foreign  enemy 
of  England,  as  the  tribes  attached  themselves  to  Spain  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  as  Scotland  attached  herself  to  France 
before  the  Union.  This  Great  Britain  could  not  and  would 
not  endure.  Ireland  would  be  recon(piered  and  the  circle  of 
woe  would  revolve  again. 

The  effect  on   Irish   prosperity   of   a   patriot  and   priestl}' 


If' 


i    !. 


SOS 


QrKSriONS   OK   THK    DAY. 


•government  is  not  hard  to  foretell.  Ca])ital  would  Hy  tlie 
island;  employment  would  fall  off.  There  woidd  be  another 
exodus,  and  tlie  IJritish  artisan  who  votes  and  shouts  for  dis- 
memberment would  pay  the  penalty  in  an  inereased  measure 
of  the  niost  depressing  of  all  eompetition,  unless  he  should 
insist  on  immigration  laws,  in  which  case  misery  would 
abound  in  Ireland.  When  this  rebellion  broke  out  Ireland 
was  doing  well,  commerce  was  improving,  the  deposits  in  the 
savings  banks  had  increased,  and  pauperism  had  been  greatly 
diminished. 

There  is  no  reason  for  believing  that  the  mass  of  the  Irish 
people  want  a  separate  Parliament.  Nobody  who  knew  them 
well  ever  said  that  their  aspirations  were  political.  It  is  the 
land  that  they  want,  and  they  are  Home  Rulers  only  because 
they  are  told  that  a  Home  llule  Parliament  would  give  them 
the  land.  It  is  probable  that  at  this  moment  most  of  them 
would  be  glad  to  be  under  a  strong  and  just  government, 
enjoying  their  improved  holdings  in  peace.  Tliey  are  want- 
ing in  political  independence,  ami  through  the  whole  course 
of  these  events  have  been  completely  under  the  control  of  the 
terrorist  organisations  or  the  priests.  If  it  could  be  said  Avitli 
regard  to  the  Union  that  the  compact  Avas  morally  invalid 
because  it  had  been  carried  by  force,  fully  as  much  may  it  be 
said  with  regard  to  Home  llule  that  the  compact  would  be 
morally  invalid  as  having  been  passed  under  lawless  coercion. 

\\'itli  respect  to  the  case  of  Ulster,  all  that  need  be  said  more 
is  that  we  shall  only  get  what  we  deserve  if  the  noble  prov- 
ince, thrust  by  us  in  spite  of  her  passionate  appeals  to  our 
good  faith  out  of  the  nationality  to  which  she  belongs,  and 
forced  to  accept  the  yoke  of  all  that  she  most  abhors,  instead 
of  our  best  and  firmest  friend  should  become  our  bitterest 
enemy.     Nor  is  this  unlikely  to  be  the  result. 

It  is  needless  again  to  discuss  Mr.  Gladstone's  Bill.  It 
was  torn  to  pieces  by  Lord  Selborne  in  the  Lords'  debate, 
while  the  ministers  in  charge  of  it  could  reply  only  by  vague 
assertions  tliat  in  s])ite  of  probabilities  all  would  turn  out 
well,  or  with  an  insolent  levity,  wliich  shows  in  what  spirit, 


TIIK    iniSlI    QFESTIOX. 


303 


sure  of  tlioiv  inochanii-al  majority,  tlicy  arc  dealing  with  tlio 
fundamental  institutions  ol'  tlie  country.  The  measure  is  a 
hopeless  jumble  of  the  National,  Imperial,  Federal,  and 
Colonial  systems.  Nobody  inuigines  that  it  could  work  or 
that  it  is  in  truth  anything  but  a  complicated  mask  for  the 
surrender  of  Ireland  to  the  rebellion.  Mr.  Redmond  feels 
sure  enough  of  the  subserviency  of  the  government,  the  life 
of  which  is  practically  in  his  hands,  to  proclaim  openly  that 
the  measure  is  not  final;  in  other  words,  that  the  end  is  to  be 
complete  independence,  or,  as  Mr.  Varnell  said,  "  the  sever- 
ance of  the  last  link  which  binds  Ireland  to  Great  Britain." 
Mr  Parnell  said  this  when  he  chose  to  speak  the  truth,  and  if 
he  afterwards  disclaimed  the  statenuMit,  we  know  from  his 
own  lips  what  his  disclaimer  was  worth.'  On  the  morrow  of 
Home  Rule  the  Union  Jack  will  be  hauled  down  over  Ireland, 
the  rebel  Green  will  take  its  place,  and  tlie  last  Lord-Lieuten- 
ant, if  he  is  a  Gladstonian,  Avill  humbly  lend  a  hand  on  the 
occasion.  "If  any  man  attempts  to  haul  down  the  American 
flag,  shoot  him  on  the  spot;"  so  said  the  Unionist  General 
Dix  at  the  time  of  Secession.  Americans  remember  the  day. 
Under  the  Parliamentary  system,  if  there  are  two  Parlia- 
ments, there  are  two  nations.  The  Crown  is  called,  ironically 
as  it  may  be  supposed,  the  golden  link.  A  golden  link  with 
a  vengeance  it  was  in  the  days  before  the  Union.  P)ut  it  has 
now  no  mass  of  patronage,  no  bribery  fund,  no  nomination 
boroughs  in  Ireland.  Had  the  government  meant  to  preserve 
the  Union,  it  would  have  welcomed,  instead  of  repelling,  as  it 
did,  amendments  distinctly  asserting  the  supremacy  of  the 
Imperial  over  the  Irish  I'arliament.  In  order  to  make  sure 
that  the  ostensible  safeguards  shall  not  be  real,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  keep  the  British  party  of  surrender  in  power,  Ire- 
land is,  besides  a  Parliament  of  her  own,  to  have  a  garrison 
of  eighty  Irish  members  in  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain. 
The  affected  indifference  of  the  government  about  this  part  of 

'  See  the  evidence  of  Mr.  Pariiell  before  tlie  .Special  Conuni-snion, 
May  3,  1889:  Report  of  the  ProcccdiiKjs  hpfovf  the  Commissioners. 
Reprinted  from  7'fir  Times.  N'oi.  If.,  pi).  708,  7i>». 


r 

i'i 

1 

l:t:: 

1 
1 

'<  \i 


;5(»4 


QUKSTIOXS   OV    IHK    DAY. 


their  luoasure  only  hotrays  tlio  (le[)tli  of  tlic  design.  AVas 
such  a  cup  of  slianie  ever  put  to  the  li})S  of  a  great  nation?  If 
England  needs  to  he  disciplined  for  her  rejection  of  a  politi- 
cal Messiah,  this  hill  does  it  with  a  vengeance.  Neither  in 
America  or  elsewhere  has  she  an  enemy  who  does  not  Avatch 
its  progress  with  delight.  To  ha.ve  voted  for  it,  if  the  nation 
ever  recovers  its  sense  and  spirit,  will  be  a  brand.  Notori- 
ously of  those  who  voted  for  it  many  si)oke  in  private  against 
it.  They  trusted  to  the  Lords  to  throw  it  out.  These  same 
men  will  now  court  popularity  by  swelling  the  cry  against 
the  Lords.  Then  perhaps  they  will  read  homilies  on  the 
knavery  of  American  i)oliticians. 

It  is  needless  to  discuss  again  the  false,  and  for  the 
most  part  absurd,  analogies  which  have  been  adduced  to  lull 
the  British  j)eople  into  dismend)erment:  that  of  Iceland,  a 
petty  community  a  thousand  miles  from  Denmark;  that  of 
Canada,  a  colony  three  thousand  miles  off,  and  virtu'  '!y 
independent;  that  of  the  Scandinavian  Kingdoms,  whose 
union  is  not  ]iome  rule  but  federation,  and  is,  moreover,  going 
to  pieces  before  our  eyes;  that  of  Germany,  which  again  is  a 
confederation  tending  probably  towards  a  closer  national 
unity;  or  the  uneasy  but  co-equal  wedlock  of  Austria  and 
Hungary,  which  presents  no  point  of  real  resemblance,  his- 
torical, ethnological,  or  structural,  to  the  measure  proposed  for 
Ireland.  These  analogies  have  not  much  figured  in  recent 
debates.  Nor  can  anybody  imagine  that  the  position  of 
States  in  a  federation  such  as  the  States  of  the  American 
Union  or  the  Provinces  of  Canada,  each  with  its  own  local 
government  on  the  same  footing  and  till  sharing  alike  in  the 
federal  government,  bears  any  resemblance  to  that  of  a  vassal 
State  such  as  Ireland  would  be  made  by  the  Home  Rule  Bill. 
The  only  real  analogies  arc  those  of  vassal  Parliaments,  and 
these  all  point  distinctly  the  same  way.  Alike  in  Ireland 
before  the  Union,  in  the  American  Colonies,  and  in  Canada, 
the  institution  of  a  vassal  Parliament,  by  the  aspirations  which 
li;  excited  and  the  friction  which  it  induced,  gave  birth  to  a 
struggle  for  complete  independence,  which  in  the  case  of  the 


TllK    IRISH    QrKSTloX. 


305 


American  Colonies  ended  with  the  Kfvohitioii,  ;i,n(l  in  the  case 
of  Canada  with  a  twofold  rebellion.  The  Irish  politicians 
who  will  be  the  leaders  of  tlie  I'arliauuMit  at  Dnblin,  liave  all, 
according  to  an  admiring  chronicler,  l)een  distinguished  by 
their  hnrning  liatred  of  I^ritish  rule,  as  well  as  by  what  he 
would  style  the  fervour,  and  otliers  might  style  the  veno- 
mous violence,  of  their  i)atriotism.  is  it  likely  that  their 
hatred  of  Uritish  rule  would  become  love  or  even  toleration 
of  British  supremacy? 

If  there  is  any  other  analogy  really  in  point,  it  is  that  of  ohe 
Protestant  minority  under  tlic  rule  of  a  Roman  Catholic 
majority  in  the  Trovince  of  (Juebec,  from  wliich,  controlled  as 
the  domination  by  the  priesthood  there  is  hy  the  iuHuenee  of  a 
Vrotestant  confederation,  Ulst«n'  may  hMrn  what  her  doom 
under  Home  Kule  would  be,  and  how  tlie  Exchequer  of  a 
Catholic  Parliament  would  be  likely  to  deal  with  the  strong- 
box of  l^elfast. 

It  is  not  Ulster  or  Protestantism  alone  that  desires  the 
preservation  of  the  Union,  but  almost  the  entire  wealth  and 
intelligence  of  Ireland,  whether  Protestant  or  Catholic. 
American  enemies  of  Great  Britain,  while  they  abet  INIr.  Glad- 
stone's policy,  admit  that  he  has  hardly  a  supporter  among 
the  classes  in  which,  if  education  and  responsibility  are 
essential  :;o  political  wisdom,  the  political  wisdom  of  Ireland 
must  reside. 

To  turn  the  United  Kingdom  into  a  confederation  is  possible 
if  you  will  begin  by  restoring  the  divisions  of  the  Heptarchy 
together  with  the  contemporary  divisions  of  Scotland,  Wales, 
and  Ireland.  You  will  then  have  the  material  for  a  confed- 
eration, which  is  a  large  group  of  tolerably  equal  States.  A 
federation  of  England,  Scotland,  Wales,  and  Ireland  would 
be  an  everlasting  cabal  of  the  three  lesser  States  against  the 
greater.  To  the  reconstruction  of  the  United  Kingdom  on 
the  federal  system  the  only  objection  is  that  the  nation,  and 
still  more  certainly  the  Empire,  would  go  to  pieces  in  the 
process. 

The  Home   Kule   Bill  was  carried  tlirough  the  House  of 


r 


m 


i\\  i 


300  QUKSTIONS   OF    TIIK    DAY. 

Commons  by  tlu'  help  of  twenty-two  Trisli  votes,  to  which,  by 
the  admission  of  the  author  of  the  l>ill  itself,  Freland  had  no 
title.  It  is  now  to  be  palmed  upon  the  country,  which  is 
known  to  be  advtu-se  to  it,  by  uniting  with  it  a  number  of 
incendiary  ])roposals,  and  carrying  the  whole  lump  by  means 
of  appeals  to  class  passions,  local  antipathies,  and  the  lure 
of  socialistic  confiscation.  Civil  war  is  a  dreadful  thing; 
but  there  are  things  even  more  dreadful  than  civil  war.  Sub- 
mission to  the  dismemberment  of  the  nation  by  the  sinister 
machinations  of  a  morally  insane  ambition,  would  in  the  end 
work  more  havoc  than  the  civil  sword.  "I  am  prepared," 
said  the  constitutional  and  cautious  Peel,  '*  to  make  the  decla- 
ration which  was  made,  and  nobly  made,  by  my  predecessor. 
Lord  Althorp,  tliat,  deprecating  as  I  do  all  war,  but,  above 
all,  civil  war,  yet  there  is  no  alternative  which  I  do  not  think 
preferable  to  the  dismemberment  of  this  Empire." 

To  that  dread  arbitrament,  liowever,  the  Irish  Question  has 
not  yet  come.  Tlie  first  object  of  all  British  citizens  ought 
to  be  to  insist  that  this  Hill,  which  is  not  an  ordinary  law,  or 
a  law  at  all,  but  a  fundamental  change  of  the  national  consti- 
tution, shall  be  fairly  submitted  as  a  single  issue  to  the  con- 
stituencies of  the  United  Kingdom. 


ii 


i 


PROHIBITION  IN  CANADA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


■;  ^i 


1 
1  i 

'£    '- tj 

t? 

» 

r 

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i            ' 

I 


T" 


PROHIBITION   IN  CANADA   AND   THE 
UNITED   STATES. 


It  is  evident  that  English  })olitics  ave  beginning  to  be  dis- 
tufbed,  like  thuse  of  the  United  States  and  Canada,  by  the 
formation  of  a  Prohibitionist  party.  The  party  usually  calls 
itself  that  of  Temperance.  But  though  we  may  wish  to  be 
courteous,  we  cainiot  concede  a  name  which  not  only  begs  the 
question  at  issue,  but  is  a  standiug  libel  on  those  wlio  take 
their  glass  of  wine  or  beer  without  being  in  any  rational  sense 
of  the  term  intemperate.  Temperance  is  one  thing,  total 
abstinence  is  another,  and  coercion,  at  which  these  reformers 
aim,  is  a  third.  As  Temperance  ini[)lies  self-restraint,  there 
can  be  no  Temperance,  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  term,  where 
there  is  coercion. 

The  "  Temperance "  people  are  not  usually  inclined  to 
listen  to  anything  so  rationalistic  as  the  lessons  of  experi- 
ence. They  tell  you  that  with  them  it  is  a  matter  not  of 
expediency  bnt  of  principle ;  that  their  cause  is  the  cause  of 
Heaven ;  yours,  if  you  are  an  opponent,  that  of  the  darker 
power;  and  they  intimate,  with  more  or  less  of  gentleness 
and  courtesy,  what,  if  you  persist  in  getting  in  Heaven's  way, 
will  be  your  deserved  and  inevitable  doom.  To  those,  how- 
ever, who  in  practical  matters  regard  the  dictates  of  experience 
as  principles,  and  who  wish  before  committing  themselves  to 
a  particular  kind  of  legislation  to  know  whether  it  is  likely  to 
do  good  or  harm,  the  result  of  Canadian  or  American  experi- 
ment may  not  be  uninstructive. 

In  1878  the  Canadian  Parliament  passed  the  Canada  Tem- 
perance Act,  more  commonly  called  the  Scott  Act.  The 
purport  of  this  Act  may  be  described  as  county  and  city 
option.     It  enables  any  county  or  city  adopting  it  by  a  simple 

309 


Ill 


\ 

Ik  I  ; 


M 


m 


aio 


tiUKSTlON.S  OK    rilK   DAY. 


majority  of  the  ultM^tors  to  prohibit  the  sal«'  of  any  li(|Uor 
within  the  district  for  hxuil  eonsuniption  iiiKh'r  penalty  (>f  a 
Hue  of  fifty  doHars  for  tiie  first  offence,  a  hundrtid  for  tht; 
seeond,  and  two  niontlis'  imprisonnient  for  the  third.  When 
a(U>pted,  the  Act  remains  in  force  for  three  years,  after  which, 
upon  a  i)etition  si^'ueil  by  cue-fourth  of  the;  (deetors,  it  may 
again  l)e  submitted  to  the  vote,  and  if  there  is  a  majority 
against  it,  re|)ealed. 

In  the  Province  of  Ontario  there  are  forty -two  counties  and 
eleven  cities.  Twenty-eight  counties  and  two  cities  a(h)i)ted 
the  Act,  most  of  them  in  1.S.S4  and  hSS").  In  1(S88  ten  (!oun- 
ties,  nine  of  them  at  once,  repealed  it;  and  in  the  following  year 
the  remaining  Scott  Act  counties  and  cities  also  returned  to 
license  law.  The  majorities  tor  repeal  v./re  overwhelming. 
In  Ontario  the  Scott  Act  is  generally  regarded  as  imi)ossible 
of  resuscitation,  and  the  advocates  of  prohibitive  legislation 
are  turning  their  minds  to  other  measures.  This  is  a  genuine 
verdict  of  the  people.  The  li(iuor-trade  had  exhausted  its 
power  of  opposition  in  the  early  part  of  the  contest;  in  fact 
it  hardly  appeared  in  the  field  without  doing  mischief  to  its 
own  cause. 

The  general  result  where  the  Act  was  tried  appeared  to 
have  been  the  substitution  of  an  nnlicensed  and  nnregulated 
for  a  licensed  and  regulated  trade.  The  demand  for  drink 
remained  the  same,  but  it  was  supplied  in  illicit  ways,  it 
Avas  found  by  those  who  were  engaged  in  the  cami)aigu  against 
the  Scott  Act  that  the  lowest  class  of  licjuor-dealers  were  far 
from  zealous  in  their  o[)position  to  proliil)itive  legislation. 
They  foresaw  that  the  result  to  iJiem  would  be  simply  sale  of 
liquor  without  the  license  fee.  Drunkenness,  instead  of  being 
diminished,  appears  to  have  inr  re  ised.  A  memorial  signed  by 
three  hundred  citizens  of  Woodstock,  including  nearly  all  the 
principal  men  of  business  and  professional  men,  but  nobody 
connected  with  the  liquor-trade,  said  :  "  The  Scott  Act  in  this 
town  has  not  diminished  but  has  increased  drunkenness ;  it 
has  almost  wholly  prevented  the  use  of  lager  beer,  which  was 
becoming  an  article  of  common  consumption  ;  it  has  operated 


I'lJolIlMlTKfN  IN  CANADA   AND  'IHK  rNTrKD  STATKS.    nil 


any  iKjuor 
I'lialty  (^f  ;i 
■eel  for  tlie 
r<l.  Wli.Mi 
t'tcr  wliicli, 
>i''S,  it  may 
ii  majority 

unties  and 
;s  a(l()[)te(l 
ten  ooun- 
)\vingyear 
^turnod  to 
\vli('lniin<f. 
inijwssiblti 
It'j^islation 
ii  genuine 
lusted  its 
t;  in  fact 
lief  to  its 

peared  to 
regulated 
for  drink 
ivays.     It 
n  against 
were  far 
gislation. 
Y  sale  of 
of  being 
igned  by 
y  all  the 
''  nobody 
t  in  this 
mess ;  it 
bioh  was 
operated 


to  disoonrage  the  ust>  of  light  beverages,  substituting  therefor 
in  a  large  nu'asure  ardent  spirits,  and  it  has  led  to  the  optniing 
of  many  drinking-places  which  did  not  exist  under  the  li(;ense 
law,  and  to  the  sale  of  li(|uor  being  eontiinied  till  hours  alter 
midnight."  "From  my  own  observation,"  said  a  leading 
physician  of  the  sanu'  place,  "ami  the  most  trustworthy  'ut'or- 
nuition  privately  and  pui)licly  rectnved,  L  am  satisfied  that  the 
most  extensive  illicit  trafhc  prevails  in  Woodstock,  that  the 
abuse  of  intoxicating  li(piors  is  greatly  on  the  increase  here, 
and  that  there  is  a  lamentable  increase  of  drinking  among  the 
y')unger  men  of  the  community."  At  Milton,  in  the  county 
of  Ilalton,  the  effects  wen^  found  to  be  the  same  as  at  W(jod- 
stock.  Before  the  adoption  of  th(»  Act  there  wen^  but  live 
places  in  which  li(iuor  was  sold;  after  the  adoption  of  the  Act 
there  were  no  fewer  than  sixteen,  and  owing  to  the  perse- 
cution of  the  hotels  th(!  tratiic  was  thrown  into  the  lowest 
ami  worst  hands.  Forty-eight  men  of  business,  including  the 
Mayor  and  Chief  Constable,  signed  a  declaration  that  the  Act 
had  signally  failed  to  reduce  intem[)erance ;  that  the  trade, 
instead  of  being  in  respectable  hands,  was  in  those  of  the 
bottle-hawkers  and  keepers  of  low  dens ;  that  the  effect  of  the 
Act  had  been  the  substitution  to  a  great  extent  of  spirituous 
liquors  for  nuilt,  wine,  or  cider  as  beverages ;  that  drunken- 
ness, lawlessness,  and  perjury  were  much  more  prevalent  than 
they  had  been  under  license ;  and  that  the  Scott  Act  instead 
of  removing  temptation  from  the  young  had  had  the  contrary 
effect,  and  cases  of  juvenile  drunkenness  had  become  shock- 
ingly frequent.  Scores  of  petitions  were  sent  to  I'arliament 
from  county  councils  or  other  municipal  bodies  declaring  the 
failure  of  the  Act. 

Wine,  beer,  and  cider  may  or  may  not  be  injurious,  but  at 
all  events  they  are  not  so  injurious  as  ardent  spirits;  they 
stimulate  less  to  criminal  violence,  the  evil  against  which  in 
dealing  with  this  subject,  society  is  most  concerned  to  guard. 
A  natural  tendency  of  Prohibition,  however,  as  the  evidence 
cited  seems  to  show,  is  to  substitute  ardent  spirits,  which,  con- 
taining a  great  amount  of  alcohol  in  a  small  bulk,  are  more 


w 


■Ifi 


til. 


1    '  ' 

1 

mn 

t 

!    :l 

i 

318 


(iUKSriONS   OF   TIIK    DAY. 


easily  snmygled,  for  the  lighter  drinks  of  which  the  bulk  is 
greater.  It  is  well  that  the  attention  of  philanthropy,  of 
practical  philanihropy  at  least,  should  be  specially  called 
to  this  point.  Not  only  does  Prohibition  appear  practically 
to  encourage  the  use  of  ardent  si)irits;  the  spirits  which  it 
encourages,  being  sold  by  the  lowest  dealers,  are  ai)t  to  be  of 
the  most  pernicious  kind;  sometimes  they  are  literally  poison. 

It  is  true  that  in  some  places  where  Prohibition  prevails  the 
li(pior-shop  no  longer  invites  the  passer-by  with  open  doors. 
But  the  illicit  liquor-seller  is  probably  more  active  than  the 
licensed  publican  in  thrusting  his  temptation  upon  those  who  are 
most  likely  to  yield  to  it,  especially  on  the  young.  A  clandestine 
drinker  is  sure  to  be  a  deep  drinker.  He  is  sure  to  drink,  not 
with  his  meals,  but  in  the  specially  pernicious  form  of  drams. 
He  is  sure  to  drink  in  bad  company.  He  is  sure  also  to  con- 
tract sneaking  habits,  and  to  lose  respect  for  himself  as  well 
as  respect  for  the  law. 

Witness  after  witness  testiHes  to  the  prevalence  of  perjury 
in  liquor-cases,  and  this  evidence  is  supported  by  that  of  judges 
and  magistrates  in  the  United  States  and  England.  The  peo- 
ple were  morally  dragooned  by  a  i)owerful  organisation  and 
strong  ecclesiastical  influence  into  voting  for  the  Act.  The 
pulpit  of  the  Methodist  Church,  which  is  very  powerful  in 
Canada  and  has  thoroughly  identified  itself  with  Prohibition, 
thundered  in  favour  of  the  measure,  and  the  ^Methodist  farmers 
obeyed.  But  no  pulpit-thunder  will  make  the  people  in  their 
hearts  believe  that  to  drink  or  sell  a  glass  of  beer  is  really 
criminal,  or  sup[)ort  the  execnition  of  the  law  as  if  they  did. 
Archdeacon  Farrar  himself,  in  his  controversy  with  the  late 
Baron  Bramwell,  repudiates  as  uncharitable  and  absurd  the 
doctrine  that  there  is  anything  morally  wrong  in  the  use  of 
fermented  li([uor.  He  says  that  he  has  never  preached  absti- 
nence as  a  matter  of  duty,  even  to  confirmation  classes  or  to 
national  schools.  He  admits  that  moderate  drinking  is  a  per- 
fectly lawful  enjoyment,  and  that  multitudes  of  men  indulge 
in  it  who  are  wiser  and  better  than  \w  is  himself.  Agreeing 
at  heart  with  this,  the  people,  though  they  have  vot?d  as  their 


'' 


le  bulk  is 
hropy,  of 
ly  called 
tactically 
which  it 

to   1)6   of 

ly  poison, 
avails  the 
en  doors, 
than  the 
e  who  are 
andestine 
Irink,  not 
3f  drams. 

0  to  con- 
f  as  well 

f  perjury 
of  judges 
The  peo- 
ition  and 
.ct.  The 
v^erful  in 
)hibition, 
t  farmers 
J  in  their 
is  really 
they  did. 

the  late 
surd  the 
e  use  of 
ed  absti- 
ses  or  to 
is  a  per- 

indulge 
Agreeing,' 

1  as  their 


I'ROHIBITION  IN  CANADA  AND  THE  UNITED  8TATES.     .•.l.] 

preacher  bade  them,  cannot  bring  themselves  to  take  part  in 
ruining  a  neighbour,  sending  him  to  gaol,  and  perhaps  leaving 
his  wife  and  children  destitute,  for  that  which  in  their  con- 
science they  do  not  regard  as  criminal.  They  refuse  to  back 
the  ministers  of  the  law.  When  forced  to  give  evidence  they 
prevaricate  and  too  often  commit  what  is  morally  perjury. 
The  Bruce  Herald  declared  that  the  Act  in  that  county, 
though  nominally  in  force,  was  "dead  as  Julius  Ciesar,"  adil- 
ing  that  the  idea  that  the  law  would  be  sustained  by  reverence 
for  anthority  soon  vanished,  and  that  prosecutions  failed  from 
the  unwillingness  of  witnesses  to  give  evidence  against  the 
hotel-keepers,  who  had  public  sympathy  on  their  side,  the  peo- 
ple feeling  that  the  Act  sought  to  destroy  a  business  and  to 
confiscate  property  erected  under  the  sanction  of  i)revious  law. 
Have  we  not  in  the  history  of  the  poaching  bred  by  tyraiuiical 
game-laws  and  the  smuggling  bred  by  excessive  customs-duties, 
abundant  proof  of  the  danger  of  putting  the  moral  sense  of  the 
people  at  variance  with  the  law  ?  To  break  the  law  is  always 
wrong,  but  it  is  also  wrong  to  make  laws  which,  as  they  are 
unsupported  by  any  moral  obligation,  the  peo[)le  are  sure  to 
break. 

The  testinnny  borne  by  municipal  councils  in  all  parts  of 
Ontario  to  the  fact  that  there  was  an  increase  of  drunkenness 
under  the  Act  was  not  invalidated  by  the  decreas-\  in  some 
counties,  of  the  number  of  arrests  for  that  offence.  Jnder  the 
prohibitive  system  the  lirpior-seller,  his  trade  being  illicit,  is 
afraid  to  call,  as  the  licensed  tavern-keeper  does,  for  the  inter- 
vention of  the  police.  He  does  his  best  to  conceal  the  drunk- 
ard whose  detection  would  be  <:he  betrayal  of  his  own  breach 
of  the  law. 

The  Prohibitionists  themselves  hardly  show  confidence  in 
their  own  moral  code.  They  do  not  i)ropose  to  punish  a  nian 
for  drinking  a  glass  of  ale,  though  the  drinking  and  the  sell- 
ing being  parts  of  the  same  transaction,  l)()th  must  be  criminal 
or  neither.  The  framers  of  the  Scott  Act  did  not  even  go  so  far 
as  to  ni .  ,  the  manufacture  of  li(pior  a  crime.  They  con- 
fined themselves  to  harassing  the  retail  trade,  as  tbttngh,  so 


-  .        w 


mi 


QUESTIONS   OK   TIIK   DAY 


M 


;■  ( 


!J 


loiiy  as  the  chink   wus   made,  it  could  fail  to  find  its  way 
through  some  channel  to  thirsty  lips. 

In  the  Province  of  (Quebec  the  Scott  Aet  has  been  adopted 
by  five  counties,  of  which  two  have  rejjealed  it.  In  the 
French  province  this  (question,  like  all  other  jiublic  questions, 
is  apt  to  become  one  of  race.  In  the  Maritinu^  Provinces  the 
Act  has  been  extensively  adopted,  and  only  in  the  cases  of 
two  cities  or  rather  large  towns  and  one  county  luis  the  Act 
been  repealed.  l')Ut  the  organised  ]»ublic  opposition,  indepen- 
dent of  the  li(pior-interest,  which  in  Ontario  arrested  the  pro- 
gress of  the  Act  and  turned  back  the  ti<le,  has  hitherto  been 
Avanting  in  the  Maritime  Provinces.  The  people  of  those  Prov- 
inces, moreover,  to  judge  from  their  behaviour  in  the  political 
sphere,  are  peculiarly  submissive  to  pressure  of  the  sort  which 
the  Prohil)itionist  party  and  the  clergy  who  supjwrt  it  bring 
to  bear.  Put  the  Act,  though  not  generally  repealed,  is 
described  as  practii-ally  a  dead  letter  by  provincial  journals, 
which  call  for  its  re})eal  on  that  account. 

The  writer  was  in  the  Xorth-West  Territories,  where  the  law 
imposed  by  the  central  government,  uiuler  ])ressure  of  the  Tem- 
perance vote,  was  Prohibition  (pialiHed  by  a  power  of  giving 
permits  vested  in  the  Lieutenant-G(n'ernor.  Me  was  assured, 
on  what  appeared  to  be  the  best  possible  authority,  that  the 
law  was  a  disastrous  failure,  that  anybody  could  get  li([uor 
who  wanted  it,  and  that  the  only  fruits  of  the  system  were 
smuggling,  perjury,  secret  drinking,  and  deterioration  of  the 
licjuor.  The  liipior  is  sure  to  be  of  the  worst  (piality,  because 
the  dealer  will  thus  indemnify  himself  for  the  risks  of  a  con- 
traband trade,  while  his  own  character  and  that  of  his  drink- 
iug-phu^e  will  inevitably  be  low.  Attention  is  once  more 
called  to  this  feature  of  the  (question,  and  to  the  tendency 
of  the  system  which  makes  the  trade  contraband  to  the  dis- 
placement of  the  lighter  drinks  by  ardent  spirits  Avhich  are 
easily  smuggled. 

In  the  Territories  so  bad  were  the  effects  of  the  }>rohibitory 
law  that  the  Territorial  Legislature  recently  jiassed  a  License 
Law,  which  went  into  effect  in  May,  1892.     The  evidence  given 


} 


' 


I  its  way 

1  adopted 

In  the 

questions, 

duces  the 

cases  of 
1  the  Act 

indepen- 
1  the  pro- 
evto  been 
ose  Prov- 
i  political 
Di't  which 

it  bring 
lealed,  is 
journals, 

e  the  law 
the  Teni- 
jf  giving 
assured, 
that  the 
et  li(|uor 
tern  were 
n  of  the 
,  because 
of  a  con- 
is  drink- 
ce  more 
tendency 
the  dis- 
hich  are 

•hibitory 

License 

ce  given 


PHOHIBITION  IN  CANADA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.     ;]15 

before  the  Canadian  Prohibition  Coiuuiission  later  in  tliat  year 
was  generally  favourable  to  it  compared  with  the  prohibitory 
measure.  Amongst  the  witnesses  were  the  chief  officers  of  the 
North-West  jNUounted  Police,  judges,  lawyers,  and  otliers,  and 
there  was  conclusive  testimony  to  the  large  amount  of  smug- 
gling and  to  the  manufacture  of  deleterious  liquors.  One  wit- 
ness testified  that  thousands  of  shipments  of  liquor  were  made 
into  the  Territory  in  kegs  or  packages  concealed  in  other  goods, 
often  in  a  car  of  bacon  or  a  bag  of  rice,  sugar,  or  nails.  (Jften, 
too,  liquor  came  in  bottles  of  preserves  or  pickles,  or  canned 
goods  or  temperance  drinks.  Sometimes  four  hundred  gallons 
of  liquor  at  once  were  conveyed  by  teams  hundreds  of  miles 
inland,  and  evaded  the  vigilanca  of  the  officers.  The;  supjjly 
of  liquor  was  irregular;  a  consignment  was  often  on  its 
ri-'val  surrounded  by  friends  of  the  consignee,  and  the  whole 
•JL  it  was  quickly  consumed.  This  led  to  a  great  amount  of 
drunkenness,  and,  in  the  dearth  of  liquor  which  followed,  to 
the  consumption  of  eau  de  Cologne,  pain-killer,  Florida  water, 
essences  of  various  kinds,  and  even  red  ink.  A  favourite  punch 
concocted  in  the  Territories  was  pain-killer,  Jamaica  ginger, 
strong  tea,  sugar,  and  molasses.  These  deleterious  compounds, 
witnesses  swore,  produced  a  number  of  deaths.  Their  effect, 
as  well  as  that  of  some  whiskeys  imported  into  t]u>  Territories 
or  illicitly  manufactured  there,  was  stated  to  be  maddening. 
A  jud<ie  ^aid  that  of  the  only  two  cases,  among  forty  or  fifty 
criminal  cases,  due  to  the  abuse  of  li(pi()r,  one,  a  case  ^' 
murder,  ww  clearly  due  to  a  poisonous  comjjound  manufactured 
by  an  illicit  distiller  whose  only  appliances  were  some  lead  pipe 
and  .^oin/>  bnrley.  The  comjiound  was  the  fruit  of  Prohibition. 
This  faiii  ■"  of  Prohibition  is  notable,  for  though  the  cou  itry 
has  a  long  frontier,  the  risks  encountered  in  carrying  li(pior 
far  into  the  interior  were  very  great,  the  Mounted  Police  being 
numerous  and  vigilant,  while  the  question  had  not,  as  in  other 
cases,  become  involved  with  politics. 

P)esides  contempt  of  the  hiw  and  jterjury  the  coutitry  has 
bee  i  hiled  with  ill  blood.  Nothing  is  more  odious  or  ])oisons 
tl'H   .icart  of  the  community  more  than  the   (Muidoyment   of 


OIG 


QLKSTIONS   OV   TlIK    DAY. 


' 

Ij 

•:*. 

tyk 

j 

4 

i 

'  1 

i 

spies  unci  infonners,  to  which  it  has  been  necessaiy  and  will 
always  be  necessary  for  I'rohibitionisiu  to  resort.  Dickens 
holds  up  the  mirror  to  nature  in  his  description  of  the  Clay- 
poles  and  their  trade.  Men  who  liave  been  imprisoned  and 
ruined  for  plying  a  trade  which  they  can  hanlly  feel  to  be 
criminal,  as  only  the  otlier  day  they  were  holding  li(;enses  for 
it  from  the  State,  are  naturally  not  grateful  for  such  treat- 
ment. Their  vindictiveness  and  hatred  of  the  spies  has  led  to 
several  outrages,  and  once  or  twice  to  the  use  of  dynamite. 

To  force  the  sentiment  of  the  people  into  accordance  with 
the  law  is  the  more  difficult,  since  all  the  time  their  Church  is 
holding  up  for  their  imitation  a  model  of  character  Avhich  is 
not,  -temperate"  in  the  '  •  '^  ''^itionist  sense  of  that  term.  In 
commenting  on  the  iniracl  Oana,  Archdeacon  Farrar  con- 

trasts the  "genial  inno' enc*  ;f  Christ's  system"  with  the 
"crushing  af/ceticism  of  rival  systems."  IJy  way  of  reconcil- 
ing this  discrepan(!y  (h'speratc  efl'orts  are  made  to  uphold  the 
astonishing  theory  that  the  oinoti  cf  the  Gos[)el  was  not  fer- 
mented wine  but  syrup.  The  ndei'  of  the  feast  at  Cana,  it 
seems,  expressed  his  surprise  that  the  best  syrup  had  not  been 
produced  till  the  guests  had  well  druidc ;  the  accusers  of  Chiist 
in  calling  Him  a  winebibber  meant  only  that  he  was  a  syrup- 
drinker  :  it  was  on  syrup  that  the  Corinthians  got  drunk  at  the 
celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper:  Paul  advised  his  friend  to 
take  a  little  .syrup  for  his  stomach's  sake ;  and  the  same  Apostle 
enjoined  tlie  Church  in  electing  deacons  not  to  choose  those 
who  were  given  to  excess  in  .syrup !  To  such  paltering  with 
what  every  one  educated  enough  to  be  a  clergyman  nuist  know 
to  1)6  th(>  truth,  we  rather  prefer  the  preacher  who  said  boldly 
that  if  (!hrist  were  again  to  come  on  earth  and  persisted  in 
celebrating  the  Eucharist  with  wine.  He  would  have  to  be 
excluded  from  His  own  Church.  To  drag  the  Gospel  into  this 
discussion  on  the  Prohibitionist  side  is  ho[)eless.  There  is  no 
more  of  fanaticism  than  there  is  of  formalism  in  that  volume. 
When  St.  Paul  bids  us  not  drink  wine  if  thereby  (mr  brother 
IS  made  to  stumble,  he  couples  eating  meat  with  drinking  wine, 
showing  that  in  his  opinion  both  in  themselves  are  innocent. 


▼ 


and  will 

Dickens 
the  Clay- 
oned  and 
eel  to  be 
senses  for 
ich  treat- 
las  led  to 
unite, 
mce  witli 
Church  is 
which  is 
erm.  In 
rrar  con- 
witli  the 

reconcil- 
)]iold  the 

not  fer- 

Cana,  it 
not  been 
of  Chi'ist 
a  synip- 
ik  at  the 
friend  to 
3  Apostle 
)se  those 
•ing  with 
List  know 
id  boldly 
sisted  in 
ie  to  be 
into  this 
ere  is  no 

volume. 

brother 
[ng  wine, 
nnocent. 


PROIIIlirriON  IN  CANADA  AND  THK  UNITED  STATICS.    817 

The  Gospel  bids  us  have  regard  to  the  Aveakness  of  our  brother ; 
but  it  does  not  bid  our  brotiier  be  weak  or  us  to  countenance 
his  weakness  by  unjnst  and  unwise  legislation. 

The  effect  even  of  less  violent  and  hazardous  measures  of 
coercion  in  Canada  appears  to  have  betMi  pretty  nuudi  the 
same.  The  supporters  of  the  Scott  Act  did  not  venture  to 
put  it  to  the  vote  in  Toronto,  but  finding  themselves  powerful 
in  the  City  Council,  they  proceeded  to  wage  a  war  of  extermi- 
nation on  the  taverns.  At  one  stroke  they  cut  oft"  seventy-live 
licenses.  They  were  warned  that  this  arbitrary  measure, 
while  it  might  ruin  the  tavern-keepers,  would  not  diminish  the 
demand  for  drink;  that  while  there  was  a  demand  there  would 
be  a  supply,  and  that  the  tavern-keepers  whose  licenses  were 
withdrawn  would  not  starve  if  they  could  help  it,  but  would 
ply  an  illicit  trade.  The  result  was  a  large  increase  of  the 
number  of  cases  of  drunkenness  before  the  magistvate  and  an 
unusually  drunken  Christmas.  Nor  could  the  Prohibitionists 
find  any  way  of  parrying  the  natural  inference  better  than  an 
insinuation  that  drinking  had  been  promoted  by  the  powers  of 
darkness  for  the  special  purpose  of  discrediting  their  policy. 

It  may  be  argued  with  some  force  that  when  the  .Scott  Act 
was  adojjted  by  some  counties  and  not  by  others  the  moral 
percejttions  of  the  people  in  the  counties  that  did  adopt  it 
would  be  disturbed  by  the  vicinage  of  a  different  code.  But 
even  if  the  Prohibitionist  code  were  imposed  on  a  whole 
nation  the  difficulty,  if  diminished,  would  not  be  removed. 
To  make  an  Eleventh  Commandment  you  must  obtain  the 
concurrence  of  the  civilised  world,  intercourse  and  communi- 
cation between  all  the  parts  of  wliich  are  now  too  active  for  a 
sectional  morality.  Put  all  Canada  under  Prohibition,  and 
every  Canadian  who  visits  a  foreign  country  will  be  apt  to 
come  back  a  heretic,  and  to  propagate  his  heresy  on  his  return. 
Literature,  m  cover,  from  Homer  to  Dickens  is  full  of  the 
other  view. 

The  results  of  coercive  legislation  in  the  United  States, 
wherever  the  experiment  has  been  tried,  seeiu  to  tally  with 
those  of  coercive  legislation  in  Canada.     Maine  is  the  "banner- 


i 


T 


;{18 


Ql'KSTIONS   OF   THE    DAY. 


i: 


1 1, 


i*  1' 


u. 


(.1  i;( 


mi 


\           i 

1 

<; 

1 

-!                             1 

State  "  of  Prohibition.  It  luis  been  trying  the  system  tor  over 
forty  years,  more  than  time  enough  to  kill  the  li(iUor-traftlcj, 
if  the  liquor-traffic  was  to  be  killed.  Vet  of  Maine,  "Gail 
Hamilton,"  who  must  know  it  well,  said  in  the  North  Ameri- 
,can  Memeiv:  "The  aetual  result  is  that  liquor  is  sold  to  all 
who  wish  to  obtain  it  in  nearly  every  town  in  the  State.  En- 
forcement of  the  law  seems  to  have  little  effect.  For  the  past 
six  years  the  city  of  Bangor  has  practically  enjoyed  free  rum. 
In  more  than  one  hundred  places  liquor  is  sold  and  no  attempt 
has  been  made  to  enforce  the  law.  In  liath,  Lewiston, 
Augusta,  and  other  cities  no  real  difficulty  is  experienced  in 
procuring  liquor.  In  Portland,  enforcement  of  the  law  has 
been  faithfully  attempted,  yet  the  licpior-traffic  flourishes  for 
all  classes  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest.  ...  In  a  journey 
last  summer  for  h mdreds  of  miles  through  the  cities  and 
through  the  scattered  villages  and  hamlets  of  Maine,  the 
almost  universal  tostini'  iiy  was  'you  get  liquor  enough  for 
bad  j)urposes  in  bad  i)laces,  bit  you  cannot  get  it  for  good 
purposes  in  good  places.' "  "  What  works  against  Prohibi- 
tion," the  writer  adds,  "  is  that  in  the  opinion  of  many  of 
the  most  earnest  total-abstinence  men,  the  original  Maine-Law 
State  after  thirty  years  of  Prohibition  is  no  more  a  Temper- 
ance State  than  it  was  before  Prohibition  was  introduced." 
Tt  appears  that  upwards  of  1000  people  in  the  State  paid 
United  States  retail  liquor-tax,  though  Archdeacon  Parrar 
was  informed  that  the  trade  had  been  completely  driven  out 
of  sight.  The  INIaine  Prison  Eeport  for  1884  said :  "  Intoxica- 
tion is  on  the  increase ;  some  new  legislation  must  be  made 
if  it  is  to  be  lessened.  In  many  of  our  counties  Prohil)ition 
does  not  seem  to  affect  or  prevent  it."  In  the  city  of  Portland 
(population  84,000)  in  1874  the  arrests  for  drunkenness  were 
2318.  But  drunkenness  was  not  confined  to  the  cities.  Every 
one  of  the  sixteen  counties  furnished  its  quota.  The  number  of 
committals  for  drunkenness  for  one  year  was  1316  for  a  popu- 
lation of  048,000,  while  in  Canada,  an  area  at  that  time  not 
under  the  Scott  Act,  with  a  population  of  061,000,  and  a  town 
population  as  large  as  that  in  Maine,  showed  only  593  com- 


I'liOlIIHITION  IX  CANADA  AM)  TIIK  INITF;!)  STATKS.     319 


lu  for  over 
[uor-traffic, 
ine,   "Gail 
rth  Ameri- 
solcl  to  all 
tate.     Eii- 
)v  the  pa.st 
.  free  rum. 
10  attempt 
Lewiston, 
rieu(3ed  in 
e  law  has 
rishes  for 
a  journey 
3ities  and 
faine,  the 
lough  for 

for  good 
t  Prohibi- 

many  of 
Laine-Law 
L  Temper- 
roduced." 
tate  jiaid 
n  Farrar 
riven  out 
Intoxica- 

be  made 
•ohil)ition 
Portland 
less  were 
.  Every 
lumber  of 
r  a  popu- 
time  not 
id  a  town 
593  com- 


mittals, less  than  half  the  numbei-  of  those  in  the  model  State 
of  Prohibition.     (Jeneral   Xeal   Pew   himself,   ui)l)raiding   his 
former  party  for  its  sliickness  in  the  cause,  complained  of  the 
number  of  low  drinking-places  infesting  the  cities  of  Elaine. 
The  New  York  >>iin  after  investigation  ciirried   on   through 
its  correspondent,  siiid:  "The  actual  state  of  affairs  in  Maine 
is  perfectly  well  understood  by  every  .Maine  man  with  eyes 
in   his    head,  and  by  every  observant  visitor  to    IMaine.     In 
no  part  of  the  world  is  the  spectacle  of  drunken   men  reel- 
ing along  the    streets   more  common    than  in  the  cities  and 
larger  towns  of  Maine.     Nowhere   in  the  world  is  the  aver- 
age (piality  of  the   liquor  sold  so   bad,  and  consequently   so 
dangerous  to  the  health  of  the  consumer  and  the  peace  of  the 
public.     The  facilities  for  obtaining  liquor  vary  in  different 
parts  of  the   State,   from  the  cities   where    fancy-drinks  are 
openly  com))ounded  and  sold  over  rosewood  bars,  to  the  ))laces 
where  it  is  dispensed   l)y  the  swig  from  fiat   bottles  carried 
around    in   the    breeches    pockets    of   i)erand)ulating   dealers. 
But  liquor,  good  or  bad,  can  be  bought  anywhere."     Perjury, 
the  Suit  correspondent  also  stated,  as  usual,  was  rife.     The 
most  recent  evidence  is  to  the  same  effect.     In  the  cities  of 
Maine,  though  the  law  has  been  forty-six  times  amended  to 
sharpen   its  teeth,  liquor,  generally  of  a  bad  kind,  is  freely 
though  clandestinely  sold.      "Pocket  peddling"   is    rife   and 
presses  the  temptation  on  the  young.     The  cit}-  of  J>angor  has 
openly  taken  itself  out  of  the  law,  and  established  a  liquor 
system  of   its   own.     In  Portland  the  city  government  sells 
liquor  nominally  for  medicine,  but  really  also  as  a  l)everage, 
and  the  agency  is  a  scene  of  falsehood,  jobbery,  and  corruption. 
The  corruption  of  city  officers  is  an  almost  inevitable  and  a 
serious  consequence  of  the  system.     Some  of  those  who  have 
administered  the  law  in  jNIaine  are  among  the  strongest  advo- 
cates of  repeal  and  of  a  return  to  the  license  system.     They 
tried  to  give  effect  to  the  law.     They  fine,  they  imprison,  they 
])erhaps  ruin  one  set  of  li(pior  dealers,  and  the  only  result  is 
that  a  worse  set  succeeds. 

Nor  has  Maine  fulfilled  the  golden  promises  held  out  by 


li 


(ilKSI'lONS   Ol'    nil':    DAY. 


R; 


r 


!i 


'i 


Proliibition  of  inmnmity  from  criiiH'  and  riiliaiiced  pi'os})erity. 
Though  the  population  of  the  State  has  been  stationary,  the 
statistics  of  crime  have  increased.  In  l<S7.'i  the  nrnnber  of  com- 
mittals to  gaol  was  ir)4(S  ;  in  1884  it  was  o(u2.  The  pauper  rate 
of  the  cities  was  large  ('omj)ared  with  that  in  other  States.  More 
recent  statistics  seem  not  much  to  ajter  tlie  case.  All  statistics 
of  this  kind  may  require  qualification  on  account  of  changes  in 
population  or  trade.  JUit  Prohibition  at  all  events  cannot  be 
said  to  have  put  an  end  to  crime  or  i)auperism  in  Maine.  If 
that  State  has  advanced  socially,  or  morally,  or  economically, 
it  has  not  advanced  farther  than  other  States  similar  to  it  in 
general  respects  but  without  a  ])rohibitive  law.  Prohibition  has 
been  the  platform  of  one  of  the  jjolitical  parties ;  otherwise  it 
seems  not  unlikely  that  there  might  have  been  a  repeal  of  the 
law  and  a  return  to  the  license  system.  Entanglement  of  a 
social  and  moral  (piestion  with  the  tactics  and  hypocrisy  of 
a  political  party  is  an  evil  attendant  of  Prohibition.  The 
integrity  even  of  churches  is  in  some  peril.  '"The  Methodists," 
said  General  Neal  Dow,  "are  a  very  great  body  of  religionists 
in  this  country,  and  always  at  their  conventions  they  form  very 
grand  resolutions  against  the  lifpior  trathc.  There  is  hardly 
any  language  in  the  English  tongue  that  they  do  not  use  against 
the  li(pior  traffic.  Nice  men  they  are  and  educated  men  too, 
but  after  that  they  go  directly  round  and  vote  for  rum.  The 
Presbyterians  all  do  the  same  thing,  and  the  Congregationalists 
will  do  the  same.  When  1  have  occasion  to  speak  to  them  I 
say,  *  I  would  rather  you  would  resolve  against  temperance  and 
pray  against  temperance,  and  then  vote  against  rum,  rather 
than  you  would  pray  and  resolve  against  intemperance  and 
then  go  and  vote  for  rum.' " 

Vermont  has  also  l)een  trying  Prohibition  for  more  than  forty 
years.  Here  the  city  population  is  comparatively  small,  so 
that  the  system  has  the  fairest  chance ;  while  the  legislature, 
luuler  the  pressure  of  the  "  Temperance  vote,"  has  piled  one 
repressive  enactment  upon  another,  heaped  up  penalties,  and 
at  last  given  the  i)olice  power  to  enter  any  house  without 
a  warrant.     The  resiilt  after  thirty  years  was  reported  by  Mr. 


tii 


I'HOllIIUriON   IN  CANADA   AM)    TIIK   IMTKI)  STA  lE.S.     ,J2l 


pros]){!rity. 
^ionaiy,  tJie 
iber  of  coni- 
piiuper  rate 
ates.  More 
11  statistics 
eliaiiges  in 

cannot  be 
Maine.     If 
)noniioally, 
lar  to  it  in 
ibition  has 
jherwise  it 
peal  of  the 
ment  of  a 
pocrisy  of 
ion.     The 
^thodists," 
eligionists 
form  very 

is  hardly 
se  against 

men  too, 
Lun.  The 
tionalists 
to  tliem  I 
"ance  and 
in,  rather 
ance  and 

ban  forty 
^mall,  so 
jislature, 
)iled  one 
ties,  and 
without 
i  by  Mr. 


Kdward  Johnson  in  tli*'  Popular  Sn'mcr  Monthhf  for  May, 
18(S4.  lie  states  that  "  tor  all  i)ractical  pni-poscs  the  law  is 
an  absoluti'  dead  letter."  There  were  at  the  time  of  his 
writing  in  the  State  440  places  where  li(pior  was  sold,  and 
though  the  population  was  well-nigh  stationary  there  was  a. 
marked  increase  in  their  number.  -A  large  ])roportion  of  the 
dram-shops  are  on  the  principal  streets,  and  thei-e  is  no  con- 
cealment of  the  illegal  traffic.  Spasmodic  attempts  to  enforce 
tlie  law  are  nuule  in  the  larger  jjlaces,  l)ut  are  utterly  futile. 
Of  enforcing  the  law,  as  the  laws  against  burglary  and  larceny 
are  enforced,  nobody  dreams  for  a  moment."  "Sudj,"  says 
Mr.  Johnson. "  is  the  unsatisfactory  result  of  \'ermont's  thirty 
years'  experience  of  the  Trohibitory  li(pior-laws."  "One 
might,"  he  adds,  '-'go  still  further  and  speak  of  the  i)erjury 
and  subornation  of  i)erjury  for  which  the  law  is  in  a  sense 
responsible,  of  the  disregard  and  contempt  of  all  law  which 
the  operation  of  this  law  tends  to  foster  and  encourage,  and 
of  cognate  matters  which  will  occur  to  the  reflective  reader; 
but  perhaps  enough  has  been  said  in  showing  the  failure  of  the 
law  to  accomplish  the  object  for  which  it  was  enacted."  No 
attempt,  so  far  as  we  know,  has  been  made  to  controvert  Mr. 
Johnson's  statements,  or  to  refute  the  conclusion  Avhich  he 
draws  from  them,  and  which  is  that  men  cannot  be  dragooned 
into  virtue  ;  that  is,  not  by  State  interference  Avith  practices 
not  in  themselves  criminal,  but  only  by  State  interference 
with  positive  crime. 

Massachusetts  also  for  a  series  of  years  tried  Prohibition. 
The  result  is  end)odied  in  the  Report  of  a  joint  committee  of 
both  Houses  of  the  Legislature  (l.SOT),  which  ought  to  be  in 
the  hands  of  all  those  who  wish  to  be  guided  by  experience 
in  this  matter.  That  Report,  founded  on  the  best  evidence, 
states  that  the  law,  if  by  its  operation  it  diminishes  the  num- 
ber of  open  places  of  drinking,  does  so  only  to  multiply  the 
secret  places,  that  more  li(pior  and  worse  litpun-  wr-.s  drunk, 
that  drunkenness  had  increased  almost  in  direct  ratio  to  the 
closing  of  public  places  of  sale,  and  that  there  was  more  of  it 
in  Boston  than  there  had  been  at  any  i)revious  time  in  the 


Br 


.'I 


:V22 


Ql'KS'l'KtXS   OF    rilK    DAY. 


llMi^ 


,jf5 


liistoj-y  ol' tlie  (Uty.  •'TIk'  iiu'i-o  I'lict,"  suys  the  Report  — in 
words  to  which  we  wouhl  call  special  atttMitioii — "the  mere 
fact  that  the  law  seeks  to  prevent  them  from  drinking  rouses 
the  determination  to  drink  in  many.  The  fa<?t  that  the  place 
is  secret  takes  away  the  restraint  which,  in  more  puidic  and 
respectable  places,  wonld  keep  them  within  teinjierate  bounds. 
The  fact  that  the  business  is  contraband  and  liable  to  inter- 
ruption, and  that  its  gains  are  hazardous,  tends  to  drive  honest 
men  from  it  and  to  leave  it  under  the  control  of  dishonest 
men,  who  will  not  scruple  to  poison  the  community  with  vile 
adulteration."  In  (conclusion,  the  Report  s\d)mits  that  so  long 
as  tliere  is  a  demand  for  licpior  there  will  be  a  supply,  licensed 
or  illicit,  and  recommends  regulated  freedom  as  the  best 
policy. 

In  Fowa  again  Prohibition  has  been  on  its  trial.  A  corre- 
spond* nt  of  Harper's  Weckh/,  recommended  as  thoroughly 
trustwortliy  by  ii  journal  itself  very  careful  of  its  statements, 
rei)orted  that  Prohibition  in  the  cities  of  Fowa  meant  free 
liquor.  A  correspondent  of  the  Xew  York  Nation  testi- 
fied to  much  the  same  effect,  adding  that  the  local  organ  of 
F*rohibition  itself  admitted  the  failure.  Dr.  Dio  Lewis,  the 
Cato  of  dietists,  said  that  he  had  tomdied  at  several  of  the 
large  cities  on  a  toiir  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  among 
other  things  had  incpiired  into  the  practical  benefits  reajied 
from  I'rohibition.  Fn  places  where  he  had  been  assured  that 
drink  could  not  be  had  for  love  or  money  he  had  seen  drunk- 
ards reeling  in  the  streets.  In  Iowa  City,  where  Prohibition 
Avas  supposed  to  l)e  enforced,  he  saw  from  seventy-five  to  a 
hundred  kegs  of  beer  delivered  on  trucks  from  a  brewery. 
His  j)ractical  conclusion  was  that  Prohibition  was  a  wihl 
theory ;  "  that  as  a  prev^entative  it  had  not  met  the  claims  of 
its  supporters,  and  as  an  aid  to  the  cause  of  Temperance  was  a 
failure.''  I)ubu(pie  is  a  city  of  about  .35,000  inhabitants.  Its 
business  Directory  comprises  two  breweries,  six  bottlers, 
thirty-live  hotels,  ten  wholesale  liquor  places,  and  a  hundred 
and  eighty-one  saloons.  The  annual  expense  to  the  liquor- 
seller  in  the  way  of  "  license  "  is  small :  he  pays  the  United 


m 

[it 

m 


tepui't  —  in 
"the  mere 
king  rouses 
,t  tlie  place 
public  and 
ite  bounds, 
lie  to  inter- 
rive  honest 

dishonest 
Y  with  vile 
lat  so  long 
y,  licensed 

the    best 

A  corre- 
lioroughly 
tateinents, 
leant  free 
tioii   testi- 
l  organ  of 
jewis,  the 
ral  of  the 
!id  among 
its  reajied 
ured  that 
Bn  drunk- 
rohibition 
-five  to  a 
brewery. 
s   a  wild 
claims  of 
uce  was  a 
-nts.     Its 
bottlers, 
hundred 
e   liquor- 
e  United 


rHOIIllJlTlUN  IN  CANADA  AND    TIIK  INI'IKD  SIA'IKS.     ;!l>;5 

S'tates  Government  tax  oF  if? 25,  and  twice  a  year  is  formally 
prosecuted  and  fined  .5 HO  l)y  the  numicipality.  Druggist 
shops  are  turned  into  li(|uor  shops  witli  a  few  drugs  in  the 
window. 

In  Kansas,  the  State  of  Governor  St.  .John,  the  cliosen  cliief 
of  rrohibitionism,  where  the  most  stringent  Trohibition  had 
been  enacted,  the  result,  according  to  Dr.  (Jardner,  was  that 
the  drug-stores  were  little  more  than  rum-shops,  and  tliat  their 
luimber  was  astonishing.  In  one  town  of  four  thousaml 
people,  fifteen  of  them  were  counted  on  the  main  street. 
Leavenwortli,  with  a  ])npulation  of  2;^>,000,  has  a  Inuuh-ed  and 
seventy-five  places  where  li(pi()r  is  sold.  In  Kausas  City  the 
police  collected  in  1.S82  $45,000  in  fines  for  Illegal  sale  of 
liquor.  There  is  a  general  tendency  to  convert  Pi'ohibition, 
where  it  prevails,  practically  into  license  by  taking  the  fees 
under  the  guise  of  fines.  In  Tongawoxie,  a  small  town  in 
Kansas  where  there  was  no  saloon  before  Prohibition,  then* 
are  three  or  four  now.  This  is  against  the  theory  that  Trohibi- 
tion  works  well  in  small  i)laees  though  in  large  cities  it  works 
ill.  At  Topeka  in  Kansas  there  are  no  saloons.  l>ut  tliere 
were  none  when  Prohibition  was  introduced,  popular  feeling 
being  against  them.  A  proof  that  it  is  popular  feeling  that  is 
strong,  not  prohibitive  law.  The  Canadian  Commission,  how- 
ever, has  been  making  careful  inrpiiry  in  Kansas  and  the 
results  of  its  investigations  will  soon  appear. 

It  seems  tliat  experience  has  always  pointed  the  same  way. 
Under  James  I.  and  Charles  I.  a  series  of  Acts  was  passed  to 
suppress  tippling,  the  effect  of  which  evidently  was  only  to 
suppress  the  respectability  of  t\\v  tavern-keepers,  who  at  last 
were  found  to  be  unable  to  i)ay  fines,  so  that  I\'irliament  had 
to  resort  to  flogging  as  a  penalty.  The  failure  is  the  more 
significant  because  the  Executive  was  so  strong,  and  ■  s  sure 
to  be  backed  in  this  case  by  the  Puritan  Parliament.  The 
Gin  Act  of  George  11.  was  found  to  have  nuide  bad  worse,  and 
had  to  be  repealed.  Elven  in  Puritan  Connecticut,  where  the 
pressure  of  ecclesiastical  authority  was  tremendous,  the  his- 
torian tells  ns  that  "  rules  against  excess  in  drinking  and  in 


'  I 

I       t 


Ij       I 


iJ  i: 


.324 


QiKs'i'ioNs  or  riM':  day. 


Mpparcl  were  attt'iiiiitcd.  with  tlic  usual  want  of  suciicss." 
Heaven  apjx'ars  in  no  place  or  tinu;  to  have  prospered  what 
we  are  told  is  its  o\\  n  cause. 

Tiie  (litficultv  ot  even  enforcing  vaccination  in  places  where  it 
is  widely  resisted,  shows  how  arduous  a  task  is  coercive  legisla- 
tion when  it  is  not  backetl  by  jjopular  conviction,  whicdi,  it   it 
is  in  favour  of  the  i)rinci])le,  will  ])ro(luce  the  effect  witl 
coercive  law. 

About  ten  years  ago,  a  mass  meeting  of  the  friends  of 
Tem})erance,  connected  with  the  (Muircli  Temjjerance  So(Mety, 
was  held  at  Chickering  Hall,  at  New  York.  The  hall  was 
full  to  overflowing;  speeches  were  made  by  Mr.  Warner  Miller, 
llev.  Dr.  Greer,  the  l>ishop  of  Delaware,  Mr.  Seth  Low,  and 
Father  Osborne.  The  sense  of  the  meeting  was  evidently 
in  favour  of  high  license,  as  practically  the  best  safeguard 
against  intemperance.  Dr.  Gi'eer  dwelt  on  the  failure  of 
l'rohibiti(»n  in  Hhode  Island,  declaring  that  ''the  State  was 
not  less  wicked  as  a  Prohibition  State  than  as  a  low-license 
State ;  that  the  tactics  to  which  reputable  citizens  resorted  ' 
evade  the  law  created  a  s})irit  of  lawlessness;  and  that,  \v 
regard  to  the  city  of  Providence,  numerous  clubs  had  sprung 
up  there,  where  the  citizens  coidd  drink  their  fill  and  be  shel- 
tered from  ])ublicity  or  arrest.'' 

By  voluntary  associations,  such  as  Teetotal  societies  and  the 
Bands  of  Hope,  and  still  more  by  the  general  advance  of 
morality,  of  intelligence,  and  above  all  of  medical  science, 
great  improvement  has  been  made  in  Canada  as  it  has  else- 
where. Old  inhabitants  tell  you  that  forty  or  fifty  years  ago 
drunkenness  was  very  ccunmon  among  our  farmers,  and  that 
many  of  them  regularly  went  home  from  market  the  worse 
for  liquor.  Now  the  Canadian  farmers  are  a  very  sober  race. 
There  is  a  certain  amount  of  drunkenness,  as  well  as  of  other 
vices,  in  our  cities,  but  a  large  proportion  of  the  cases  are 
those  of  recent  immigrants.  The  writer  would  be  inclined  to 
say,  judging  from  outward  appearances,  that  Toronto,  com- 
pared with  other  cities  in  which  he  has  lived,  is  sober  as  Avell 
as  orderly.     It  has  indeed  been  proclaimed  from  the  Frohibi- 


I'KOIIIHITION   IN  CANADA   AND  THK  LMTKI)  STATKS.     ;J20 


f  success." 
IHMvd  wllilt 

;es  where  it 
3ive  legislu- 
.vliieli,  i(  it 
'C't  witl 

friends  of 
ce  S()('i(>ty, 
n  hall  was 
■ner  Miller, 
Low,  and 
evidently 
safeguard 
failure  of 
State  was 
ow-lieense 
•esorted  ' 
that,  w 
lad  si)rung 
id  be  shel- 
ls and  the 
clvance  of 
1  science, 
has  else- 
years  ago 
and  that 
;he  worse 
)ber  race, 
of  other 
cases  are 
clined  to 
ito,  corn- 
er as  well 
Prohibi- 


tion platform  that  there  are  seven,  or  even  tvu,  thousand 
deaths  from  drinking  in  tlic  Dominion  every  year.  This  would 
be  from  a  third  to  oiif-iialf  of  tlie  total  innnlHT  of  male  adult 
deaths.  About  the  time  when  this  announcemtMit  was  made, 
the  Mortuary  Statistics  gave  the  total  luimbcr  (d'  deal  lis  from 
ah'oholic  causes  in  eight  principal  cities  and  towns  in  (mic 
month  as  two.  In  England  likewi.se,  the  evil  iiabit  of  diiid<- 
ing  lias  been  greatly  reduced,  without  any  restrictive  laws 
or  restraint  of  any  kind,  mainly  by  the  increasing  iuHu- 
ence  of  medical  science,  ami  in  connection  with  the  general 
]u-ogress  of  hygienic  reform.  It  should  be  observed  that 
voluntary  effort  will  be  weakened  by  coercive  legislation, 
rrohibition,  if  universally  enforced,  would  break  up  Teetotal 
fraternities  and  liands  of  Hope;  and  unless  it  was  itself 
successful  in  extiri)ating  the  desire  for  drink,  that  desire 
might  any  day  break  out  again  on  a  large  scale,  and  find  no 
oi'ganisation  on  foot  to  resist  its  sway. 

Before  the  iJritish  Parlianu'ut  consents  to  extreme  le<nsla- 
tion,  let  it  at  all  events  appoint  a  Commission  of  Inquiry  to 
report  to  it  on  the  results  of  prohibitory  legislation  in  Canada 
and  the  United  States.  The  Commissiomu's.  will  probably 
find  that  impartial  ojjiuion  on  the  continent  jjronounces  Pro- 
hibition a  failure,  and  inclines  decidedly  in  favour  of  the 
plan  of  high  licenses  with  stringent  regulation.  That  strin- 
gent and  exceptional  legislation  is  reipiired  for  the  li(pior- 
traffic  nobody  doubts.  Nor  do  the  respectable  mend)ers  of 
the  trade  deprecate  it;  for  nothing  can  be  less  conducive 
to  their  interest  than  drunkenness  and  disorder  on  their 
premises.  It  is  (piite  [)Ossible  that  a  stricter  code  may  be 
necessary  in  England  than  is  necessary  in  the  United  States 
or  Canada.  There  is  nothing,  thank  Heaven,  on  the  American 
continent  like  the  gin-}»alaces  of  London. 

A  license  fee  as  high  as  a  thousaml  dollars  (200/.)  has  been 
proposed,  and  the  prospect  of  revenue  is  tempting  to  the 
municipalities.  But  if  the  system  is  overstrained  its  effect 
will  practically  be  the  same  as  I'rohibition ;  it  will  call  into 
existemse   in  towns  and  cities  an  illicit  trade,  which  of  all 


Mf^^^^ 

1 

i 

1 

'(    ? 

r 

( 

1 

i 

i' 

.     .1 

^smm 


T 


1 


|i-'5       I 


ii'i; 


:{2r) 


QUKSTIONS   nV   TIIK    DAY. 


results  is  the  worst.  To  cliniiuisli  the  deniand  for  liquors  by 
moral  agencnes  has  been  shown  to  be  piacticable,  both  in 
Canada  and  among  the  upper  classes  in  England;  to  dimiu'sli 
the  supply  without  diminishing  the  demand  seems  to  be  ini- 
])racticable,  resort  to  what  expedients  you  will. 

It  is  as  needless  to  dilate  on  the  evils  of  intemperance  as  it 
is  to  dilate  on  the  evils  of  small-pox.  The  only  (piestion  is 
whether  prohibitive  legislation  cures  or  rather  aggravates  and 
propagates  the  disease.  lUit  the  advocates  of  coercion  have 
surely  overstated  the  connection  between  drinking  and  crime. 
From  their  language  it  might  be  sui)posed  that  if  we  could 
only  stamp  out  drinking,  crimes  of  all  kinds  would  cease,  our 
gaols  woidd  stand  empty,  aiul  we  should  be  at  liberty  to  dis- 
band the  police.  If  it  were  so,  no  measures,  provided  they 
were  effective,  could  be  too  strong.  But  can  we  believe  that 
cruelty,  lust,  covetousness,  vindictiveness,  malice,  and  the 
other  evil  tendencies  of  human  nature  in  which  crime  has  its 
source,  are  all  the  offspring  of  drink,  and  that  with  drink  they 
would  depart  ?  Do  they  not  manifest  themselves,  in  germ  at 
least,  in  children  v.  hose  lips  have  never  touched  the  glass  ? 
Among  the  poorer  classes  seasons  of  distress  are  seasons  of 
(trime,  though  the  power  of  buying  liquor  is  diminished.  Is 
there  no  crime  in  Mahomedan  countries,  which  keep  the 
Prophet's  law  '/  Is  there  none  in  Spain,  the  people  of  which 
are  remarkable  for  their  teniperance  ?  It  is  natural  that  the 
criminal  classes  should  also  be  given  to  drink,  as  they  are  to 
gross  sensuality  of  other  kinds;  but  it  does  not  follow  that 
their  addiction  to  drink  is  the  sole,  or  even  the  jjrincipal, 
source  of  their  crime.  Prisoners,  too,  are  apt  to  plead  drink 
in  extenuation  of  tlieir  offences,  especially  since  they  know 
that  philanthropy  will  hail  their  plea.  A  renuirkable  arti- 
cle on  diet  ai)i)eared  in  1885  from  the  pen  of  Sir  Henry 
Thompson,  in  which  he  avowed  his  belief  that  not  only  the 
bodily  but  the  moral  evil  arising  from  intemi)erance  in  eating 
was  as  great  as  that  arising  from  intemperance  in  drink. 
(Certainly,  we  should  not  look  lor  more  malevolence  in  a 
drinker  of  any  but  the  worst  whiskey  or  rum  than  in  cue  who. 


PKOIIIBITION  IN  CANADA  AND  TIIK  UNITED  STATES.     ;527 


liquors  by 
e,  both   in 

0  diniin'sli 
to  be  iiu- 

rance  as  it 

question  is 

avates  and 

reioii  have 

and  crime. 

'  we  couhl 

cease,  our 

iity  to  dis- 

k'ided  they 

jlieve  that 

I,   and   the 

ine  has  its 

drink  they 

n  germ  at 

the  ghiss  ? 

seasons  of 

ished.     Is 

keep   the 

of  which 

1  that  the 
hey  are  to 
)lh)W  that 

principal, 
ead  drink 
hey  know 
cable  arti- 
>ir  Henry 
t  only  the 

in  eating 

in  drink, 
ence  in  a 

one  who, 


like  too  many  people  in  America,  over-eats  himself  daily  with 
fat  and  ill-boiled  pork,  or  beefsteak  cooked  in  the  deadly  frying- 
j)an,  as  well  as  with  half-baked  bread  and  greasy  pie,  washiin^, 
down  the  whole  with  eo[)ions  draughts  of  the  most  abominab-u 
green  tea.  The  Maine  Prison  Report  for  1884  says  :  *'  Intem- 
perance is  not  a  cause  of  crime ;  it  is  a  crime  more  against 
society  and  against  the  family  than  against  the  State."  The 
words  are  a  little  ambiguous,  but  they  certainly  do  not  mean 
that  intemi)erance  is  the  sole  sourct;  of  crime.  The  warden  of 
the  Maine  State  prison,  reviewing  the  declarations  made  of 
each  convict  between  the  years  1880  and  1887,  found  that 
of  iMi)  convicts  194  declared  that  they  used  no  licpior,  IGo 
that  they  used  some  liquor,  and  8S  that  they  were  intemperate. 
Whether  we  or  any  of  us  ought  entirely  to  renounce  alcohol 
it  is  for  science  to  determine.  If  science  pronounces  that  we 
ought,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  growing  intelligence 
of  humanity  will  gradually  conform  to  the  decision,  as  it  is 
already  conforming  to  the  decision  of  science  by  other  changes 
of  habit.  But  one  can  hardly  help  thinking  that  even  with 
regard  to  the  physical  effects  of  alcohol  thei-e  has,  at  all 
events,  been  a  good  deal  of  exaggeration  on  the  "  Tenqjcrance  " 
platform.  The  sort  of  spirits  to  Avliich  Prohibition  drives 
people,  as  we  have  seen,  is  poison  indeed.  P)ut  surely  it  is 
only  in  a  meta])horical  sense  that  the  name  can  be  applied  to 
liquors  which  a  num  has  druidi  through  a  life  of  eighty, 
ninety,  even  a  hundred  years.  In  ^Manitoba  tliere  are  two 
bodies  of  Mennonites,  of  which  one  drinks  spirits  or  fermented 
licpiors,  while  the  other  abstains  ;  and  a  person  who  has  a, 
great  deal  to  do  with  the  ]\[ennonites,  and  whose  evidence  is 
to  be  trusted,  told  the  writer  that  the  section  which  drinks 
is  rather  superior  in  ])r()gressivt'  energy  to  the  section  of 
abstainers.  No  part  of  our  Canadian  population  is  more 
industrious  or  worthier  than  the  (Jennans  of  Waterloo  (lounty, 
Ontario,  who,  like  all  Germans,  driidc  beer.  That  alcohol  does 
not  nourish,  supposing  it  to  be  true,  is  not  much  to  the  ])ur- 
pose.  If  alcohol  does  not  n(mrish.  it  exhilarates.  Tea,  whicli 
some  Prohibitionists  drink  in  floods,  and  on  which  they  spend 


li   !      1 

■4 ; 

328 


(^IKSTIONS   OF   THE    DAY. 


SI    J 

i    1    ' 


M 


^^    :  A 


its  much  money  ;is  otliers  do  in  beer,  does  not  nourish,  but  it 
soothes.  Possibly  the  exhihirution  produced  by  wine  may 
sometimes  have  been  a  necessary  antidote  to  melancholy,  which 
would  otherwise  prey  fatally  on  the  mind.  The  Psalmist,  who 
praised  wine  as  making  glad  the  heart  of  man,  though  he  lived 
before  science,  nuiy  have  spoken  with  the  voice  of  Nature. 
lUit  let  medical  science  decide  ;  to  her,  not  to  the  religious 
or  political  '^latform,  the  (question  belongs. 

The  Temperance  platform  has  also  beyond  doubt  grossly 
exaggerated  the  effect  of  nu)derate  drinking  in  tempting  on- 
ward to  excess.  To  maintain  that  a  nmn  who  is  in  the  ha'  '^ 
of  taking  daily  a  glass  of  wine  or  beer  must  inevitably  contr. 
a  craving  which  will  lead  to  his  becoming  a  drunkard,  is  ne- 
cessary, no  doubt,  for  the  justification  of  those  who  advocate 
indiscriminate  re[)ression ;  but  nothing  can  be  nu)re  flagrantly 
at  variance  with  obvious  facts.  An  ordinary  English  gentle- 
man takes  a  glass  of  wine  daily  at  dinner  without  feeling  any 
more  tempted  to  swallow  the  Avhole  contents  of  the  decant  r 
than  he  is  to  swallow  the  whole  contents  of  tlie  nuistard-pr.'". 
from  which  he  takes  a  si)Oonful  Avith  his  l)eef.  A  man  may 
play  a  game  of  cribbage  with  his  wife  without  becoming  a 
gambler.  If  Johnson  found  abstinence  easier  than  temper- 
ance, it  was  because  he  had  once  been  intemperate.  He  knew 
that  his  own  case  was  peculiar.  To  most  men,  as  they  require 
jdiysical  enjoyment  of  some  kind,  temperance  is  easier  than 
abstinence.  The  Spaniards  regularly  drink  wine,  yet  Croker, 
in  his  "■  Travels  in  Spain,"  says,  "  The  habitual  temperance  of 
these  people  is  really  astonishing ;  T  never  saw  a  Spaniard 
drink  a  second  glass  of  wine."  Another  English  tourist  says, 
"  In  all  our  wanderings  through  town  and  country,  along  the 
highways  and  byways  of  the  land  from  Bayonne  to  Gibraltar, 
we  never  saw  more  than  four  men  who  were  the  least  intoxi- 
cated." Mr.  Bryant,  the  American  author,  has  confirmed  this 
account.  A  clerical  advocate  of  our  Scott  Act  once  said 
that  he  would  no  nu)re  think  of  jiutting  licpior  within  reach  of 
the  people,  than  of  putting  a  knife  within  reach  of  a  baby. 
Supposing  a  glass  of  ale  to  be  a  knife,  the  reverend  gentleman's 


PROHIBITION  IX  CANADA  AND  Tilt:  I  NIL' ED  STATKS.     ;}2i) 


isli,  but  it 
wine  may 
oly,  wliich 
liuist,  who 
:h  he  lived 
•f  Nature. 
i  religious 

bt  grossly 
npting  on- 
the  lia^'-^ 
ly  contr.     . 
ard,  is  ne- 
o  advocate 
flagrantly 
ish  gentle- 
eeliiig  any 
e  decant  r 
lustard-pf.*"! 
man  maj 
ecoming  a 
n  temper- 
He  knew 
'V  require 
isier  than 
2t  Croker, 
)eraiice  of 
Spaniard 
iirist  says, 
along  the 
Gibraltar, 
ist  intoxi- 
rmed  this 
once  said 
1  reach  of 
if  a  baby, 
ntleman's 


fellow-citizens  are  not  babies.  Among  the  extreme  advocates 
of  coercion  are,  it  is  believed,  men  who  have  themselves  been 
given  to  drink,  and  who  cannot  understand  the  existence  of 
self-control. 

From  comjnunitics  vexed  by  arbitrary  legislation  those  who 
rebel  against  arbitrary  legislation,  or  do  not  wish  to  have  their 
tastes  and  habits  regulated  I'v  a  tyrannical  majority,  will 
depart.  It  seems  that  the  Germans,  excellent  settlers,  but 
unwilling  to  give  up  their  lager  beer,  have  been  driven  from 
Maine.  Against  lager  beer  as  well  as  cider  and  other  light 
drinks  Prohibition,  as  has  already  been  said,  discriminates  ; 
their  bulk  in  proportion  to  the  alcohol  making  them  unsuitable 
for  contraband  sale. 

The  taste  for  fermented  liquors,  if  not  congenital,  seems  to 
be  immemorial  and  almost  universal.  Its  traces  appear  in  all 
the  mythologies,  Hindu.  Hellenic,  Roman,  and  Scandinavian. 
Probably  the  use  of  such  liquors  is  coeval  with  cookery,  which 
also'  has  been  the  source  of  much  evil  as  well  as  of  much 
pleasure  to  mankind.  It  is  very  likely  that  a  great  change  in 
human  diet,  as  well  as  in  human  beliefs  and  institiitions,  is 
coming ;  but  it  is  not  likely  that  this  change  will  come  sud- 
denly, or  that  diet,  being  complex,  will  undergo  a  revolution 
in  one  of  its  elements  without  a  corresponding  revolution  in 
the  rest.  Vegetarianism  has  many  advo(!ates,  and  there  are 
symptoms  of  gradual  progress  in  that  direction  since  the  days 
in  which  a  Homeric  hero  devoured  a  whole  joint  of  meat  and 
the  bard  sang  of  the  work  of  the  shandjles  with  as  much  gusto 
as  he  sang  of  the  harvest  and  the  vintage.  It  is  certain  that 
most  people  eat  too  much  meat  and  are  the  worse  for  it,  though 
it  has  not  yet  been  projwsed  on  that  account  to  shut  up  the 
butchers'  shops  and  send  the  butchers  to  gaol.  Fermented 
drinks  may  be  discarded  and  cookery  with  them;  a  refined 
and  intellectual  world  may  be  content  to  sustain  its  grosser 
part  with  bread  and  water  from  the  spring;  and  our  Christmas 
cheer  may  be  remembered  only  as  the  habit  of  p.rimeval  sav- 
ages with  wonder  and  disgust.  But  in  (piestions  of  diet,  as 
has  already  been  said,  it    is  for  medical  science,  not  for  the 


^»:S^ 


r 


1;,    , 

;      \ 

>      1 

:  ■  \ 

' 

'  '    'i 

880 


QUESTIONS  OF  THK   DAY. 


sentiment  oi  the  platform  or  for  religions  enthusiasm,  to 
decide. 

We  have  seen  how  in  Vermont,  Prohibitionism,  exasperated 
by  its  inevitable  failure,  hcajjed  u[)  })enal  enactments,  and 
at  last  invaded  the  most  sacred  liberties  of  the  citizen  and  the 
sanctuary  of  his  home.  It  is  the  tendency  of  all  tyranny, 
Avhether  it  be  that  of  a  sultan,  a  crowd,  a  sect,  or  a  party  of 
zealots,  when  it  finds  itself  bathed,  to  pile  on  fresh  severities 
instead  of  reconsidering  the  wisdom  of  its  own  policy.  Pro- 
hibitive legislation  in  Canada  has  not  failed  to  betray  the  same 
arbitrary  spirit.  There  is  a  clause  in  the  Scott  Act  (sec.  12) 
setting  aside  the  common  legal  safeguards  of  innocence.  It 
provides  "that  it  shall  not  be  necessary  for  the  informer  to 
depose  to  the  fact  of  the  sale  as  within  his  own  personal  or 
certain  knowledge,  but  the  magistrate,  so  soon  as  it  appears 
to  him  that  the  circumstances  in  evidence  sutticiently  establish 
the  infraction  of  the  law,  shall  i)ut  the  defendant  on  his  de- 
fence, and  in  default  of  his  rebuttal  of  such  evidence  shall 
convict  him  accordingly,"  —  convict  him,  in  short,  and  send 
him  to  prison  on  hearsay,  if  in  the  opinion  of  the  magistrate, 
who  may  be  a  strong  ])artisan,  he  fails  to  prove  his  innocence. 
There  is  a  clause  (12U)  mpiiring  a  man  when  interrogated 
respecting  previous  convictions  to  criminate  himself,  which 
seems  intended  for  the  very  ])urpose  of  breeding  mendacity. 
There  is  a  clause  (iL'.'i)  comi)elling  husband  and  wife  to  give 
evidence  against  each  other.  When  the  wife  has  sent  the 
husband  to  i)rison,  what  will  the  wedlock  of  that  pair  thence- 
forth be?  Which  of  the  two  is  the  greater  sin,  to  refuse  to 
give  evidence  under  the  Scott  Act,  or  to  break  the  marriage 
vow,  whiph  bids  husband  and  wife  to  cherish  and  protect  each 
other  ?  There  is  no  ap])eal  on  the  merits  from  the  arbitrary 
decision  of  the  magistrate,  and  zealots  liave  not  been  ashamed 
to  demand  in  the  j)lainest  terms  the  appointment  of  partisans 
to  the  bench.  It  never  occurs  to  them  to  consider  whether 
intemperance  itself  is  a  worse  vice  than  injustice. 

The  treatment  of  the  hottd  aiul  tavern  keei)ers  has  also  been 
utterly  iniquitous.     These  men  have  been  earning  their  bread 


PROHIBITION  IN  CANADA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.     331 


isiasm,   to 

casperated 
lents,  and 
m  and  the 

tyranny, 

a  party  of 

severities 

icy.     Pro- 

( the  same 

(sec.  12) 
[?ence.  It 
former  to 
3rsonal  or 
t  appears 
■  establish 
Dn  his  de- 
vice shall 
and  send 
lagistrate, 
nnocence. 
;errogated 
(If,  which 
lendacity. 
'e  to  give 
sent  the 
ir  thence- 
refuse  to 
marriage 
)tect  each 
arbitrary 
>  ashamed 
partisans 
•  whether 

also  been 
leir  bread 


by  a  trade  which,  when  they  entered  it,  was  not  only  licensed 
by  the  State,  but  deemed  by  everybody  i)erfectly  rejjutable ; 
and  therefore  when  tlieir  trade  is  suddenly  suppressed  they 
are  apparently  entitled  to  the  same  compensation  which  any 
other  trade  in  the  same  circumstances  would  receive.  But 
compensation  is  inc  nvenient  and  might  fatally  weight  the 
measure.  It  is  necessary,  therefore,  to  put  the  tavern-keeper 
out  of  the  pale  of  justice ;  and  to  do  this  pulpit  and  i)latform 
vie  with  each  other  in  kindling  popular  passion  against  him. 
He  is  represented  not  only  as  the  agent  of  a  traffic  to  which  it 
is  desirable  to  put  an  end,  but  as  a  criminal  and  the  worst  of 
criminals,  as  a  poisoner  and  a  murderer,  "steeped  to  the  elbow 
in  the  blood  of  civilisation."  Yet  money  made  by  the  poison 
which  he  sells  is  accepted  even  by  the  most  scrupulous  of  the 
Churches  for  its  religious  objects,  while  one  Church,  at  least, 
which  has  synodically  declared  for  total  Prohibition,  counts 
many  dealers  in  liquor  among  its  members. 

We  do  not  want  a  selfish  and  isolated  liberty.  Milton  him- 
self did  not  want  a  selfish  and  isolated  liberty ;  at  least,  he 
deliberately  sacrificed  his  eyesight  rather  than  decline  to  serve 
the  State.  But  after  all  this  struggling  against  the  paternal 
desi)otism  of  kings  and  popes,  we  do  want  a  reasonable  meas- 
ure of  freedom  and  of  self-development.  We  do  want  it  to  be 
understood,  as  the  general  rule,  that 

"  All  restraint, 
Except  what  wisdom  lays  on  evil  men, 
Is  evil." 

In  case  oi  extremity,  such  as  war  or  plague,  we  are  of 
course  ready  for  strong  measures,  provided  they  are  effectual. 
Not  only  war  or  plague,  but  any  peril  of  sucli  a  kind  that  the 
State  alone  can  deal  with  it,  warrants  tlie  intervention  of  the 
State.  Nobody  would  desire  to  set  arbitrary  and  i)edantu! 
bounds  to  the  common  action  of  the  community  for  tlie  preser- 
vation of  the  whole.  It  might  be  necessary,  and  therefore 
lawful,  to  close  the  taverns  of  the  nation,  were  the  nation 
becoming  the  hopeless  slave  of  drunkenness,  as  it  might  be 


"'il' 


:^ 


r/'^ 


ll 


I  ^  II 


:MI 


saa 


QIKSTIONS   OK   Till-:    DAY. 


necessary,  and  tlierefore  lawful,  t(j  close  the  race-courses  if 
the  nation  were  beconiing  the  hopeless  slave  of  turf-ganibling. 
Rut  in  an  ordinary  way  we  submit  that,  whether  in  the  hands 
of  kings  or  majorities,  political  power  is  a  trust  held  for 
definite  jnirposes,  which  do  not  include  interference  with  your 
neighbour's  diet,  or  any  of  his  personal  habits,  any  more  than 
they  include  the  limitation  of  his  industry  or  the  confiscation 
of  his  proi)erty.  The  Prohibitionist  thinks  that  by  doing  a 
little  injustice  he  can  do  a  great  deal  of  good,  and  so  probably 
have  thought  all  tyrants  who  Avere  not  absolutely  insane. 

If  fanaticism  in  pursuit  of  the  one  cherished  object  tramples 
on  justice  and  natural  affection,  how  can  it  show  any  more 
regard  for  the  claims  of  political  duty  ?  A  citizen  is  mani- 
festly bound  in  the  exercise  of  his  suffrage  to  (consider  all  the 
qnalitications  of  the  candidate  and  all  tlu;  interests  of  the 
State.  But  Temperance  organisations  in  Canada  have  formally 
resolved  to  exclude,  so  far  as  they  can,  from  all  public  offices, 
even  from  that  of  a  school-trustee,  any  one  who  will  not 
pledge  himself  to  the  su})port  of  their  i)olicy.  There  may  be 
other  issues  before  the  country  of  the  most  vital  importance, 
but  they  are  all  to  be  sacrificed  to  the  one  end  of  the  sect. 
The  man  may  be  qualified  in  every  respect  to  be  a  legislator  : 
he  may  even  be  a  total  abstainer ;  but  if  he  does  not  believe  in 
prohibitory  legislation,  a:?d  refuses  to  submit  his  conscience  to 
that  in  which  he  does  not  believe,  he  is  to  be  excluded  from 
public  life,  and  the  State  is  to  be  deprived  of  his  services. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  most  transparently  dishonest  submis- 
sion is  accepted  as  a  title  to  support.  A  tierce  electoral  con- 
test is  going  on  witli  forces  evenly  balanced,  and  everybody  is 
in  doubt  about  the  result.  Suddenly  it  is  announced  that  one 
of  the  candidates  has  consented  to  take  the  Prohibition  pledge. 
There  is  no  concealment  as  to  his  motive;  but  he  gets  the 
l^rohibitionist  vote,  and  by  its  help  rides  in  over  the  head 
of  his  more  scrupidous  rival,  while  eminent  Christians  and 
religious  journals  applaud  a  triumph  gained  over  public 
morality  by  fraud  and  lying.  It  is  needless  to  say  that 
rrohibitionism  becomes  a  marketable  commodity  among  poli- 


lii: 


courses  it' 
■gcainbling. 
the  hands 

held  for 
with  your 
more  than 
)nfiscation 
y  doing  a 
)  probably 
sane. 

b  tramples 
any  more 
I  is  manl- 
ier all  the 
its  of  the 
B  formally 
lie  offices, 
I  will  not 
re  may  be 
iportance, 

the  sect, 
egislator  : 
believe  in 
science  to 
ided  from 

services, 
t  submis- 
toral  con- 
irybody  is 

that  one 
)n  pledge. 

gets  the 
the  head 
tians  and 
•r  public 
say  that 
long  poli- 


PHOHIHITION  IN  CANADA  AND  TllH  INITED  STAPHS.     .liW 

ticians,  and  furnishes  the  ladder  by  wh'.di  knavery  climbs  to 
the  mark  of  its  ambition.  It  is  now,  perhaps,  alter  Irish  clan- 
ship, the  most  noxious  of  the  sectional  organisations,  the 
number  of  whieli  is  always  on  the  increase,  and  which  are 
destroying  the  character  of  the  citizen,  and  rendering  elective 
government  im[)ossil)le  by  treating  the  State  as  an  oyster 
to  be  opened  with  the  knife  of  their  vote  for  their  own  par- 
ticular end. 

Once  more  then,  and  with  increased  emphasis,  let  us  sug- 
gest that  before  the  British  Parliament  commits  itself  to 
prohibitive  legislation  it  should  send  a  Commission  of  Inquiry 
to  the  United  States  and  Caiiada,  or  at  least  wait  for  the  report 
of  the  Canadian  Commission  which  is  now  investigating  the 
subject,  and  which  embraces  in  the  scope  of  its  inrpiiry  not 
only  Canada  but  the  United  States. 


n- 1 


&' 


."*• 
ii. 


■ 

APPEN^DTX: 


COxMMUNISM  IN  THE  UxNITED  STATES. 


AMI 


li 

ff^l 

ii  'li 


if] 


I 

•ft:    *    !     , 


IJii 


III 
Iff 


THE  ONEIDA  COMMUNITY  AND   AMERICAN 

SOCIALISM. 


This  paper  appeared  in  the  Cnnndinn  Month!)/  of  Noveml)er,  1K74.  It  was  siis- 
f^ested  l)y  a  visit  of  two  days  i)aid  by  tlie  writiT  to  tlie  Oneida  Coimmuiity, 
then  under  tlie  Presidency  of  Mr.  Noyes.  Mr.  Noyes  lias  since  died,  and 
his  death  proved  irreparable  to  !iis  Coniniuuity. 


In  "History  of  Ameruuin  Socialisms,"  l)y  J.  Humphrey 
Noyes,  founder  and  father  uf  the  Oneida  Community,  we 
are  presented  witli  an  instructive  enumeration  of  the  various 
socialistic  experiments  made  in  America,  chiefly  within  tlie 
last  fifty  years. ^  This  enumeration  furiiislies  the  basis  for  an 
induction.  That  religious  communities  succeed,  wliile  the 
non-religious  invariably  fail,  is  the  inference  drawn  by  Mr. 
Noyes,  whose  own  community  is  religious.  "The  one  fea- 
ture," he  says,  "which  distinguishes  these  (the  prosperous) 
communities  from  the  transitory  sort,  is  their  religion;  which 
xu  every  case  is  of  the  earnest  kind,  which  comes  by  recognised 
afflatus,  and  controls  all  external  arrangements."  "  It  seems 
then,"  he  adds,  "to  be  a  fair  induction  from  tlie  facts  before 
us  that  earnest  religion  does  in  some  way  modify  human 
depravity,  so  as  to  make  continuous  association  possible,  and 
insure  to  it  great  material  success." 

To  the  writer  the  facts  suggested  a  different  conclusion; 
but  before  embracing  it  he  wished  to  see  the  Oneida  Com- 
munity.    The  Oneida  Community  is,  at  all  events,  not  afraid 

^  Mr.  Noyes  had  embodied  in  his  work  the  researches  of  Macdonald,  an 
ex-socialist,  who  devoted  himself  to  the  preparation  of  materials  for  a 
history  of  the  movement, 

337 


888 


(Jl  KSTIONS    OF    I'm;    DAY. 


II 


1 
I 

1   1 

i 

li 

■' 

I 

of  l)oiiig  sj'i'ii.  The  writer  \v;is  oix'  of  sonui  five  liundred  visi- 
tors ill  the  iiioiitli  of  St'[)ti'iiil)('r  iiloiic.  Upon  ajiplying  for 
tlid  rcifpiisitc  |)('riiussiou  lit'  was  nfccived  with  the  most  courte- 
ous liospitality,  aud  uHowed  fnudy  to  satisfy  his  curiosity,  so 
far  as  the  shortuess  of  liis  visit  wouM  ju'raiit.  He  came  away 
confirmed  in  his  prtrvious  opinion. 

Comnuuiitics  of  steady,  sober,  and  inchistrious  workers,  held 
together  by  a  religious  bond,  or  by  the  influence  of  a  venerated 
chief,  will  nudce  money;  if  they  liave  no  sejjarate  families 
there  will  be  no  family  interests  to  draw  them  apart;  if  they 
are  childless,  or  have  few  eliildren,  their  money  will  accumu- 
late; their  wealth  will  beeonu'  a  new  bond,  Init  will  at  the 
same  time  put  a  stoj)  to  prose.lytism,  so  that  the  extension  of 
the  coninmnity  will  be  limited  by  tlie  number  of  its  children, 
aud  if  it  has  no  eliildren,  it  will  becouu'  extinct.  A  practi(\'il 
assurance  of  this  fact,  winch  might  have  been  taken  for 
granted  without  any  experiment,  tlie  writer  believes  to  be  the 
net  upshot  of  tlie  eighty  experinuuits  whicdi  have  been  niiade, 
many  of  them  on  a  very  costly  scale.  In  other  words,  he 
l)elieves  that  the  law  of  success  or  failure  is  not  a  religious 
law,  but  an  economical  law,  and  one  of  the  most  commonplace 
kind.  The  utmost  that  religion  oi-  stMitiment  of  any  sort  has 
done  is  to  form  the  original  bond  of  union,  and  invest  the 
prophet-chief  with  the  necessary  i)ower. 

If  religion  could  sustain  a  communistic  association,  success 
would  have  been  assured  to  Hopedale,  founded  at  Milford, 
Massachusetts,  in  1841,  by  about  thirty  ])ersons  from  different 
parts  of  that  State,  under  liev.  Adin  Ballon.  This  Commu- 
nity was,  to  use  Mr.  Noyes's  own  ex[)ression,  intensely  religious 
in  its  ideal.  In  the  words  of  its  founder,  it  was  '•  a  church 
of  Christ,  based  on  a  simple  declaration  o^  faith  in  the  religion 
of  Jesus  Christ,  as  He  taught  and  exemplified  it,  aceordi  g  to 
the  Scriptures  of  the  New  Testament,  and  of  ,'"  '  Iged 

subjection  to  all  the  moral  obligations  of  that  n  .i."     No 

person  could  be  a  nunnber  of  it  who  did  not  cordia  assen  to 
that  declaration.  It  was  "to  afford  a  l)eginning,  a  spec  men 
and  a  presage  of  a  new  and  glorious  social  Christendom  —  a 


idred  visi- 
[»lying  tor 
jst  coiirte- 
riosity,  so 
laiue  away 

kers,  lield 
veiuu'utcd 
i  families 
t;  if  they 
I  accuniu- 
ill  at  tlie 
;ension  of 

eliildren, 
.  practi(\ul 
baken   for 

to  be  the 
;en  made, 
vords,  lie 

religious 
monplace 
i  sort  has 
iivest  the 

1,  success 

Milford, 

different 

Commu- 

religious 

a  church 

^-  religiou 

ord'   g  to 

ilged 

,u.-'     No 

assen'  to 

spec   men 

idoui  —  a 


PliiP 


AIM'KNDIX.  Mi 

grand  confedei'ation  of  similar  communities—;)  world  ulti- 
mately regenerated  and  E(h'nised.''  Nor  was  a  lead«'r  wanting, 
for  Mr.  Hallon,  besides  being  an  ardent  enthusiast,  was  evi- 
dently in  point  of  ability  no  ordinary  man.  He  strove  hard  for 
success,  lie  set  the  example  of  labour  by  working,  and  work- 
ing vigorously,  with  his  own  hands.  We  are  told  that  lu'  would 
sometimes  be  found  exhausted  with  hil.our,  asleep  on  tlie 
sunny  side  of  a  haycock,  and  that  tlu;  only  re(!i'eation  he  had 
Avas  occasionally  to  go  out  into  tlie  neighbourhood  and  preach 
a  funeral  sermon.  The  result,  however,  was  a  total  failure, 
which  Mr.  Hallou  ascribes  to  the  lack  or  the;  decline  of  reli- 
gious enthusiasm,  but  which,  at  all  events,  assumed  a  decidedly 
economical  form.  Mr.  Uallou  was  superseded  as  Tresident  by 
Mr.  l)ra])er,  wlio.  being  a  keen  business  man,  and  in  })artner- 
ship  with  a  brother  outside,  sacrificed  the  interests  of  the 
Community  to  tliose  of  his  firm,  got  three-fourths  of  the  stock 
into  his  own  hands,  and  ultimately  (iompelled  Mr.  Hallou  to 
wind  up. 

It  was  enough  to  ruin  Hopedale  that  it  accei)ted,  among 
other  Christian  principles,  that  of  "connubiality,"  which  must 
have  created  separate  interests  and  have  prevented  the  accu- 
mulation of  money,  while  industry  was  probably  slackened  by 
want  of  the  full  stinuilus  of  competition  and  by  reliance  on 
the  community.  Mr.  Draper  would  not  have  found  it  so  easy 
to  operate  on  the  stock  of  the  Oneida  Community  or  the 
Rappites. 

There  are  two  great  groups  of  experiments,  all  failures, 
which  Mr.  Noyes  characterises  respectively  as  Owenite  and 
Fourierist,  the  Owenite  Utopias  being  founded  on  the  princi- 
j)le  of  Communism,  the  Fourierist  on  that  of  Joint-Stock 
Association,  though  the  two  principles  are  apt  to  run  into  each 
other,  and  it  is  difficult  to  saj'  exactly  to  which  class  any  par- 
ticular experiment  belongs.  Tlu^  two  fits  of  national  enthu- 
siasm, however,  seem  clearly  marked.  The  first  (commenced 
with  the  visit  of  Kobert  Owen  to  the  United  States,  in  1824, 
the  second  was  brought  on  twenty  years  later  through  the 
dissemination  of  Fourierism  by  Brisbane  in  Horace  (rreeley's 
paper,  the  New  York  Trihniie. 


'I  i< 


V  'I 


:)4() 


QIKSTIONS   OF   Tlir:    DAY. 


ii  '1 


IP!! 


If ' 


If! 


"Robert  Owen  is  a  rcnuirkable  (Oiai-acter.  In  ypars  nearly 
.seventy-five;  in  knowledge  and  experience  superabundant;  in 
benevolence  of  heart  transcendental  ;  in  honesty  without 
disguise;  in  philanthropy  unlimited;  in  I'eligion  a  sceptic;  ni 
tlu'ology  a  Pantheist;  in  metaphysics  ii  necessarian  circum- 
stantialist;  in  morals  a  universal  excusionist;  in  general 
conduct  a  philosophic  non-resistant;  in  socialism  a  Commu- 
nist; in  hope  a  terrestrial  elysianist;  in  pructi''al  business  a 
methodist;  in  deportment  an  unequivocal  gent)ei»mn."  Such 
is  the  portrait,  drawn  by  the  sympathising  ha  ul  of  a  fellow 
visionary,  of  the  great  Social  liefornitii  who  v/as  to  deliver 
the  world  from  the  monstrous  trinity  of  man's  oppressors  — 
Private  or  Individual  Pi-opcrty,  Irrational  Religion,  and  their 
concomitant,  Marriage.  Owen  had  tried  organised  i)hilan- 
thropy  in  Scotland;  but  for  Communism  he  sought  a  more 
fitting  cradle  amidst  tlu'  wild  lands  and  crude  ideas  of  the 
new  world.  He  was  i-eceived  with  enthusiasm;  the  Hall  of 
the  Representatives  at  Washington  was  assigned  him  as  a 
lecture  room,  and  the  President,  the  President  elect,  all  the 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  and  a  number  of  the  Members 
of  Congress  were  among  his  hearers,  while  the  large  private 
fortune  which,  while  he  included  i)rivate  property  in  the  tri- 
nity of  evil,  he  had  not  scrupled  to  retain,  furnished  him  with 
the  means  of  trying  his  exi)eriment  on  the  largest  a.id  most 
costly  scale.  He  purchased  a  fine  projjcrty  of  80,000  acres  at 
Harmony,  in  Indiana,  just  vacated  by  the  Rappites,  who  left 
behind  them  good  buildings  and  well  cultivated  fields,  so  that 
''terrestrial  elysianism"  here  escaped  tlu;  liar(ishii)s  which 
have  proved  fatal  at  once  to  Utopias  founded  in  tlie  wilder- 
ness. Some  800  people  were  drawn  together  by  the  prospect 
of  uidx)unded  happiness.  In  the  course  of  eighteen  months 
New  Harmony  had  seven  successive  constitutions.  About  a 
year  after  the  foundation,  "  in  consecpience  of  a  variety  of 
troubles  and  disagrecMuents,  chiefly  relating  to  the  disposal  of 
the  property,  a  great  meeting  of  the  whole  population  was 
held,  and  it  was  decided  to  form  four  separate  societies,  each 
signing  its  own  contract  for  such   part  of  the  property  as  it 


I:  ■  ■    I 


Hi 


' 


wtmm^^ 


APPENDIX. 


341 


ears  nearly 
mndiint;  in 
ty    without 
sceptic;  ni 
an  oircum- 
in    general 
a  Coniniu- 
business  a 
m."     Such 
ji'  a  fellow 
to  deliver 
pressors  — 
,  and  their 
ed  philan- 
ht  a  more 
eas  of  the 
le  Hall  of 
him  as  a 
c;t,  all  the 
!  Members 
•ge  private 
in  the  tri- 
1  him  with 
a.id  most 
)0  acres  at 
,  who  left 
Is,  so  that 
ips  wliich 
he  wilder- 
e  prospect 
■n  montlis 
About  a 
v^ariety  of 
lisposal  of 
ation  was 
sties,  each 
)erty  as  it 


shall  purchase,  and  each  managing  its  own  affairs;  but  to 
trade  with  eacli  other  by  pa])er  money."  Mr.  Owen  had  not 
shown  sufficient  confidence  in  liis  own  theory  to  give  up  his 
hold  either  on  the  land  or  on  tlie  power.  We  are  told  that 
he  was  now  beginning  to  make  sharp  bargains  witli  the  inde- 
pendent Communists.  "  f  [e  had  lost  money,  and  no  doubt  he 
tried  to  regain  some  of  it,  and  used  such  means  as  he  thought 
would  prevent  further  loss."  Yet  he  chose  this  time  for  a 
solemn  re-promulgation  of  his  communistic  creed  under  the 
title  of  the  Declaration  of  Mental  Independence. 

"Disagreements  and  jealousies."  "Many  persons  leaving. 
The  Gazette  shows  how  impossible  it  is  for  a  community  of 
common  property  to  exist,  unless  the  members  coinj  rising  it 
have  acquired  the  genuine  community  (diaracter."  "  Althougli 
there  was  an  appearance  of  increased  order  and  happiness, 
yet  matters  were  drawing  to  a  close.  Owen  was  selling  pro- 
perty to  individuals;  the  greater  part  of  the  town  was  now 
resolved  into  individual  lots;  a  grocery  was  established 
opposite  the  tavern;  i)ainted  sign-boards  began  to  be  stuck 
up  on  the  buildings,  pointing  out  places  of  manufacture  and 
trade;  a  sort  of  wax-figure  and  pu[)pet-show  was  opened  at 
one  end  of  the  boarding-house;  and  everything  was  getting 
into  the  old  style.'  It  is  useless,  as  Mr.  Xoyes  says,  to  follow 
this  wreck  further.  The  destructive  forces  of  roguery  and 
whisky  seem  to  have  mingled  with  the  fundamental  impracti- 
cability of  the  scheme  in  bringing  on  the  final  catastrophe. 
Owen  complained  that  he  got  tlie  wrong  sf)rt  of  people,  the 
dishonest,  the  intemperate,  the  idle,  the  apathetic,  tlie  selfish, 
instead  of  the  honest,  the  temperate,  the  industrious,  the 
active-minded  and  the  stdf-sacriticing.  P.ut  we  sliould  say  he 
got  the  right  sort  of  people  for  tlie  puri-ose  of  a  socnal  reformer 
who  undertakes  l)y  the  application  of  liis  regimen  to  purge 
human  nature  of  its  vices  and  transform  society.  The  inventor 
of  a  patent  medicine  might  as  well  comphiin  that  he  got  the 
sick  r.nd  not  the  healtliy  to  operate  on.  One  of  tlie  (puili- 
fieations  prescribed  by  Owen  for  the  m(Mnbers  of  his  Com- 
munity was  a  conviction  of  the  fact  that  the  character  of  man 


^ 


plJi 


m 


QUKSTIONS   OF    rHK    DAY. 


is  formed  for,  and  not  by,  liinist'lf.  Tlie  people  of  New  Har- 
mony showed  practically  that  they  were  fully  possessed  of  this 
(qualification. 

jVIr.  Owen  afterwards  became  a  Spiritualist  and  a  believer 
in  Special  Providence.  If  he  had  been  so  before,  Mv.  Xoyes 
seems  to  think,  the  result  of  the  experiment  at  New  Harmony 
wcnild  have  been  different.  We  will  touch  on  this  point  here- 
after. Here  it  is  important  to  notice  that,  whatever  may 
liave  been  his  theory,  Owen  did  not  attenipt  any  practical 
innovation  on  the  subject  of  marriage;  at  least  he  did  not 
attempt  to  annihilate  tlie  separate  family  or  to  check  the  propa- 
gation of  children. 

Another  great  experiment  on  Mr.  Owen's  i)rinciples  was 
made  at  Yellow  Springs,  in  Ohio,  tlie  present  site  of  Antioch 
College,  the  coeducational  university,  so  tliat  there  seems  to 
be  something  Radical  in  the  soil.  This  Commnnity  consisted 
of  about  a  hundred  families,  and  included  professional  men, 
teachers,  merchants,  mechanics,  farmers,  and  a  few  common 
labourers.  "  In  the  first  few  weeks  all  entered  into  the  new 
system  witli  a  will.  Service  was  the  order  of  tlie  day.  Men 
who  seldom  or  never  before  laboured  with  their  hands, 
devoted  tliemselves  to  agriculture  and  the  mechanic  arts 
with  a  zeal  which  was  always  commendable,  though  not 
always  according  to  knowledge.  Ministers  of  the  Gospel 
guided  the  plough;  called  the  swine  to  their  corn  instead 
of  sinners  to  repentance;  and  let  patience  liave  her  perfect 
work  over  an  unruly  yoke  of  oxen.  Merchants  exchanged 
the  yard-stick  tor  the  rake  or  i>iti'hfork.  All  aj)peared 
to  labour  cheerfully  and  for  tlie  common  weal.  Among  the 
women  there  was  even  more  apparent  self-sacrifice.  Ladies 
who  had  seldom  seen  the  inside  of  their  own  kitchens  went 
into  that  of  tlie  common  eating-house  (formerly  hotel)  and 
made  themselves  useful  among  pots  and  kettles;  and  refined 
young  ladies,  who  had  all  their  lives  been  waited  upon,  took 
their  turn  in  waiting  ujjou  others  at  the  table.  And  several 
times  a  week  jtU  parties  who  chose,  mingled  in  the  social 
dance  in  the  great   dining-liall."     This   continued   for  three 


New  Har- 
ised  of  this 

a  believer 
INIr.  Noyes 
'  Harmony 
[>oint  here- 
tev^er  may 
r  practical 
le  did  not 
the  propa- 

3iples  was 
if  Antioch 
}  seems  to 
'  consisted 
ional  men, 
V  common 
)  the  new 
lay.     Men 
ir    hands, 
lanic   arts 
ough    not 
le  Gospel 
•n  instead 
er  perfect 
exchanged 
appeared 
mong  the 
Ladies 
liens  went 
otel)  and 
ad  refined 
pon,  took 
d  several 
;he  social 
for  three 


Ari'EXDIX. 


months.  Then  —  ''tlie  industrious,  tlie  skilful,  and  the  strong 
saw  the  products  of  their  labour  enjoyed  by  the  ignorant,  the 
unskilled,  and  tlie  imjirovident;  and  self-love  rose  against 
benevolence.  A  band  of  musicians  insisted  that  their  brassy 
harmony  was  as  necessary  to  the  common  hapi)iiiess  as  bread 
and  meat;  and  declined  to  enter  the  harvest-tield  or  the  work- 
shop. A  lecturer  upon  natural  science  insisted  upon  talking 
only  while  others  worked.  Mechanics,  whose  day's  labour 
brought  two  dollars  into  the  common  stock,  insisted  that  they 
should  in  justice  work  only  half  as  long  as  the  agriculturist, 
whose  day's  work  brought  but  one."  It  is  strange  that  these 
words  should  have  been  written  by  one  who  is  himself  a 
Communist. 

With  New  Harmony  and  Yellow  Springs,  went  to  "that 
limbo  near  the  moon ''  the  ghosts  of  a  number  of  otlier  abor- 
tive attempts  of  the  Uweuite  epoch.  The  history  of  the  fail- 
ure in  some  cases  is  traced,  and  it  is  clear  that  the  result  was 
due  to  the  irresistible  action  of  the  economic  laws  which  the 
projectors  had  undertaken  to  supersede;  in  other  cases  the  end 
is  shrouded  in  patlietic  silence,  but  we  may  be  sure  that  the 
course  of  events  was  essentially  the  same.  It  is  sad  to  think 
of  the  waste  of  earnest,  jierliaps  lieroic  effort,  and  of  the  dis- 
appointment of  generous  liojies.  Owen  liad  his  qualities,  but 
to  call  him  a  genius  of  the  lirst  order  is  preposterous,  (jenius 
in  art  produces  higli  works  of  imagination;  but  genius  in 
action  does  not  indulge  in  im])racticable  reveries,  and  cover  the 
world  with  the  wrecks  of  schemes  the  failure  of  which  common 
sense  might  have  foreseen. 

That  any  one  in  his  senses  should  liave  followed  Fourier, 
has  alwjiys  seemed  to  us  one  of  the  most  curious  facts  in  the 
history  of  opinion.  This  visionary  believed  that  the  grand 
mistake,  and  the  source  of  all  disorder  and  misery,  was  the 
habit  of  attempting  to  restrain  our  passions,  and  that  by  let- 
ting them  all  loose,  and  giving  free  play  to  every  kind  of 
propensity  and  idiosyn(U"asy,  we  sliould  ])r()(luce  complete  equi- 
librium and  ]ierfect  harmony  in  society.  His  pLin  of  material 
felicity  is  hallucination  verging  upon  lunacy.     To  match  tliis 


B 

■■  ^'^ 

B 

i 

' 

1 

1  '  ; 

T 

i 

i 

i    1 

i'; 

i     \    ■  ■ 

1    ■  1 ; 

■1* 

1 

v.. 

i! 


344 


QUKSTIONS   OF   TIIK    DAY, 


he  had  a  philosophy  of  history  tluin  which  wihler  nonsenst'. 
never  was  penned,  even  on  that  seductive  theme.  Never- 
theless, he  possessed  some  sort  of  electricity  wliich  called 
into  activity  the  Utopian  tendencies  of  other  men.  About 
twenty  years  after  tlie  a[)pearance  of  Owen,  the  conditions 
o^'  soil  and  atmosphere  in  the  United  States  being  then 
favourable  to  fungoid  growths,  a  cro[)  of  Fourierist  Phalanxes 
sprung  up  like  mushrooms,  and,  like  muslirooms,  died.  The 
economical  reasons  of  their  death  are  smOi  as  common  sense 
would  at  once  suggest,  and  are  disclosed  witli  almost  ludicrous 
distinctness.  "The  transition,"  says  Mr.  Xoyes,  always  clear- 
sighted, except  with  regard  to  liis  (jwn  peculiar  phase  of  the 
illusion,  "  from  the  compulsory  industry  of  civilisation  to  the 
voluntary,  but  not  yet  attractive  industry  of  association,  is 
not  favourable  to  the  liighest  industrial  effects.  Men  wlio 
have  been  accustomed  to  shirk  labour  under  the  feeling  that 
they  had  poor  pay  for  hard  work  will  not  be  transformed  sud- 
denly into  kings  of  industry  by  the  atmospliere  of  a  Phalanx. 
There  will  be  more  or  less  loafing,  a  good  deal  of  exertion 
unwisely  applied,  a  certain  waste  of  strength  in  random  and 
unsystematic  eiforts,  and  a  want  of  the  business-like  precision 
and  force  which  makes  every  blow  tell,  and  tell  in  the  right 
place.  Under  these  circumstances  many  will  grow  uneasy, 
at  length  become  discouraged,  and,  perhaps,  prove  false  to 
their  early  love."  Mv.  Xoyes  })roceeds  to  say  that  these  are 
temporary  evils  and  will  pass  away.  They  may  be  suspended 
by  the  strong  liand  of  a  chief  like  Mr.  Xoyes,  but  they  will 
pass  away  only  with  human  nature. 

The  passionate  expressions  of  enthusiasm,  the  confident 
belief  that  under  Foiirier,  '*the  Columbus  of  social  discovery," 
the  caravels  of  cntfrprise  wt're  again  touching  tin;  shore  of  a 
new  world,  th«'  first  cliilling  contact  with  the  inexorable  real- 
ity, the  struggle,  sonu'timns  a  gallant  one,  against  overmas- 
tering fate,  thi'.  inevitable  break-u]),  the  voice  of  faibh  trying 
to  rise  triumphant  over  the  wreck  of  hope,  are  enough  to  touch 
any  heart  less  stern  than  that  of  an  economical  Rhadamanthus. 
But  comedy   is  mingled  with  the    tragedy.     A  scene  at  the 


APPENDIX. 


345 


(ler  nonsenso 
nne.  Never- 
wliich  called 
men.  About 
le  conditions 
1  being  then 
ist  Phalanxes 
s,  died.  Tlie 
jninion  sense 
LOst  ludicrous 
always  clear- 

pluise  of  the 
isation  to  the 
ssociation,  is 
I.  Men  who 
i  feeling  tliat 
sformed  sud- 
•f  a  Phalanx. 
1  of  exertion 

random  and 
ike  precision 
in  the  right 
;row  uneasy, 
rove  false  to 
liat  these  are 
be  suspended 
Jut  they  will 

ihe  confident 
1  discovery," 
e  shore  of  a 
xorable  real- 
iist  overmas- 
faith  trying 
lugh  to  toucli 
adanianthus. 
scene  at  the 


opening  of  the  Clermont  Phalanx  reminds  us  of  one  in  "  Martin 
Chuzzlewit. "  "  There  were  about  one  hundred  and  tliirty  of  us. 
The  weather  was  Ijeautiiul,  but  cold,  and  the  scenery  on  the 
river  was  splendid  iu  its  spring  dress.  Tlie  various  parties 
brought  their  provisions  with  them,  and  toward  noon  the  whole 
of  it  was  collected  and  s})read  upon  tlie  table  by  the  waiters, 
for  all  to  have  an  equal  chance.  But  alas  for  ecpiality!  On 
the  meal  being  ready,  a  rush  was  made,  into  the  cabin,  and  iu 
a  few  minutes  all  the  seuts  were  tilled.  In  a  few  minutes 
more  the  provisions  had  all  disai)peared,  and  many  persons 
who  were  not  in  the  first  rush  had  to  go  hungry.  I  lost  my 
dinner  that  day,  but  improved  the  opportunity  to  observe 
and  ci  'cise  the  ferocity  of  the  Fourierist  appetite."  At 
Prairie  ilome  there  was  an  Englishman  named  John  Wood 
who  was  imperfectly  Fourierised.  John,  having  blacked  his 
boots,  put  away  the  bruslies  and  blacking.  "Out  came  a 
Dutchman  and  looked  out  for  the  same  utensils.  Xot  seeing 
them,  he  asked  the  Englishman  for  the  'pruslies.'  So  John 
brings  them  out  and  hands  them  to  him,  whereupon  the  Dutch- 
man marches  to  the  front  of  the  [)orch,  and  in  wrathful  style, 
with  the  brushes  uplifted  in  his  hand,  he  addresses  the  assem- 
bled crowd:  'Hc-iU'!  lookee  he-ar!  Do  you  call  dis  commu- 
nity? Is  dis  conimou  property?  See  he-ar!  I  ask  him  for 
de  prushes  to  placken  mine  poots,  and  he  give  me  de  prushes 
and  not  give  me  de  pladdng ! '  "  Occasionally  we  catch  a 
glimpse  of  the  form  of  a  speculating  Yankee  floating  like  a 
sliark  among  the  flat  fish,  with  no  visionary  intentions.  The 
members  of  the  communities  generally  appear  to  have  been 
honest  and  loyal  to  tlie  coiumoii  cause,  but  at  the  end  of  the 
Sodus  Bay  experiment  we  are  told  that  "each  individual  hel[)ed 
himself  to  the  movable  property,  and  some  decamped  iu  the 
night,  leaving  the  remains  of  the  Phalanx  to  be  disposed  of 
in  any  way  which  the  last  men  might  choose." 

Fourierism  finally  staked  its  existence  on  the  success  of 
the  North  American  Phalanx,  which  was  planted  not  in  the 
wilderness  but  near  Xew  York  CMty.  This  Community,  con- 
sisting of  only  a  hundred  members  of  both  sexes,   starting 


^ 


346 


QUESTIONS   OF   THE   DAY. 


with  a  capital  of  $28,000,  and  supported  by  the  dead-lilt 
efforts  of  the  leaders  of  the  scliool,  dragged  on  its  existence 
for  twelve  years.  But  the  inevitable  did  not  fail  to  arrive. 
"Most  of  them,"  says  an  observer,  "are  decent  sort  of  people, 
have  few  bad  qualities  and  not  many  good  ones,  but  they  are 
evidently  not  working  for  an  idea.  They  make  no  effort  to 
extend  their  principles,  and  do  not  build,  as  a  general  thing, 
unless  a  person  wanting  to  join  builds  for  himself.  Under 
such  circumstances  the  progress  of  the  movement  must  neces- 
sarily be  slow,  if  ever  it  progress  at  all.  Latterly  the  num- 
ber of  members  and  probationers  has  decreased.  They  lind  it 
necessary  to  employ  hired  labourers  to  develop  the  resources 
of  the  land."  The  powers  of  talking,  directing  others,  and 
grumbling,  Avere  found  to  be  possessed  in  a  high  degice  by 
those  who  had  little  power  of  work.  At  meals  the  best  of  the 
food  was  taken  by  those  who  had  stayed  at  home,  while  "the 
swinked  liedger,"  coming  late  from  the  field  and  then  having 
to  wash,  got  the  worst.  Eighteen  hundred  Avas  Fourier's  pet 
number  of  members  for  a  Phalanx.  The  people  -were  asked 
what  would  have  happened  if  the  North  American  Phalanx 
had  consisted  of  that  number :  they  answered  that  it  would  have 
broken  up  in  two  years. 

Brook  Farm  stands  by  itself,  and  Hawthorne's  "Blithedale 
Eomance "  has  made  it  sufficiently  familiar  to  the  general 
reader.  It  would  be  an  injustice  to  call  it  "a  pic-nic,"  or  to 
say  that  "lialf  the  members  worked  while  the  otlier  half 
sketched  them  from  the  Avindows."  It  Avas  a  little  Boston 
ut()])ia,  in  Avliich  a  number  of  men,  afterwards  notable  in  tlie 
intellectual  Avorld,  sowed  their  philosophic  Avild  oats,  and 
gratified  the  literary  man's  fancy  for  manual  labour,  sliarpen- 
ing  their  Avits  no  doubt  at  the  same  time  by  intercourse  Avith 
each  other.  If  they  seriously  believed  that  men  trained  to 
Avork  Avith  tlie  brain  could,  with  advantage  to  themseh^es  or 
to  society,  take  to  Avorking  Avith  their  hands,  they  Avere  the 
victims  of  a  strange  illusion.  Tlie  effective  combination  of 
manual  Avith  mental  labour,  as  a  system,  is  impracticable. 
r)otli  draw  on  the  samt^  fund  of  nervous  energy,  Avhieh,  Avhen 
drained  by  one  sort  of  hibcmr,  is  unable  to  supply  the  otlier. 


APPENDIX. 


m 


he  dead-lii't 
ts  existence 
il  to  arrive, 
rt  of  people, 
but  they  are 
no  effort  to 
neral  thing, 
elf.  Under 
must  neces- 
ly  the  nuni- 
They  find  it 
he  resources 
others,  and 
1  degice  by 
3  best  of  the 
,  while  "the 
then  having 
ourier's  pet 
Avere  asked 
an  Plialanx 
would  have 

"Blithedale 
the  general 
-nic,"  or  to 

other  half 
ttle  Boston 
table  in  the 
i  oats,  and 
tr,  sliarpen- 
course  Avith 

trained  to 
jmselves  or 
)y  were  the 
bination  of 
practicable, 
hicli,  Avhen 
r  the  other. 


Mr.  Noyes  is  of  opinion  that  among  the  causes  of  failure  in 
all  these  cases,  was  the  universal  propensity  to  invest  in  land 
and  engage  in  the  business  of  farming.  Factories,  he  thinks, 
are  more  suitable  for  communistic  experiments.  But  surely, 
if  the  afflatus  is  the  decisive  thing,  the  investment  ought  not 
to  be  of  so  much  consequence. 

With  the  principles  of  common  property  or  associated 
labour,  there  mingled  in  these  Utopias  all  the  other  chimeras 
and  fanaticisms  of  the  day: — Individual  Sovereignty  — 
Labour  Exchange  —  Paper  Currency  —  Transcendentalism  — 
Swedenborgianism  —  Vegetarianism  —  Plumerism  — Woman's 
Rights  —  Anti-domestic-servantism  —  Spiritualism.  Every- 
thing impracticable,  in  short,  came  to  find  a  place  for  putting 
itself  in  practice  outside  the  conditions  of  existence.  Mr. 
Noyes  traces  the  connection  of  Socialism  with  religious  revi- 
vals, and  shows  that  people  who  were  preparing  their  Ascension 
robes  were  the  iinconscious  harbingers  of  the  Fourierist  move- 
ment. The  Skeneateles  Community  had,  as  one  of  the  articles 
of  its  programme,  "a  disbelief  in  the  rightful  existence  of  all 
governments  built  upon  physical  force,"  and  proclaimed  that 
they  were  organised  bands  of  banditti,  whose  authority  was 
to  be  disregarded";  that  it  would  not  vote  under  such  govern- 
ments, or  petition  to  them,  but  "  demanded  that  they  should 
disband";  that  it  would  do  no  military  duty,  pay  no  taxes, 
sit  on  no  juries,  give  no  testimony  in  "courts  of  so-called 
justice  " ;  that  "  it  would  never  appeal  to  the  law  for  a  redress 
of  grievances,  but  use  all  peaceful  and  moral  means  to  secure 
their  complete  destruction."  The  relation  between  the  sexes 
Avas  of  course  one  of  the  fields  for  innovation.  Eobert  Dale 
OAven  carried  not  only  the  law  separating  the  property  of 
married  Avomen  from  that  of  their  husbands,  V)ut  the  divorce 
laAV  of  Indiana.  As  a  general  rule,  the  mother  of  all  these 
"notions"  Avas  Ncav  England,  Avho  Avill  have  to  take  care  that 
she  does  not  become  as  great  a  source  of  mischief  to  this 
continent  as  Soutli  Carolina,  though  in  a  different  Avay. 

The  failures  Ave  have  seen.  Noav  Avliat  Avere  the  successes, 
and  Avhat  Avas  the  reason  of  their  success.     Was  it  afflatus, 


^  1 1 


':!■; 


.348 


QUESTIONS   OF  TIIK    DAY. 


or  sometliing  more  commonplace?  The  list  drawn  up  by  Mr. 
Xoyes  in  1870  is  as  follows : 

BeizeVs  Community.  —  Has  lasted  one  hundred  and  fifty-six 
years;  was  at  one  time  very  rich;  lias  money  at  interest  yet; 
some  of  its  grand  old  buildings  are  still  standing. 

Tho  Shaker  Comnmnitf/.  —  Has  lasted  ninety-five  years. 
Consists  of  eighteen  large  societies,  many  of  them  very 
wealthy. 

The  Zoar  Commnnity.  —  Fifty-tliree  years  old  and  wealthy. 

The  Snoicherger  Community. — Forty-nine  years  old  and 
"well  off." 

The  Ehenezer  Community. — Twenty-three  years  old,  and 
said  to  be  the  largest  and  richest  Community  in  the  United 
States. 

The  Janson  Commnnity. — Twejity-three  years  old  and 
wealthy. 

The  Oneida  Community,  whicli  is  also  a  commercial  success, 
we  omit  for  the  present,  iindertaking  hereafter  to  show  that  its 
case  is  covered  by  our  induction. 

All  the  communities  enumerated  are  religious.  But  they 
are  not  the  only  religious  comnninities.  Hopedale,  as  Ave 
have  said,  was  religious  in  the  highest  degree,  and  its  re- 
ligion was  a  better  one  than  that  of  these  ignorant  and 
fanatical  little  sects.  Even  the  spirit-rapping  eomnumities 
might  claim  to  be  placed  on  a  level,  in  the  spiritual  scale, 
with  the  saltatory  religion  of  Shakers.  But  Hopedale,  as 
we  have  seen,  was  strongly  Conservative  Avith  regard  to 
marriage.  That  which  is  at  once  common  to  all  the  suc- 
cessful communities,  and  peculiar  to  them,  is  the  rejection  of 
marriage,  whereby  in  the  first  place  they  are  exemi^ted  from 
the  disuniting  influence  of  the  separate  family:  and  in  the 
second  place,  they  are  enabled  to  accumulate  wealth  in  a  way 
whicli  would  be  impossible  if  they  had  children  to  maintain. 

The  members  of  Beizel's  Connnunity  are  strict  celibates; 
so  are  the  Shakers;  so  are  the  Ka])pites;  so  are  the  Snowber- 
gers.  The  Ebenezers  permit  marriage  "when  their  guiding 
spirit  consents  to  it ";  but  the  parties  have  to  undergo  some 


AriMONDIX. 


;54i) 


n  up  by  Mr. 

iind  lit'ty-six 
nterest  yet; 

-five   years, 
them    very 

nd  wealthy, 
rs    old   and 

rs  old,   and 
the  United 

rs    old    and 

dal  success, 
liow  that  its 

But  they 
lale,  as  Ave 
and  its  re- 
tiorant  and 
3niniunities 
itual  scale, 
opedale,  as 
regard  to 
11  the  suc- 
rejection  of 
npted  from 
and  in  the 
bh  in  a  way 
maintain. 
\,  celibates; 
3  Snowber- 
nv  guiding 
lergo  some 


I 


public  mortilication ;  and  the  (jommunity  at  its  foundation, 
to  meet  the  diihculties  of  the  stniggh',  resolved  that  for  a 
given  number  of  years  there  should  be  no  increase  of  their 
population  by  birtlis,  which  resolution  was  carried  into  effect. 
Among  the  Zoarites,  marriage  is  now  jjermitted.  J>ut  we 
are  told  that  at  their  first  oi'ganisatiou  it  was  strictly  forbid- 
den, not  from  religious  scrui)le,  but  as  an  indispensable  mat- 
ter of  economy;  that  for  years  no  cihild  was  seen  within  their 
village;  and  that,  though  the  regulation  has  been  removed, 
the  settlement  retains  much  of  its  old  character  in  this  re- 
spect. The  Jansonists,  though  they  do  not  forbid  marriage, 
hold  that  a  "  life  of  celibacy  is  more  adapted  to  develop  the 
life  of  the  inner  man."  In  fact  these  associations  are  not 
so  much  communistic  as  monastic,  and  belong  to  a  class  of 
phenomena  already  familiar  enougli  to  economical  history. 

The  liaiipites,  ;i  set  of  enthusiasts  who  expected  the  sjjcedy 
advent  of  the  ^Millennium,  called  their  first  two  setth'uu'nts 
Harmony.  Their  tliird,  l)y  a  significant  cliange  of  name,  tliey 
called  Economy.  Tliey  are  not  only  wealthy,  but  millionnaires 
of  the  first  order.  We  are  not  surprised  to  learn  that  they 
do  not  proselytise,  thougli  converts  enough  might  undoubtedly 
be  found  to  a  doctrine  even  more  (>xtravagant  than  Ilap[)ism, 
if  it  were  endowed  witli  twenty  millions.  The  Silver  Islet 
Company  would  be  about  as  likely  to  desirii  proselytes.^ 
Those  who  have  visited  the  Community  report  that  all  its 
members  are  advanced  in  years.  Tlie  end  of  Rai)p's  JNlillen- 
nium  is  in  fact  a  tontine,  which  will  terminate  in  a  lia})pite 
Astor. 

We  are  far  from  saying  that  in  these  cases  the  religion  liad 
nothing  to  do  witli  the  result.  It  collected  and  united  a  body 
of  enthusiasts,  whose  very  fanaticism,  being  of  the  coarsest 
kind,  Avas  a  guarantee  for  tlieir  belonging  to  a  class  accus- 
tomed to  manual  labour  and  to  submission;  it  helped  to  liold 
them  together  through  tlie  first  struggh^  for  subsistence;  and, 
what  was  perhaps  tlie  most  important  point  of  all,  it  led  them 

'  When  this  was  written  the  Silvor  Islet  on  Lake  Superior  was  yielding 
iumiense  riches. 


I 


869 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY. 


■  i 

1 

IT     !     ■. 

«i 

!i  ' 

1 

!iH« 


to  render  implicit  obedience  to  a  prophet-chief,  who,  whether 
fanatic  or  impostor,  was  pretty  sure  to  be  an  able  man.  The 
asc(Mi(lan(!y  of  the  prophet-chief  is  evidcuitly  the  mainspring 
of  Mornionism,  which  is  also  a  great  material  success.  But 
we  very  much  doubt  wliether  even  the  strong  hand  of  Brig- 
ham  Young  could  hold  together  for  a  year  a  Utah  combining 
the  separate  family  and  free  propagation  of  children  with 
community  of  goods. 

The  Oneida  Community,^  a  visit  to  which  suggested  the 
subject  of  this  paper,  was  founded  in  1847,  by  the  liev.  John 
Humphrey  Noyos,  a  man  Avhose  ability  is  written  on  his  brow, 
on  tlie  pages  of  his  vigorously-written  books,  and  on  the  work 
of  his  organising  hands.  He  was,  by  his  own  confession,  a 
religious  enthusiast  of  the  wildest  and  most  erratic  kind. 
Libertinism  he  has  not  confessed,  though  by  loose  and  sensa- 
tional versions  of  his  words,  it  has  been  made  to  appear  that 
he  has  done  so.^  The  form  of  religious  enthusiasm  in  which 
he  ultimately  landed  was  Perfectionism,.  Tlie  gist  of  the  Per- 
fectionists' creed,  if  Ave  rightly  comprehend  it,  is  that  the 
second  coming  of  Christ  took  place  in  the  lifetime  of  St.  John; 
that  the  reign  of  Law  in  every  sense  then  finally  g;ive  place  to 
that  of  the  Spirit;  that  now,  the  believer  united  with  Christ, 
and  "confessing  holiness,"  is  above  all  ordinances,  including 
the  ordinance  of  marriage,  and  perfectly  free  from  sin.  This 
sounds  like  Antinomianism,  but  we  are  told  that  it  is  only 
"anti-legality."  At  all  events  it  is  not  the  professed  belief  of 
the  Perfectionists  that  one  of  their  number  cannot  do  wrong. 
There  is  a  series  of  subordinate  articles,  some  of  them  highly 
mystical,  while  others,  introducing  Spiritualism,  have  proba- 
bly been  grafted  on  the  religion  since  its  first  promulgation. 

1  Since  this  was  written  Mr.  Noyes,  then  at  the  head  of  the  Community, 
has  died. 

2  An  incident,  liowever,  which  is  related  by  Mr.  Noyes  himself  in  the 
Oneida  Circular,  and  which  occurred  in  1840,  indicates  plainly  enough 
that  a  case  of  elective  affinities  was  the  immediate  source  of  his  theory 
about  the  relations  between  the  sexes,  and  of  his  practical  application 
of  that  theory  in  the  Oneida  Community. 


APPENDIX. 


.%! 


10,  whether 
man.  The 
nainspring 
icess.  But 
d  of  P,rig- 
combiniiig 
dren  with 

gested  the 
vev.  Jolin 

I  liis  brow, 

II  the  work 
iifession,  a 
atic  kind, 
and  sensa- 
ppoar  tliat 
|i  in  wiiieh 
•f  the  Pei- 

tliat  the 
'.  St.  John; 
>"e  place  to 
ith  Clirist, 
including 
iin.     This 
it  is  only 
I  belief  of 
Jo  wrong. 
m\  highly 
vc  proba- 
lulgation. 

'omm  unity, 

iself  in  the 
ily  enough 
his  tlieory 
application 


The  Bible  is  implicitly  received,  though  with  Perfectionist 
interpretations.  Scepticism  is  denounced.  Much  is  made  of 
special  interpositions  of  I'rovidence,  and  of  Providential 
"signals."  Form  of  worship  the  Perfectionists  have  none. 
They  only  confess  Christ  before  each  other,  and  coiiuuunicatc! 
religious  thought  ih  their  family  gathering.  Tlie  Sal)bath  is 
not  distinguislied  from  the  week  except  by  cessation  from 
work.  This  religion  is  proclaimed  to  be  still  the  bond  of 
union  among  the  members  of  the  Community.  They  will  tell 
you  that  they  are  held  together  by  Father  Xoyes'  love  of 
Christ,  and  by  their  love  of  Father  Noyes. 

The  Community  at  Oneida  numbers  two  hundred.  At  Wil- 
low Place,  on  a  detached  portion  of  the  same  domain,  are  nine- 
teen more;  and  there  are  forty-live  in  a  branch  at  Walling- 
ford,  Connecticut.  All  these  are  supposed  to  constitute;  one 
family,  with  the  founder  as  father.  The  property  is  held  in 
common;  there  are  no  separate  interests,  incomes,  or  allow- 
ances whatever.  The  several  members  of  the  family  are  pre- 
sented with  such  money  as  they  may  require  from  tinn;  to 
time,  just  as  children  are  furnished  with  pocket  money  by  tlieir 
parents,  the  only  restriction  being  family  duty.  The  other 
characteristic  feature  of  the  system  is  one  which  it  is  difficult 
to  describe  in  language  at  once  measured  and  adequately 
expressive  of  the  feelings  of  repugnance  with  which  it  nnist 
be  regarded  by  every  one  who  acknowledges  the  Christian  ruh> 
of  morals.  The  marriage  tie  is  totally  discarded.  The  male 
and  female  members  of  the  Community  pair  witli  each  other 
for  a  time,  and  for  a  time  only;  not  promiscuously,  but  under 
the  authority  of  the  Community,  Avhich  appears  to  be  guided 
in  regulating  these  matters  partly  by  the  policy  of  restraining 
the  increase  of  its  numbers,  partly  by  physical  rules  connected 
with  wliat  is  styled  the  scientific  propagation  of  cliildren. 
The  initiative  is  assigned  to  the  woman,  who  makes  it  known 
to  the  authorities  when  she  is  willing  to  become  a  mother. 
She  is  not  permanently  wedded  to  one  partner,  but  may  have 
two  or  three  in  succession.  So  that  the  "permanence"  predi- 
cated of  Oneida  unions,  in  the  Circular,  must  have  reference 


m 


!■"  • 


352 


QUKSriONS  OF  TIIK    DAY. 


I  !- 


not  to  the  individual  [tartics,  but  to  thr  family  ag^'rfijjate. 
The  parental  relation  is  not  ignoi'ed,  Init  it  is  niergcnl  in  the 
Coniniuiiity,  the  children  beinjj  brought  up  together  as  brothers 
and  sisters  in  common  nurseries.  There  are  certain  supph;- 
mentary  jjortions  of  the  system  which  its  inventor  is  in  the 
habit  of  bringing  without  reserve  before  the  public,  but  over 
whi(^h  (U'dinary  sentinuMit  enjoins  us  to  draw  a  veil. 

During  the  early  years  of  theComnumity  few  children  were 
born  to  it,  though  of  late,  and  apparently  in  connection  with 
the  growth  of  its  wealth,  tiu;  number  of  births  has  been 
allow(;d  to  increase.  And  thus  we  have  again  the  two  fami- 
liar and  simple  conditions  of  suc<!ess,  exemption  from  the 
disuniting  influence  of  the  separate  family,  and  the  facility 
for  the  accumulation  of  wealth  attendant  on  the  absence  or 
paucity  of  children.  Comnumism,  in  fine,  can  be  rendered 
practicable  only  by  a  standing  defiance  of  morality  and  nature. 

In  the  case  of  the  Oneida  Comnumity  the  measure  of  com- 
mercial success  has  been  large.  A  strong  business  head  has 
controlled  its  financial  operations  as  well  as  its  internal 
economy.  The  principle  that  ajf1ati<s  eschews  land  and 
delights  in  factories  has  l)een  carried  into  effect  with  the 
most  gratifying  result.  The  Community  owns  a  farm  of  650 
acres,  highly  cultivated,  round  its  mansion;  but  its  chief 
investments,  and  the  source  of  its  opulence,  are  three  factories, 
—  one  of  traps,  one  of  silk  goods,  and  one  of  canned  fruit. 
The  trap  factory,  whicli  seems  a  singular  lino  of  business 
to  be  chosen  l)y  Perfectionism,  is  a  monument  of  one  of 
the  original  members  of  the  Community,  who  was  a  trapper 
and  a  maker  of  traps.  The  canned  fruit  of  Oneida  enjoys  the 
highest  re])utation,  and  we  do  not  doubt  the  truth  of  the 
•assertion  that  the  business  might  be  greatly  extended  if  the 
Community  chose  to  borrow  capital.  IManual  labour,  though 
not  repudiated  by  members  of  the  Community,  as  the  writer 
can  testify,  is  now  chiefly  performed  by  hired  hands,  of  whom 
there  are  about  150  in  tlie  factories,  besides  some  negroes  em- 
]>loyed  in  the  coarser  housework.  The  inembers  of  the  Com- 
numity, as  a  general  rule,  are  now,  like  other  capitalists,  the 


AIM'FA'DIX. 


im 


ag(ri-f.nratO. 

:('(!  ill  the 
IS  brothers 
in  supplc- 
is  in  the 
,  but  over 

tlrcn  were 
'tion  with 
has  been 
two  fami- 
from  the 
e  facility 
bsence  or 

rendered 
id  nature. 
!  of  corn- 
head  has 
;   internal 
and    and 
with  the 
ni  of  050 
its   chief 
factories, 
ed  fruit. 

business 

one  of 

L  trajiper 

ijoys  the 

1  of  the 

d  if  the 
',  tliouj»h 
le  writer 
of  whom 

roes  em- 
he  Com- 

ists,  the 


<'in[)loyers  and  directors  of  labour.  They  are  apparently  {^ood 
employers,  and,  in  case  of  any  attemi)t  to  disturb  tiiem  on  th»' 
ground  of  their  deHanci!  of  establislicd  morality,  they  feel 
secure  in  the  attachnuMit  of  the  people  around  them,  many  of 
Avhoni,  we  are  told,  are  English  immigrants.  It  is  a  remark- 
able proof  of  the  eontidemu'  of  the  rommunity,  l)oth  in  its 
own  cohesiveness  and  in  its  ability  to  facie  scriitiny,  that  it  lias 
vi'utured  to  send  several  of  its  young  men  to  the  ScicntilK; 
Department  of  Yale  College,  in  order  to  supply  itself  with  tlie 
scientific  element  lequisite  for  its  numufacturing  purposes. 

The  mansion  isasjiacious  and  handsome  range  of  buildings, 
fitted  up  simply,  but  with  every  comfort.  Its  public  rooms 
are  a  double  dining-hall,  a  large  parlour,  with  a  stage  for  tlu^ 
gatherings  and  amusements  of  the  whole  family,  and  other 
parlours  for  the  meeting  of  smaller  circles.  Kound  it  are 
well-kept  grounds,  to  which  the  Community  admits  neigh- 
bours and  visitors  with  liberality  which  must  somewhat  inter- 
fere with  the  ])urposes  of  its  own  enjoyment.  With  the 
charms  of  green  lawns,  shady  walks,  and  gay  fiower-beds,  are 
combined  views  of  a  valley,  which,  in  its  rich  cultivation  and 
the  soft  outlines  of  the  hills  surrounding  it,  reminds  the 
traveller  of  England.  There  are  croquet  grounds,  whicli 
appear  to  be  in  constant  use.  A  few  miles  off,  by  the  side  of 
a  lake,  the  Community  has  a  hunting-box,  called  Joppa,  to 
which  excursions  are  frequently  made.  Pleasure  evidently 
has  its  due  place  among  the  objects  of  existence,  and  is 
organised  with  care  and  on  a  liberal  scale.  Teams  in  sufH- 
cient  number  appeared  to  be  at  the  service  of  the  brethren. 
iSFusic  is  much  cultivated,  and,  by  a  refinement  of  humanity, 
the  practising  room  is  a  separate  building,  at  some  distance 
from  the  mansion.  Tn  winter,  intellectual  pursuits  and  self- 
culture  are  the  order  of  the  day.  The  writer  was  told  that 
an  old  lady  had  taken  up  Greek  and  accjuired  the  power  of 
reading  the  New  Testament  in  the  original  tongue. 

The  library  is  furnished  with  books  of  all  kinds,  and  Xew 
York  ])apers  are  on  the  tal)le.  The  Comnnuiity,  however, 
is  politically  quietist,  and  its  members  never  vote.     I'oliti- 


^HP 


tl     I 


354 


QUESTION.:  OF  THE    PAY. 


cal  divisions  might  disturb  the  family,  thoujjfU  the  writer  was 
told  that  the  inembers  were  all  in  spirit  New  Englanders,  and 
would  vote  witli  the  liepiiblican  party.  They  escaped  the 
military  draft  through  tlie  error  of  two  officials,  each  of 
whom  supposed  the  Community  to  be  in  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
other. 

"This  reform  means  trousers,"  said  a  female  advocate  of 
Woman's  Rights  the  other  day  in  the  United  States.  Tlie 
ladies  of  the  Oneida  Community  have  adopted  tlie  ]»lumer 
costume,  though  in  a  mitigated  form.  Mr.  Hepworth  Dixon 
has  recorded  his  opinion  that  this  dress  is  becoming.  He 
could  hardly  extend  his  commendation  to  the  practice  of  cut- 
ting the  hair  short  in  male  fashion,  which  is  also  universal 
among  the  Oneida  ladies;  at  least,  if  he  dul,  we  should  be 
unable  to  agree  with  him. 

Cookery  is  not  (h'legated  to  inferior  hands,  but  done  by 
those  of  the  Perfectionists  themselves.  The  fare  is  simple 
but  most  excellent.  There  appear  to  be  no  rigoro\is  ordi- 
nances about  diet.  As  a  matka-  of  habit  and  taste,  meat  is 
sparingly  eaten,  but  vegetarianism  is  not  enjoinc'd.  Stimu- 
lants are  banished  from  the  board,  but  the  use  of  them  is  not 
morally  proscribed;  at  least  they  are  offered  to  a  guest. 
Tobacco  is  denouncH'd  by  Father  Noyes.  One  of  the  brethren 
was  living  entirely  on  brown  bread  and  baked  apples,  at  an 
expense  to  the  (Community,  as  he  reckoned,  of  twelve  cents  a 
day.  But  this  was  voluntary,  and  the  motive  was  dietetic. 
While  there  is  no  appearance  of  luxury,  asceticism  is  ecpuilly 
unknown. 

Among  the  members  of  tlio  Community  are  persons  of 
various  social  grades  and  degrees  of  edufiation  —  ex-clergy  nun 
and  ex-lawyers,  as  well  as  mechanics;  though  there  must 
obviously  be  a  limit  intellectually  to  the  class  disposed  to 
believe  in  Perfectionism  and  Father  Noyes.  If  you  ask  how 
order  and  harmony  are  jjreserved  in  so  lar'j^e  and  so  heteroge- 
neous a  family,  the  all-sutticing  answer  is,  through  the  institu- 
tion of  mutual  criticism.  Every  member  of  the  Comnninity, 
in  turn,  is  compelled  thus  to  submit  himself  to  the  organised 


APPENDIX. 


3i 


)j> 


writer  was 
lulers,  and 
caped  the 
i,  each  of 
tioii  of  the 

Ivocate  of 
ites.     Tlie 

0  I)luiner 
rth  Dixon 
ling.  He 
ce  of  cut- 
universal 

sliould  be 

done  by 
is  simple 
I'ous  ordi- 
3,  meat  is 
.  Htiniu- 
lem  is  not 

a  guest. 
5  brethren 
)les,  at  an 
'e  cents  a 

dietetic. 
IS  equally 

M'Rons  of 
lergynien 
i'r(^  must 
^l)osed  to 

1  ask  how 
heteroge- 
e  institu- 
nmunity, 
n-gauised 


influence  of  social  opinion,  in  order  tliat  he  may  be  warned  of 
his  sucial  faults  and  constrained  to  address  himself  to  tlieir 
cure.  The  author  of  "New  America"  had  the  good  fortune  to 
witness  one  of  these  singular  operations,  which  at  that  time 
were  performed  in  the  great  parlour  by  the  Community  at 
large.  But  the  duty  has  since  been  delegated  to  a  Committee 
of  Criticism,  which  summons  before  it  the  person  to  be  criti- 
cised, together  with  those  wlio  are  most  intimate  with  liim 
and  best  qualified  to  point  out  his  defects.  It  is  asserted  that 
the  system  perfectly  answers  its  purpose,  and  that  at  the  same 
time  it  has  the  effect  of  banishing  from  th<  I'Jommunity  irregu- 
lar backbiting  and  malevolent  love  of  srandal.  It  may  be 
doubted,  perhaps,  whether  this  or  any  other  gentle  instrument 
of  government  would  work  so  well  if  within  the  velvet  glove 
were  not  felt  the  iron  hand  of  Father  Xoyes,  tiiough  the 
members  of  the  Con)nuuiity  speak  with  coulidence  ol'  tlie 
self-sustaining  power  of  the  system,  and  profess  to  look 
forward  without  fear  to  a  demise  of  the  paternal  crown. 

To  preserve  the  unity  of  the  family,  all  the  nunnbers  are 
assembled  for  an  hour  (!very  evening  in  the  great  parlour. 
Matters  of  intcn-est  to  the  whole  Community  are  tiu-n  brought 
forward  and  discussed,  correspondence  is  read,  symj)athy  is 
exi)ressed  with  the  sick,  professions  of  religious  seutiuu'ut  are 
exclianged.  To  give  tlu?  assembly  a  domestic  air,  three  or 
four  tables  were  disposed  over  the  room  with  groujjs  of  women 
at  Avork  around  them.  lUit  it  would  not  do.  The  assembly 
was  not  a  family  clrjiv'-  it  was  a  nuicting,  though  a  meeting 
of  people  agreed  i'l  conviction,  and  well  acquainted  with  each 
other.  In  the  \  ery  unanimity  of  opinion  and  sentiment  tlu'r<' 
was  an  undomestic  ring.  In  tlie  same  manner  the  repasts  in  the 
common  hall  lack  tlie  character  of  a  family  meal.  Dinner  is 
a  table  d'hot(\  at  wliich  those  wlio  jiartake  of  it  do  n(»t  even  sit 
down  together,  but  separately,  each  wlien  he  pleases,  between 
certain  hours,  just  as  they  do  in  a  hottd.  And  this  was  the 
general  impression  made  on  the  writer  by  wimt  he  saw  of 
Oneida.  Ht;  felt  that  all  the  time  he  was  in  a  ,reat  hotel,  an 
hotel  where  people  boarded  all  the  year  round,  and  were  on 


^m^ 


1 

i '    ' 

s" 

■■( 

* 

1' 

' 

' 


\m 


'.ifAi 


QUESTIONS   OF   Till;    DAY. 


friendly  terms  witli  each  other,  but  still  an  hotel  and  not  a 
home.  ^Mention  Ims  been  already  made  of  the  departure  from 
the  original  institution  of  family  eriti(;ism,  and  the  delegation 
to  a  committee  of  the  function,  once  itcrformed  by  the  Commu- 
nity at  large.  This  is  obviously  a  symptom  of  disintegra- 
tion, while  the  necessity  under  which  the  committee  finds 
itsidf  of  summoning  special  witnesses  i)roves  that  within  the 
great  circlci  of  the  Comnumity  inner  social  circles  are  formed. 
In  fact,  without  some  miraculous  enlargement  of  the  range  of 
human  affections,  it  is  absurd  to  talk  of  forming  a  family  of 
two  liundred  peoi)le.  They  may  be  under  the  same  ])atcriuil 
despotism,  but  they  can  be  a  family  in  no  otiier  sense  of  the 
U'rm.  To  preserve  tlu'  domestic  unity  of  the  tliree  establish- 
ments, Oneida,  Willow  Place,  and  Wallingford,  will  be  still 
nu)re  beyond  human  power. 

The  children,  as  has  been  already  said,  are  regarded  as 
children  of  the  Community,  and  an;  brought  up  together  on 
tliat  footing.  The  motlier  is  allowed  to  take  part  in  nni'sing 
th<-m  as  much  as  she  pleases,  Ijiit  she  is  m)t  re(|uired  to  do 
more.  rnilenial)ly  they  are  a  fine,  healthy-looking,  merry 
set  of  infant-.  Ibit  we  need  \\<A  jump  from  this  fact  to  a 
conclnsiiMi  in  i.ivoiir  of  Scicntitic  Propagation,  and  all  its 
repnlsive  ini-idiMits.  The  Oneida  chiMreii  are  reared  under 
conditions  of  exceptioniil  advantage,  wliich  could  not  fail  to 
securr  health  to  the  offspring  of  any  l)Ut  jiositively  diseased 
l)areiits,  whose  union  no  coarse  intervi-ntion  of  anthropological 
science  is  needed  to  forbid.  Tiie  nurseries,  with  everything 
about  tiiem,  are  beautii'ul.  Large  ])lay-rooms  are  ju'ovided 
for  exercise  in  winter.  'I'he  nurses  are  not  iiirelings,  but 
niembei's  of  the  Comnnmity  who  voluntarily  undertake  the 
otlice.  KveiT  lu'erautjon  is  taki'U  against  tlie  daiigi-r  of  inl'ec- 
tion.  A  simple  and  wliolesome  dietary  is  enforced,  and  no 
mother  or  grandnu)ther  is  permitteil  to  ruin  digestion  and 
temper  by  administering  hrst  a  jioison  from  the  confectioner's 
and  tlien  anotiu'r  poison  from  the  druggist's.  Lessons  may 
[lerhaps  lie  h'arned  frnui  the  nursei'ies  of  the  Oneida  Com- 
nuuiity,  l)ut  not  the   h'sson   for  whii-Ii  the  Comnumity  cites 


•     i 


APPENDIX. 


357 


and  not  a 
rture  from 
delegation 
e  Connuu- 
lisiutogra- 
itti'e  finds 
u'ithin  the 
[•e  formed, 
e  range  of 

family  of 
>  paternal 
ise  of  the 

establish- 
11  be  still 

u:arded  as 
)gether  on 
II  nni'sing 
red  to  do 
ig,  Juerry 
fact  to  a 
id  all  its 
•('([  under 
lot  fail  to 
■  diseased 
•I'olugical 
tcrvtiiinir 

provided 
ings,  Ijut 
rtake  the 

ol'  infec- 
I.  and  no 
tion  and 
■etioner's 
ons  may 
da  Com- 
ity cites 


a  long  roll  of  the  hierophants  of  science,  that  it  is  good  in 
human  unions  to  disregard,  or  treat  as  secondary,  the  selec- 
tive instinct  of  affection,  and  to  bnied  human  beings  as  we 
breed  horses  or  swine. 

It  is  by  no  means  surprising  that  the  Perfectionists  should 
not  be  anxious  to  make  proselytes  to  the  possession  of  tlie 
Oneida  estate,  and  the  three  flourishing  factories  upon  it, 
any  more  than  the  lva})pites  are  anxious  to  make  proselytes  to 
their  millions.  We  read  in  the  Circular,  under  the  head  of 
Admissions: 

"  These  Conunuuit  ics  are  constantly  receiving  applications  for  admission 
which  they  ha.v('  to  rcjoct.  It  is  dirticult  to  state  in  any  brief  way  all  their 
reasons  for  tliiis  liinitiiii,^  their  minibers  ;  but  some  of  them  are  these: 
1.  Tiie  parent  ('oiiiiiiuuity  at  ( ineida  is  full.  Its  buildings  are  adapted 
to  a  crrtaiu  numbir,  and  it  wants  no  more.  2.  The  Mranch-C'umnuini- 
ties.  thnuuh  they  have  not  attained  the  normal  size,  have  as  many  mem- 
bers as  they  can  well  accommodate,  and  must  grow  in  numbers  only  as 
they  grow  in  capital  and  luiiidings.  ,'3.  The  kind  of  men  and  wonn'n  wiio 
;Hy  likely  to  make  the  Cumnmnities  grow,  spiritnaUy  and  jimincialhj,  are 
:v,u'ce,  and  have  to  be  sifted  out  slowly  and  cautiously.  It  should  be  dis- 
tinctly understood  that  tliese  Conununities  are  not  asylums  fm-  pleasure- 
seekers  or  persons  who  merely  want  a  home  and  a  living.  They  will 
receive  only  those  who  are  very  nnidi  in  eanu'st  in  religion.  They  have 
already  done  their  full  share  of  labor  in  criticising  and  working  over  raw 
recruits,  and  iiUend  hereafter  to  devote  themselves  to  other  jobs  (aplenty 
of  which  they  have  on  liaiid),  receiving  only  such  members  as  seem 
likely  to  help  and  not  hinder  their  work.  As  candidates  for  Comnninism 
multiply,  it  is  obvious  that  they  cannot  all  settle  at  Oneida  and  Walling- 
ford.  OtherCommunifies  nmst  be  formed  :  and  the  best  way  for  earnest 
disciples  generally  is  to  work  and  wail,  till  the  Spirit  of  J'entecost  shall 
come  on  their  neighbors,  and  give  them  conununities  right  where  they 
are." 

It  appears  that  from  a  pretty  early  period  regard  was  had 
to  "thumcial  "  as  well  as  to  "spiritual "  qualifications;  for  the 
amount  of  ju-operty  brought  in  l.»y  members  of  the  Community 
and  its  branches  u[»  to  l.S,"»7  \v;is,  according  to  the  ILoidhouk, 
if! [07,000.  This,  and  cheapness  of  living  in  common,  must  of 
course  be  taken  into  account  in  estimating  the  commercial 
success  of  tlie  Comnuinitv,  aud  tracinir  it  to  its  real  source. 


358 


QUKSriONS  OF  THE   DAY. 


That  the  Oneida  Community,  or  any  one  of  tlie  group  to 
which  it  belongs,  lias  solved  any  great  problem  for  humanity, 
or  even  tried  any  experiment  of  general  interest,  the  writer 
sees  not  the  sliglitest  ground  for  believing.  Of  course  noth- 
ing which  involves  celibacy  can  be  extended  beyond  a  few 
circles  of  fanatics,  such  as  the  monks  in  former  dnys,  or  the 
Shakers  in  ours;  and  the  abolition  of  the  fanuly  is,  except 
within  the  same  narrow  limit,  equally  impracticable  as  well 
as  utterly  revolting.  In  addition  to  whicli,  such  a  mode  of 
living  as  that  adopted  by  the  Oneida  Community,  and  essential 
to  the  application  of  their  princii)les,  is  wholly  at  variance 
with  the  general  conditions  of  industrial  life.  Close  to  the 
mansion  of  the  Community  runs  a  railroad  on  which  they  ship 
their  goods,  and  which  is  necessary  to  their  subsistence. 
Can  they  imagine  it  possible  to  organise  the  life  of  the  people 
em})loyed  upon  that  railroad  after  the  model  of  their  own? 
They  send  some  of  their  goods  across  the  ocean.  Do  they 
think  that  the  sailors  who  carry  these  goods  can  be  gathered 
with  their  families  into  a  communistic  home? 

There  is  at  Brooklin,  on  the  Southern  shore  of  Lake  Erie, 
another  community  which  has  attracted  notice  from  number- 
ing among  its  members  an  Englishman  of  some  distinction, 
l\\v.  Laurence  Oliphant.  About  this  association  little  is 
known,*  even  among  the  people  at  Oneida,  who  u  curiosity  it 
naturally  excites.  But  it  ai)i)ears  to  bo  not  a  counterpart  of 
Oneida,  but  a  small  groui)  t)f  householders  living  uiuler  tlie 
presidency  of  Mr.  Harris,  the  ])rophet  of  a  religion  akin  to 
Swedenborgianism,  and  entrusting  their  property  to  his  hands. 
So  long  as  that  property  holds  out,  the  ^'ommunity  may  of 
course  continue  to  exist  without  impugning  any  of  the  received 
laws  of  i)olitical  econoui},  f)r  introducing  any  new  principle 
into  the  world. 

It  is  true  that  there  may  be  points  worthy  the  attention  of 
the  social  patJKjlogist  in  connection  witli  the  tendencies  which 


'  'lliis,  it  will  Ix'  borno  in  minti,  \va-<  writlin  in  1871.  ' 
the  Lake  Kric  Cominuiiity  lia.s  been  since  revealed.  The 
firms  what  in  said  in  the  tt'Xt. 


I'ho  mystery  of 
revelation  con- 


APPENDIX. 


350 


e  group  to 
liuniiinity, 
the  writer 
urso  iioth- 
ond  a  few 
II  ys,  or  the 
is,  except 
ble  as  well 
a  mode  of 
d  essential 
it  variance 
ose  to  the 
1  they  ship 
ibsistence. 
the  people 
iheir  own? 
Do  they 
e  gathered 

jakc  Erie, 
1  nuuiber- 
istinetion, 
little  is 
uriosity  it 
torpart  of 
under  tlie 
n  akin  to 
his  liands. 
ty  may  of 
e  received 
principle 

;ention  of 
ies  which 

mystory  of 
,'latioii  cou- 


have  called  these  strange  structures  into  existence,  though  the 
subject  is  too  extensive  to  be  discussed  at  the  close  of  this 
paix'r.  Anujug  the  impelling  motives  have  evidently  been  the 
disijumi'ort  and  the  waste  attendant  on  the  domestic  economy 
of  our  separate  households,  which  advancing  civilisation  will 
surely  teach  us  in  some  degree  to  mitigate.  Another  motive 
is  the  desire  of  escaping  from  the  gloom  and  dulness  of  exces- 
sive family  isolation  into  more  mixed  and  more  cheerful 
society.  The  family  is  the  centre  of  happiness;  but  at  the 
same  time  a  man  and  Avoman  can  rarely  be  so  gifted  as,  after 
the  honeymoon,  to  be  absolutely  sufficient  for  each  other. 
The  writer  of  this  paper  was  once  the  guest  of  a  friend  resid- 
ing in  the  neighbourhood  of  Loudon,  and  in  the  middle  of  a 
district  of  suburban  villas.  On  his  noticing  the  number  of 
houses  bespeaking  opulence  which  was  visible  on  every  side, 
his  friend  replied,  "  Yes,  and  you  would  suppose  there  was  a 
great  deal  of  good  society  here.  There  is  absolutely  none. 
It  is  impossible  to  bring  these  families  together  for  any  social 
purpose  whatever.  The  man  goes  up  to  his  place  of  l)usiness 
in  London  every  morning;  stays  there  till  he  returns  home 
for  dinner,  then  reads  the  newspaper  the  rest  of  the  evening. 
For  two  months  in  each  summer  the  family  goes  to  a  water- 
ing-place where  it  lives  in  a  private  lodging  by  itself.  That 
is  the  whole  existence  of  these  people."  A  dr(>ary  and  a  trun- 
cated sort  of  existence  it  is.  Unfortunately  it  is  not  con- 
fined to  the  suburbs  of  London.  We  need  in  Canada,  as  much 
as  anywhere,  to  learn  the  art  of  })reserving  the  happiness 
of  tlie  family  by  sup]tlementing  it  with  the  enjoyments  of 
more  general  society  in  a  cheap  and  reasonable  way. 

Communism,  in  a  certain  sense,  was  no  doubt  the  original 
condition  of  mankind;  at  least  tribal  not  private  ownershij) 
ol  land  is  the  rule  of  primeval  history:  and  )>robably  this 
union  of  interest  served  an  important  purpose  in  the  founda- 
tion of  primitive  States.  A  temporary  communism  has  also 
played  a  memorable  jiart  in  the  commeneem«Mit  of  great  reli- 
gious or  social  enterprises.  The  first  i)reaehers  of  (.'hristinnity 
for  a  time  had  all  things  in  common,  ami  so  had  the  fouiuKns 


Il''  ' 

1 

j  , 

II  • 

I'ill ', 


'/8M 


y  I 


,  '\l 


300 


QUKSTIONS   OF  THE    DAY. 


of  X('\v  England.  ISronaohism  was  filso  conimunistic,  and 
partly  in  virtue  of  its  dctachniont  from  tlie  ties  and  cares  of 
property,  it  was  able  to  perform  a  miglity  work  in  the  conver- 
sion of  the  Barbarians,  and  the  foundation  of  Christian  civi- 
lisation. Besides  these  limited  instances,  extensive  though 
vague  manifestations  of  the  communistic  sentiment  have  gen- 
erally attended  the  great  crises  of  history,  such  as  the  Re- 
formation, and  the  English  and  French  Kevolutions.  It  is 
difficult  to  believe  that  such  yearnings  of  humanity,  though 
prenuiture  and  abortive,  are  without  any  signitican(;e.  "  Pro- 
perty has  its  duties  as  Avell  as  its  rights,"  is  a  sentiment  tlie 
distinct  expression  of  which  is  comparatively  of  recient  date. 
It  may  perhaps  gain  force  and  ascendancy  till,  in  the  course 
of  ages,  the  right  of  property  is  by  a  spontaneous  process 
virtually  merged  in  social  duty.  The  saying  of  the  Greek 
dramatist,  as  to  the  Omnipotence  of  time,  has  acciuired  new 
meaning  from  the  late  revelations  of  science  and  historical 
philosophy.  But  the  attempts  of  American  tSocialists  and  Com- 
munists at  once  to  transmute  humanity  by  founding  Utopias, 
have  all  come  to  nothing.  For  the  present,  the  only  seat  of 
connuunism,  and  the  proper  sphere  of  the  communistic  sen- 
timent, is  the  family,  if  the  Woman's  Kight  party  will  only 
have  the  wisdom  to  let  it  alone. 


istic,  and 
(I  cares  of 
lie  conver- 
•jtian  eivi- 
/e  tliough 
luive  gt'ii- 
s  the  Re- 
us. It  is 
y,  tliough 
e.  "  I'ro- 
iincnt  tlie 
;eiit  date. 
;he  course 
us  process 
the  Greek 
lired  new 
historical 
and  Com- 
?  ntojjias, 
\y  seat  of 
istic  sen- 
will  only 


